On 15 February 2016, the Council adopted Decision (CFSP) 2016/220[1] amending Council Decision 2011/101/CFSP.
The Decision extends the restrictive measures until 20 February 2017. The Decision maintains the measures against two persons and one entity and renews the suspension of the measures for five persons set out in Annex I to Decision 2011/101/CFSP. The measures against 78 persons and 8 entities are lifted. The Decision maintains the arms embargo in place.
The Candidate Countries Turkey, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia*, Montenegro*, and Albania*, the country of the Stabilisation and Association Process and potential candidate Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the EFTA countries Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway, members of the European Economic Area, as well as the Republic of Moldova and Armenia align themselves with this Council Decision.
They will ensure that their national policies conform to this Council Decision.
The European Union takes note of this commitment and welcomes it.
[1] Published on 17.2.2016 in the Official Journal of the European Union no. L 40, p. 11.
* The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania continue to be part of the Stabilisation and Association Process.
Az Országos Népi Gyűlés 2016. március 5-én tartott ülését követően a Kínai Népköztársaság vázolta a 2016-ra tervezett védelmi költségvetését, ami idén 954 milliárd jüant, vagyis 135 milliárd dollárt tesz ki.
Kína védelmi költségvetése globális szinten továbbra is a második legnagyobbnak számít, maga mögött hagyva mind az orosz, szaúdi, brit és francia büdzséket, ám még így is alig haladja meg az Egyesült Államok védelmi kiadásainak egynegyedét.
Az idei védelmi költségvetés az előző évihez képest 7,6%-os növekedést jelent, ami a korábbi évekhez viszonyítva alacsonynak számít, tekintve hogy az elmúlt húsz évben az éves növekedés mértéke többnyire meghaladta a 10%-ot.
Chen Zhou, a Kínai Hadtudományi Akadémia professzora szerint a növekedés mértékének csökkenése összhangban van a kínai gazdasági mutatók várható visszaesésével. A korábbi előrejelzésekhez képest idén jóval visszafogottabb GDP növekedés várható (6,5-7%), így a védelmi kiadások növelését is ehhez igazították.
A Xinhua hírügynökség szerint az őszi katonai parádén bejelentett 300 000 fős létszámcsökkenés is közre játszik a mostani költségvetés meghatározásakor. A kínai vezetés határozott célja a nagy létszámú, strukturális problémákkal, valamint a főleg helyi és regionális szinten jelentkező korrupcióval küzdő haderőn belül az eszközök modernizációja mellett a „szürkeállomány” fejlesztése. Az állomány képzésének reformjai mellett idén a szárazföldi haderő, haditengerészet, légierő és a rakétaerők (korábban: “második tüzérség”) mellett létrehozták a hadászati támogató erőt. Az egyelőre még kevésbé ismert haderőnemi szervezet hatáskörébe tartozik az általános támogató feladatok mellett a kiber- és űrvédelmi műveletek felügyelete.
A védelmi minisztérium szóvivője szerint az összhaderőnemi és hálózatközpontú hadviselésen alapuló képességek hatékonyabbá tétele volt többek között az egyik fő elképzelés a hét katonai körzet számának csökkentése és átszervezése mögött. A Kínai Népköztársaság átfogó védelempolitikai reformprogramjának részeként létrehozták az új Észak-, Dél-, Kelet-, Nyugat-, illetve Központi-körzeteket.
The Spring Social summit held a discussion on "a strong partnership for job creation and inclusive growth", focusing in particular on:
- The experience of implementing the country-specific recommendations (CSRs);
- Digitalisation: the labour market and skills challenges;
- Integrating refugees into the labour market: progress made and the role of social partners.
In his opening statement, the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, stressed the need to agree on well-adjusted measures and emphasised that : "I have no doubt that the successful integration of refugees into our labour markets is in our best interest. It is the only way to enable the newcomers to stand on their own feet. And it is the only way to turn the current wave of migration into an economic opportunity. But the integration of refugees must not be done on the back of the most vulnerable individuals of our own societies: the poor, the unemployed, the disadvantaged. Questions like "why do refugees get so much support from the government, while it seems to have given up on me?" are legitimate. We must not provide any breeding ground for such questions to arise. And this is where I very much count on the social partners. Their role in maintaining social cohesion in Europe is key".
