Africa

Organic waste being composted at a community-led waste management facility in Sesdan village of Gianyar regency, Bali. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS

By Stella Paul
GIANYAR, Bali, May 14 2025 (IPS)

It was Christmas Eve last year when visitors across several tourism hotspots in Bali woke up to a ghastly scene they hadn’t expected: layers of cans, bags, bottles, and driftwood covering their favorite sandy beaches, washed up by hours of rain and high tide. So bad was the situation that from Kuta to Legian and Seminyak to Jimbaran—none of the island’s picturesque beaches was clean enough to attract the visitors for a swim.

The incident intensified the debate that had been raging across Bali for quite some time: was the world’s most picture-perfect holiday destination drowning in plastic waste and ocean debris?

“Garbage tides are not new to Bali nowadays. Every year, we see it increasing but around Christmas, when it’s the peak of our tourism season, we did not expect to see this. Nobody expected to see trash on the beach. All day we picked up the trash and cleaned the beach. It was not an easy job, says Siboto Sayeda, 25, who was one of the many locals who volunteered to remove the waste from the beaches. The cleaning drive—organized by a local NGO—went on for two days before tourists could swim again.

Nearly four months later, several beaches, including the beachfront of the ever-popular Kuta beach are still often barraged by a tide of waste.

Sweta Kala—a visitor from northern India’s Punjab who is in Bali for her honeymoon—says that the garbage on the beach has been a huge disappointment. “We chose to come to Bali instead of Goa (a beach destination in western India), but we haven’t been able to swim even once. The entire beach looks dirty. Our friends are advising us to move to Nusa Dua, but we already paid in advance for our entire vacation, she says.

Burn or Landfills? No Easy Solutions

Data from the Bali Central Bureau of Statistics (BPSJ) & Bali Tourism Authority (DISPARDA) shows that nearly 8 million tourists visited the island destination in 2024; of them, six million are foreigners. The total waste generated collectively by the visitors and the locals in the year was nearly 2 million tons. This is a 30 percent increase from the waste generated in 2020, says Fabby Tumiwa, Executive Director of the Institute for Essential Services Reform (IESR), a Jakarta-based energy and environment think tank.

“The causes of increased waste generation include a lack of awareness of waste management in most communities, including tourists visiting Bali. In addition, although district and city governments have regulations related to waste (such as waste sorting), enforcement of regulations and limited waste management infrastructure are still contributing to the increasing volume of waste, Tumiwa says.

Currently, the waste is usually deposited in a landfill, TPA Suwung, a 32-hectare landfill located in the heart of Bali or occasionally burned—especially in beach locations with no wide, motorable roads. However, the landfill is nearing its capacity, and the government is said to be scouting for new landfill sites in other parts of Bali.

A community-led solution movement

Thirty-three kilometers away from Kuta beach, villagers from 10 villages in Gianyar have joined hands to find a solution to the mounting waste – both organic and inorganic.

Named Merah Putih Hijau (Red White Green), the villagers’ group has clear goals: manage waste at the source so that there is no further need for either burning or dumping in the landfills; build a community-led circular economy model based on waste; and promote sustainable farming using organic manure while creating waste-based jobs and income for community members.

Their current efforts of the group, however, are primarily focused on running a waste composting facility Located in Sidan village, the facility is used to sort, compost, and package the organic waste. A visit to the center gives one a full view of those efforts, where a group of six to seven villagers can be seen engaged in various waste management activities. While a two-member team is seen sorting organic waste from inorganic waste, others are seen crushing, filtering, and packaging.

“This is a program run by, for, and of the villagers,” says Dewi Kusumawati, Project Manager at Mera Putih Hijau – it involves every villager’s active participation. “We begin by asking everyone in the village to sort their waste at home. Then, we collect the organic waste and bring it to this 3R-Transfer Depo (TPS3R) waste management facility, where it is used to produce quality compost.”

The history of the waste management program is connected to the official waste management program that, villagers say, hasn’t served its purpose to keep the island truly clean and at times has caused more harm than good.

