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The heads of government of the 20 most important industrialised and emerging countries agreed on a common position on a global minimum corporate tax in Rome at the weekend. Although only targets but no concrete measures were agreed on climate protection, some commentators see this as a fundamental step forwards in international diplomacy.

Facebook Inc. is now called Meta. The company will not just operate on social media but also aims to build a "metaverse" - a virtual second world that feels like the real one, only without spatial restrictions, its owner Mark Zuckerberg explained on Thursday. Commentators discuss whether the plan can work and if other motives are behind the rebranding.

Iceland has already introduced the four-day week and former Russian prime minister Dmitry Medvedev already predicted in 2019 that it would become standard. Covid is now giving the concept another boost: according to surveys many people not only want to continue working from home at least in part but would also prefer a 30-hour week to higher earnings. Observers are divided as to how quickly change will come.

The Finnish prosecutor's office filed charges on Friday against three journalists from the daily newspaper Helsingin Sanomat who published an article about military intelligence in 2017 based on classified documents. Finnish newspapers see the trial as a threat to their work.

Elsőfokú figyelmeztetést adott ki hétfőn délutánig (16:00) Nyugat-Szlovákiára vonatkozóan a Szlovák Hidrometeorológiai Intézet az erős szél (45 km/ó) és a heves széllökések (65 km/ó) előfordulásának veszélye miatt.

EURONEWS: Ez a világ utolsó és legjobb esélye. Végetért Rómában a G20-ak tanácskozása, és máris megkezdődött a COP26, az ENSZ klímacsúcs-konferenciája Glasgow-ban.

The EU-Mercosur Trade Agreement is the largest that the European Union has ever reached. We estimate its impact using a CGE with 41 sectors-4 factors-7 region (Spain, EU26, Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay and ROW), which includes two advanced features: 1) Climate of competition à la Melitz (2003) in various manufacturing sectors; and 2) Foreign multinationals in advanced service sectors, operating à la Krugman (1980). We calculate the initial and agreement-related CO2 emissions across regions. For year 16,
the agreement generates a small increase (0.14%) in CO2 emissions by the EU-Mercosur region which, however, translates into an improvement in the emissions/GDP ratio of the EU-Mercosur region (0,17% GDP increase) and for the world, as a whole.
Our results point out that this agreement is a “win-win” for its signatories. Everyone wins, but the impact will be more visible in the Latin American side. Our analysis of the total imports of the EU27 (i.e., jointly for the EU26 and Spain) shows that this agreement allows the Mercosur countries to export products in which they have a comparative advantage, while moving their export basket towards more complex products. It also allows the European side to improve its specialization in more complex sectors. Our results are generally higher than the ones in the literature. This is firstly because our
modeling includes components of the final agreement reached (Agreement in Principle of June 28, 2019) that, to our knowledge, have not yet been included in most previous studies, such as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in services and government procurement. Additionally, some of the previous studies focus on the effects for goods sectors, without including the impact on services. Moreover, our results would be much
smaller in a framework of perfect competition, as opposed to monopolistic competition à la Melitz (2003) in manufactures and to the imperfect competition à la Krugman (1980), adopted for the services sectors with multinationals.

The EU-Mercosur Trade Agreement is the largest that the European Union has ever reached. We estimate its impact using a CGE with 41 sectors-4 factors-7 region (Spain, EU26, Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay and ROW), which includes two advanced features: 1) Climate of competition à la Melitz (2003) in various manufacturing sectors; and 2) Foreign multinationals in advanced service sectors, operating à la Krugman (1980). We calculate the initial and agreement-related CO2 emissions across regions. For year 16,
the agreement generates a small increase (0.14%) in CO2 emissions by the EU-Mercosur region which, however, translates into an improvement in the emissions/GDP ratio of the EU-Mercosur region (0,17% GDP increase) and for the world, as a whole.
Our results point out that this agreement is a “win-win” for its signatories. Everyone wins, but the impact will be more visible in the Latin American side. Our analysis of the total imports of the EU27 (i.e., jointly for the EU26 and Spain) shows that this agreement allows the Mercosur countries to export products in which they have a comparative advantage, while moving their export basket towards more complex products. It also allows the European side to improve its specialization in more complex sectors. Our results are generally higher than the ones in the literature. This is firstly because our
modeling includes components of the final agreement reached (Agreement in Principle of June 28, 2019) that, to our knowledge, have not yet been included in most previous studies, such as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in services and government procurement. Additionally, some of the previous studies focus on the effects for goods sectors, without including the impact on services. Moreover, our results would be much
smaller in a framework of perfect competition, as opposed to monopolistic competition à la Melitz (2003) in manufactures and to the imperfect competition à la Krugman (1980), adopted for the services sectors with multinationals.