The President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker underlined: "Across the European Union as a whole, we have seen a return to growth but we know unemployment remains far too high and there are still fragilities and uncertainties. And there are more challenges ahead, like the integration of refugees into the labour market. There is a lot of work to be done to advance towards a fair and truly European labour market. On this journey, social dialogue and the deepening of Economic and Monetary Union have to go hand in hand - indeed there cannot be one without the other - just as EU institutions, member states and social partners have to work hand in hand. That is what we are doing and today's dialogue is proof of that vital and close cooperation."
From the side of the rotating presidency, Netherlands' Prime Minister, Mark Rutte, said that "we need to deliver growth and employment to both citizens and companies in Europe. To this end it is crucial that member states address their challenges and implement necessary and sometimes difficult structural reforms. This is also why making the Single Market both deeper and fairer is a top priority of the Dutch Presidency. We need the European social partners to bring this agenda further. Lodewijk Asscher, Netherlands' vice Prime Minister and minister for Social Affairs and Employment stressed "The Netherlands presidency of the Council is committed to reinforcing the social dialogue. Therefore, the Presidency will continue discussions on this in the Council with a view to establishing a Council position. We are also looking forward to speak with social partners in the Informal EPSCO, that will be largely dedicated to the issue of labour mobility".
For the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) General Secretary, Luca Visentini put emphasis on “The ETUC is committed to working with employers and EU institutions for a strong and socially fair economy. The social partners' joint declaration on a new start for strong social dialogue underlines our readiness to help tackle the many challenges the EU is facing, and I urge the Commission and Council to support this declaration. The ETUC has agreed statements with employers on refugees, digitalisation and industrial policy. We are participating in the semester process and put forward more socially fair recommendations aimed at boosting investment and demand. We welcome the new social pillar and will engage in detailed discussions on content, and how it can be implemented. We will propose improvements to the revision of the posted workers directive. We deplore the lack of European unity in dealing with the humanitarian crisis facing refugees, and are actively encouraging and supporting the integration of refugees and migrants into the labour market - on the basis of equal treatment.”
BusinessEurope's President, Emma Marcegaglia, representing employers, declared "Europe is at a crossroads. A robust industry, supported by high-performing public services, is an indispensable basis to weather the multiple challenges facing us. Regulatory business environment has to be improved to strengthen private investments and job creation, in particular by SMEs. The European social partners - BusinessEurope, CEEP, UEAPME and ETUC- look forward to the swift adoption of the declaration on 'a new start for a strong social dialogue', in agreement with the Commission and Council. BusinessEurope's reform barometer 2016 shows that much more progress is needed to strengthen the implementation of CSRs. The European social partners have confirmed their interest in contributing to European solutions to the refugee crisis. Lastly, as part of a renewed European strategy on flexicurity, the EU employment policy agenda should be designed in a way that underpins the digital transformation of our economies".
The views cited in this text are those of the individual / organization concerned and do not collectively constitute the point of view of the Council or the European Council.
Sanjay Wijesekera is Chief of Water, Sanitation and Hygiene, UNICEF
By Sanjay Wijesekera
UNITED NATIONS, Mar 15 2016 (IPS)
Last year we watched with cautious optimism as UN chief Ban Ki-moon welcomed the new Sustainable Development Goals, and called upon the world to meet them.
Sanjay Wijesekera
Cautious, because we’d been here before. In 2000, the Millennium Development Goals were set – to try to lift people out of poverty, improve their health, protect the environment, and so on. They focused the attention of the world on clear, achievable targets.In the area of water, sanitation and hygiene, however, the MDGs did not try to reach everyone. They aimed to halve the proportion of the global population that didn’t have adequate drinking water, and halve the proportion of the population that didn’t have or use toilets.
The water goal was met but left 663 million people without improved drinking water in 2015. The sanitation goal was missed and 2.4 billion people still have no access.
The SDGs set a high bar of universal and equitable access to safe water, and adequate sanitation and hygiene. That is the challenge facing representatives of some 50 countries, the UN, and numerous civil society partners gathered in Addis Ababa this week for the Sanitation and Water for All Ministerial Meeting.
The SDGs force us to move beyond looking at infrastructure, to addressing accessibility, availability and quality of services that were not envisaged under the MDGs. They call for “safely managed” water, sanitation and hygiene services.
They call for extending WASH services, not only to households, but to schools, workplaces, and other institutions. They call for an end to dumping and water pollution; an end to open defecation; addressing water scarcity. This means we have to radically change our way of working.