Seven years ago, in 2017, the government of Indonesia set an ambitious target for waste management in its National Development Plan (Kebijakan dan Strategi Nasional). The target included reducing household waste by 30 percent and the handling of household waste by 70 percent by this year (2025).

As a part of this plan, in 2021 the government provided funding to all regencies to build village-level waste management facilities and accordingly, 129 facilities were built, including 36 in Gianyar Regency.  But less than 50 percent of the facilities are well-managed and operated, says Hermitianta Prasetya,  a Community Relation Manager at Bumi Sasmaya Foundation, which manages and funds Merah Putih Hijau.

According to Prasetya, the National Development Plan on waste management also included promoting organic farming and in 2019 the government passed a policy called Organic Farming System Provincial Regulation. But, in Bali, the farming sector is heavily dependent on chemical fertilizer and the new regulation didn’t have provisions to help farmers make a clear shift to using organic fertilizer with training or step-by-step technical guidance.  As a result, it became very hard to convince farmers to change to more sustainable agricultural practices such as using organic fertilizer.

The other reason behind this program has been curbing the current trend of sending waste to landfills: besides the government-owned landfill at Suwung, which handles 1,500 tons of waste every day, it is reported that there are also some 1,000 illegal open dump sites across the province, which pollute both the island’s water sources and environment.

“Currently, about 70 percent of the waste in Bali is taken to dump into landfills. The remainder is mainly organic waste that can be turned into compost. The Merah Putih Hijau program is trying to change the approach towards waste. So, we ask everyone in the village to sort their waste at home. Then, we collect the organic waste and bring it to this 3R-Transfer Depo (TPS3R) waste management facility, where it is used to produce quality compost. This compost then goes right back to the villagers to use in their farms. So, we are aiming to meet the village’s needs at where they are,” says Dewi Kusumawati, Manager of Merah Putih Hijau.

To help the villagers better understand the difference between organic and inorganic waste, the Merah Putih Hijau team also spends substantial time training villagers in separating organic and inorganic waste, composting, and different aspects of sustainable waste management as well as sustainable agriculture. The team has so far done dozens of trainings, says Kusumawati.

Persisting Plastic Problem

Despite their successful composting initiative, the Merah Putih Hijau team has a long way to go before achieving their dream goal of treating all waste locally. The biggest reason behind that is the ever-increasing volume of plastic and other non-compostable waste.

The team collects both organic and plastic waste. But right now, they do not have the capacity to recycle the inorganic waste. In their composting station, an entire room is filled with bundles of plastic bottles, bags, and other waste.  But in the absence of a recycling facility or a program, the waste keeps piling up.

This is a much bigger problem than a village community can handle, admits Prasetya, especially because managing plastic and other inorganic waste needs more effort, including technical expertise and specialized facilities. This cannot be done alone by a village community, and it will require partnership with other actors, including the government and the private business community.

The plan is now to start conversations for building those partnerships that can lead to bigger, stronger waste management initiatives, especially to tackle the plastic waste.

“We are going to create several local networks with hotels, restaurants, and other tourism-based businesses. We are already talking to government officials. Eighty percent of the Balinese population currently earn their livelihood from tourism. And piling garbage is a threat to our tourism and our livelihood. So, there is a common good for us to achieve by partnering and solving the plastic waste together,” Prasteya says.

Considering there are nearly 1300 hotels and restaurants in Giyaniar alone, this is going to be an uphill task for the community group to bring them all into one place and convince them to participate in a collective waste management movement. But Agastya Yatra, the head of the Bumi Sasmaya Foundation, believes that it is possible to do so. The garbage issue, he says, has already been noticed. Now, it’s time to find a solution that works in favor of the locals.

“Eighty percent of our people earn their living from tourism. So, we need solutions that will not affect tourism. We need to keep our tourists happy and for that, we need to keep our villages and beaches clean. This will work only if we join hands and work together,” he says. “Together, if we can segregate waste properly, recycle, and reuse, then slowly but surely, our problem with waste will vanish,” says Yatra.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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IPS UN Bureau, IPS UN Bureau Report, Bali

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By CIVICUS
May 14 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses Romania’s presidential election with Anda Serban, Executive Director of Resource Center for Public Participation (CERE), a civil society organisation (CSO) that focuses on public participation and transparency in decision-making processes.