For UNICEF this is a crucial challenge, because water, sanitation and hygiene underpin so much of the rest of the goals. Those related to nutrition, health, education, poverty and economic growth, urban services, gender equality, resilience and climate change cannot be met without progress on water, sanitation and hygiene.
It is so evident when it comes to children. Some 800 children under 5 years old die every day from diarrhoeal diseases linked to inadequate water, sanitation and hygiene. Around the world 159 million children are stunted, a condition linked to open defecation.
What we have to do is:
1. Focus on those furthest behind. Progress during the MDG era almost as a rule left behind the poorest and most marginalized. Generally, the wealthier groups of the population are served long before the poorest. Those not reached include the rural poor; those who live in urban slums; ethnic minorities; the disabled; and many women and children. We must deliberately target those who have so far been excluded.
2. Ensure good governance and accountability. Good policies, strong institutions, robust financing, competent monitoring systems and comprehensive capacity development are among the fundamental “building blocks” that are needed to deliver results. In Addis, we will agree how to put these building blocks in place and mainstream them within country plans.
3. Address the impact of climate change: Nearly 160 million children live in severely drought-prone areas, mostly in Africa and Asia, where safe drinking water and sanitation are already in short supply. Droughts affect nutrition, but also education, since children and women are the main carriers of water when it is scarce, eating up hours needed for school and other activities. Nearly half a billion children live in flood zones, the vast majority of them in Asia. Apart from the drowning risks to children, floods compromise water supplies and damage sanitation facilities, increasing the risk of diarrhoea outbreaks. Other water-borne diseases which are predicted to increase with higher temperatures include malaria, dengue, zika, and cholera. We must prepare for the consequences of climate change, especially for those already most vulnerable.
4. Use innovation, testing and data. In 2016, we know better and cheaper ways of testing water than we did in 2000, and can ensure that those ‘improved sources’ are also safe sources. We have ways of collecting and disseminating data which can help governments pinpoint the populations left behind. And we can use new technology to bring better and cheaper toilets, and better and safer water to the millions who don’t have them now.
Addis must be our springboard to action, because millions of people should not have to wait for years to have safe water, proper toilets and better hygiene.
(End)
Donald TUSK, President of the European Council, visits Cyprus on 15 March 2016, ahead of the European Council meeting on 17 and 18 March in Brussels.
Over the past decade, the profile of EU-Nigeria cooperation has been steadily increasing. It is grounded in the "EU-Nigeria Joint Way Forward " agreed between the EU and Nigeria in 2009.
By Ziauddin Choudhury
Mar 15 2016 (The Daily Star, Bangladesh)
In a surreal digital theft that befits a high octane movie thriller, we were recently informed of the daring heist at Bangladesh Bank in which nearly a billion dollars were siphoned off last month. As if this was not enough, the theft took place over several days early February through a series of about three dozen electronic fund transfers from the Bank to New York Federal Reserve for a total amount anywhere between eight hundred fifty to eight hundred seventy million dollars. All of the looted amount made through dozens of transfers would have been cashed had it not been due to the now famous spelling error in a twenty million check made to a Sri Lankan NGO. The error prompted the routing bank, Deutsche Bank, to seek clarification from the Bangladesh central bank, which stopped the transaction. But the mystery hackers still managed to swipe $80 million, one of the largest recorded bank thefts in history.
The news struck the headlines in the foreign press, particularly in the UK and the US, but what was possibly more puzzling to everyone is how a spelling error stopped a bank heist than the actual massive pilferage of funds from a central bank. The news highlighted the ability of a spelling error to stop the attempted digital robbery. It is through further investigation that news agencies came to know of the successful transfer of at least $80 million to the Philippines. All major news agencies referred to this latest heist as another instance of CEO fraud, a growing threat to world financial institutions that had cost globally $2 billion in the last two years.
So what is actually a CEO fraud, and how does the attack work? The scam is referred to as a CEO fraud because the perpetrator or perpetrators pose electronically as the chief executive or senior financial official of an institution they are targeting. For an attacker to successfully pull it off, they need to know a lot of information about the company they’re targeting. Much of this information is about the hierarchical structure of the company or institution they’re targeting. They’ll need to know who they’ll be impersonating. Although this type of scam is known as “CEO fraud”, in reality it targets anyone with a senior role – anyone who would be able to initiate payments. They will need to know their names, and their email addresses. It would also help to know their schedule, and when they will be travelling, or will be on vacation. Experts say the criminals managed to breach Bangladesh Bank systems and stole the credentials of its senior officials for online payment transfers. (The Federal Reserve of New York stated that the transfers had valid digital credentials of Bangladesh Bank.)
Frauds and scams that target corporations and financial institutions have happened before, but probably it is the first time a central bank was successfully targeted. The most sobering aspect of the heist is the divine intervention in foiling of the robbery in its entirety in the form of a spelling error.
It saved the bank much of the heist amount, and it could possibly recover some of the eighty million dollars that got away. It is also possible that with the help of international cyber security experts, that the bank has engaged, the source of the breach can be identified as well as corrections made in the bank’s system to prevent future breaches.
But the most unsettling part is the apparent revelation to the government by the bank’s news of the breach and heist after a month of its occurrence. There may be defense of some kind or the other for this delay, but it will be ludicrous to assume that the bank authorities chose to go hush-hush, lest the news adversely affects the financial market. A serious crime of this magnitude is not a paltry incident of burglary in a government office that may not warrant waking up the minister at night and reporting it to him. It is a major incident of financial loss just not to the bank, but the country of which the bank is a financial guard. Keeping news hidden from the government is like a house guard concealing the news of theft in the house from his master.
The original hacking of Bangladesh Bank happened between February 4 and 5, 2016, when the bank’s offices were shut. Security experts said the perpetrators had deep knowledge of the Bangladeshi institution’s internal workings, likely gained by spying on bank workers. This is not to say that some bank employees could be complicit, because the CEO fraud, as said earlier, does not necessarily require direct assistance of employees of the institution. They only need to follow the workers closely.
Perhaps in time, we will come to the bottom of this heist and find ways to prevent such occurrences in the future. But these will concern computer systems and digital security apparatus. What these will not do is change the human guards who watch over the institutions and their behaviour and determine how to react responsibly in crisis situations and own up to mistakes. This requires training and change of management of a different kind; one of accountability and leadership and courage to take responsibility for mistakes.
The writer is a political analyst and commentator.
This story was originally published by The Daily Star, Bangladesh
Ankara vient d’être le théâtre d’un nouvel attentat, à ce jour non revendiqué, bien que les responsables turcs aient désigné comme coupable le mouvement de guérilla kurde. Quelle est la crédibilité d’une telle accusation ? Doit-on y voir une tentative du PKK de faire entendre sa voix alors que son invitation aux négociations de Genève a été suspendue, le retour de la « sale guerre » entre les forces turques et les kurdes, ou une provocation des Faucons de la Liberté du Kurdistan ?
Pour l’heure, après l’attentat terrible qui a, une nouvelle fois, endeuillé Ankara, et dès lors qu’il n’y a pas eu de revendication, il n’est pas possible de formuler des hypothèses un tant soit peu précises. Si revendication il y a, nul ne peut prédire quand elle aura lieu. Mais il est clair que cette attaque s’inscrit dans une suite d’attentats de plus en plus rapprochés, d’Ankara à Istanbul en passant par des villes à l’est de la Turquie.
Plusieurs aspects de cette situation sont très préoccupants. Tout d’abord, l’état insurrectionnel de plusieurs quartiers et districts dans des villes à l’est de la Turquie, au sein desquels des combats font rage, rappelant singulièrement les scènes de guerres civiles en Syrie. La question kurde est ainsi extrêmement inquiétante car susceptible de s’aggraver considérablement sans que personne ne puisse la contrôler. Toutefois, à ce stade de l’enquête, attribuer les responsabilités de l’attaque d’Ankara au PKK ou aux Faucons de la Liberté du Kurdistan (un groupuscule ayant fait scission du PKK depuis de nombreuses années) relève de l’hypothèse.
La succession d’attentats à un rythme s’accélérant mérite l’expression de notre solidarité envers le peuple et les autorités turques. Il est cependant important de ne pas se précipiter dans la désignation de coupables, à ce stade inconnus. Il faut se garder de rentrer dans une logique de surenchère guerrière, et s’imposer sang-froid et lucidité. L’intensification des bombardements par la chasse turque contre des positions du PKK, situées dans les montagnes de Kandil au nord de l’Irak, est d’autant plus alarmante qu’elle s’est réalisée avant même que l’organisation revendique les attentats. L’opération militaire turque contribue à renforcer les tensions et va logiquement déboucher sur une riposte kurde. Cette situation nous rappelle que la « sale guerre », ayant déchirée le PKK et la Turquie dans les années 90, est redevenue d’actualité. Il est donc essentiel de tout faire pour éviter d’accroitre les affrontements militaires.