Romania has experienced a dramatic shift in its political landscape following the presidential election rerun held on 4 May. The Constitutional Court ordered a new election after it annulled the December 2024 vote and disqualified far-right frontrunner Călin Georgescu due to electoral violations and alleged foreign interference. A new far-right candidate, George Simion, took first place in the first round of the rerun election, sending further shockwaves through Romania’s political establishment. A runoff vote between Simion and centrist Bucharest Mayor Nicușor Dan is scheduled for 18 May.

Anda Serban

What factors led to the decision to annul the first election?

Romania’s weak and corrupt institutions acted too late to address manipulation that destabilised our democracy. The court pointed to three main reasons for annulment: foreign interference in political campaigns, authorities failing to act on available information and the risky, short-sighted strategies employed by political parties seeking to undermine their opponents.

Judges found that illegal digital campaigning, foreign interference and campaign finance violations compromised the integrity of the election and decided a full rerun was necessary. Unlike other countries facing similar challenges, Romania’s response has been notably inadequate. While France, Moldova and the USA have tackled similar problems and some steps have been taken at the European level, Romania took far too long to act. In typical Romanian political and bureaucratic fashion, once information came out, politicians did nothing right away. Instead of following clear steps to act quickly, officials waited and tried to see how they could use it to their advantage.

How did this affect public trust in Romania’s democratic institutions?

This crisis exists within a broader context of eroding democratic norms. Trust was already low before the annulment, and with good reason. The government increasingly uses emergency ordinances to legislate, Bucharest’s city hall opens less than three per cent of its proposals for public debate and local authorities systematically ignore civic input. This comes on top of a poorly managed pandemic and a war in Ukraine across our border, with the aggressor’s voice amplified in social media.

Authorities have done nothing to reverse this trend. On the contrary, they have increasingly tried to restrict civic space and human rights. So when the election was suddenly annulled, it became the spark that ignited an already volatile situation. This ongoing institutional failure has had a profound impact on the credibility of the entire electoral process.

The aftermath of the court’s decision further damaged public confidence. Distrust intensified because authorities acted too slowly and inadequately. No senior official was held accountable. Without a public, transparent review, many people didn’t see this annulment as a real defence of democracy.

What role have established political parties played in the crisis?

The current situation stems partly from cynical political calculations by mainstream parties. The Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the National Liberal Party believed they could ride the wave of far-right and sovereigntist sentiment, represented by Georgescu, without serious consequences. They’ve maintained power for over 35 years. They assumed they could face him in a runoff and easily defeat him. But his support proved much stronger than they expected.

This miscalculation has now transformed the political landscape. Georgescu’s disqualification turned him into an anti-system symbol, despite being an insider and having held public jobs. Every candidate tried to claim the anti-system role, some more aggressively than others.

The resulting polarisation is unprecedented. Some Georgescu backers hoped to repeat a situation similar to the attack on the US Capitol on 6 January 2021. We’ve seen some insurrectionary slogans, such as ‘second round back’, fuelled by both real supporters and bots seeking to erode trust in the process.

Who were the leading candidates in the rerun first round?

Although the ballot looked very different from December, the ideological spectrum remained largely conservative. Most candidates appealed to the same pool of Christian-Orthodox voters. The biggest dividing line was foreign policy: some were pro-European Union (EU), others pro-USA, particularly pro-Trump, and a few pushed anti-Ukrainian, pro-Russian narratives.

The race effectively narrowed to five significant contenders. George Simion of the Alliance of Union of Romanians (AUR) emerged as Georgescu’s political heir. No one was able to fully capture Georgescu’s support base, but Simion came closest by copying his style and behaviour. He skipped all three official presidential debates, in one case staging a dramatic walkout with supporters, just as Georgescu did in 2024. While this showed a lack of respect for voters, Simion may have felt he had nothing to gain and only votes to lose. This strategy won him first place with 40.96 per cent of the vote.