Face à l’intensification de l’opération militaire turque en territoire kurde, faut-il abandonner tout espoir de voir les deux parties s’asseoir à la table des négociations ? Ce réflexe guerrier n’est-il pas symptomatique d’une fuite en avant d’Erdogan, de plus en plus isolé sur la scène internationale ?
Il y a un paradoxe remarquable. En 2012, M. Erdogan, en tant que Premier ministre, avait eu le courage et la lucidité politiques d’initier un processus de négociation. Certes, l’initiative n’a pas eu les résultats escomptés mais elle a eu le mérite de faire tomber un tabou en permettant une négociation direct des autorités turques avec le PKK et son chef charismatique Abdullah Öcalan.
Malheureusement, depuis la fin du mois de juillet 2015, le processus de négociation a volé en éclat. Si l’on en croit les déclarations des autorités politiques turques, le PKK est redevenu l’ennemi public numéro un et une organisation terroriste à combattre par tous les moyens. La démarche politique de Recep Tayyip Erdogan, qui montrait que la Turquie excluait l’irréalisable éradication militaire du PKK, entre en contradiction avec la reprise des combats. Il est difficilement envisageable de désigner le parti kurde comme étant l’ennemi à abattre alors même que, pendant plus de deux ans, la Turquie a négocié avec.
Ainsi, il est plus que souhaitable qu’une perspective de solution politique renaisse dans les meilleurs délais, et que les représentants, tant de la partie kurde que turque, s’assoient autour de la même table. C’est la seule façon d’en sortir par le haut, et ce d’autant plus que la question kurde est certainement le principal défi posé à la Turquie. Il n’y aura pas d’achèvement du processus de démocratisation du pays sans règlement politique – et non militaire – de la problématique kurde.
Le regain de tensions entre la Turquie et les Kurdes s’inscrit dans un contexte de cessez-le-feu bien fragile en Syrie. Quels sont les espoirs de voir cette initiative perdurer ? Le statu quo entre les différentes forces présentes sur le terrain est-il tenable ?
C’est une question dont il serait bien présomptueux de donner une réponse totalement affirmative. On peut simplement constater l’atténuation des opérations militaires et des bombardements russes depuis maintenant deux semaines. Il y a bien sûr des entorses au cessez-le-feu mais la situation est nettement moins paroxystique que celle qui prévalait il y a encore un mois.
Deux objectifs sont désormais centraux : permettre aux organisations humanitaires de venir en aide aux populations, notamment dans les villes assiégées depuis parfois plusieurs mois, et soutenir la réactivation du processus de négociation. Il serait bien naïf de considérer que ce processus aboutira à des résultats rapides car il demeure une opposition majeure entre le gouvernement syrien et l’opposition armée. Les rebelles considèrent que toute solution politique doit avoir pour préalable le départ de Bachar Al-Assad, tandis que le gouvernement syrien et ses alliés estiment qu’un compromis politique, fondé sur des élections, est la seule porte de sortie acceptable.
Ces positions sont a priori irréconciliables mais c’est bien le propre du travail diplomatique que de dessiner un compromis malgré les antagonismes. Il est certain que les deux camps devront faire un pas l’un vers l’autre. La situation est extrêmement complexe mais le simple fait que les négociations soient réactivées est une nouvelle positive.
Le cessez-le-feu est globalement respecté et la volonté des différentes parties semble être de mise. Il faut que l’ensemble des forces en présence (la Syrie ainsi que les acteurs régionaux et internationaux) aillent dans le même sens. Le rapprochement entre Moscou et Washington est déjà remarquable, bien que des divergences réelles persistent.
Evidemment, le statu quo tel qu’il est à l’œuvre aujourd’hui n’est pas tenable à long terme. Mais, dans la mesure où il pourrait durer suffisamment longtemps pour permettre aux négociations de prendre de l’ampleur, ce serait un formidable pas en avant en direction d’une résolution du conflit syrien. La décision de Vladimir Poutine de retirer une partie des troupes russes de Syrie va en ce sens.
In an article published in Kathimerini on 13 March 2016 journalist Yannis Palaiologos reports on ELIAMEP’s White Book. The article is available here (in Greek).