Simion and AUR represent a clear threat to Romania’s European orientation. They are conservative on family and immigration, oppose human rights advances and are pro-Russian in foreign policy. The EU is under pressure from many fronts, and Simion’s rise adds to that strain.

The other candidates positioned themselves within this disrupted landscape. Bucharest’s mayor, Nicușor Dan, ran as an independent with the Save Romania Union’s support. He cast himself as the ‘lone wolf’ anti-system figure. During his mayoral term, he built coalitions in the city council for reforms. He received 20.99 per cent of the vote and will now compete with Simion in the runoff.

The three other candidates were Elena Lasconi, Crin Antonescu and Victor Ponta. Lasconi maintained that she should have been the rightful challenger to Georgescu in the previous runoff. She targeted Dan’s voters, accusing him of ‘stealing’ them. Antonescu, in contrast, represented continuity with the governing coalition. He relied on his rhetorical skills to fill the ‘calm statesman’ role Georgescu once sought. He showed a lot of pragmatism, expressing willingness to form any coalition – even with the far right – to stay in power. And Ponta emerged as a troubling surprise. He staged a political comeback with provocative proposals, adopting a Romanian version of Trump’s ‘Make America Great Again’ discourse.

How has disinformation shaped the electoral environment?

Online disinformation is moving at a scale we’ve never seen. In every election, parties try to shape the agenda, but when legions of bots flood social media to do it too, the rules change. Even if all parties use such tactics, it ends up being a matter of who has most resources to spread disinformation.

Media manipulation isn’t new, but its scale is unprecedented. We are constantly analysing campaign visuals and debating images of one candidate shared by another, while armies of trolls are flooding social media with copy-pasted comments on political and non-political posts alike.

Fortunately, civil society is fighting back against these information threats. CSOs are working with teachers to incorporate media literacy in schools, running workshops that equip young people to spot fake news and operating fact-checking services to debunk viral lies. As part of the NGOs for Citizens coalition, CERE launched an offline civic forum focused on TikTok’s role in this campaign to give voters the tools they need to navigate this flood of disinformation.

What are the prospects for the runoff?

Dan now battles for the support of first-round non-voters. Even if he manages to secure most of the votes received by all the other candidates, his electoral prospects appear limited unless he can attract a significant influx of new supporters. The key questions are how many of the 38 per cent who rejected Simeon Dan can persuade to participate and support him, and how effectively an anti-Simeon campaign can mobilise those who previously abstained.

A particularly notable development involves the PSD, Romania’s largest party, which has withdrawn from government and declared neutrality in the runoff, endorsing neither candidate. One optimistic interpretation suggests Dan asked political parties to keep a distance, believing them responsible for the substantial anti-system vote, and perhaps PSD agreed. We must also consider that anti-PSD sentiment has persisted for over a decade, particularly among diaspora voters, making the impact of its potential endorsement uncertain. More likely, however, a weakened PSD is simply distancing itself from the turmoil it helped create, hoping to return strengthened in eight to 10 months. Meanwhile, its loyal voting base now lacks direction, raising questions about whether they will gravitate toward Dan or Simion.

What remains unquestionably clear is that Romania’s continued alignment with Europe hinges entirely on achieving substantial voter participation in this pivotal runoff election.

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SEE ALSO
Romania: ‘People saw this election as an opportunity for change and expressed their dissatisfaction with the status quo’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Luliana Lliescu 28.Dec.2024
Romania: Protests erupt after court annuls presidential elections results CIVICUS Monitor 10.Jan.2025
Romania: Protests in Bucharest over election irregularities; government workers go on strike CIVICUS Monitor 30.Jul.2024

 

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By External Source
May 14 2025 (IPS-Partners)

 
Tom Fletcher is the United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, OCHA. He started his official duties on 18 November 2024.

Prior to taking up this role, Fletcher was the Principal of Hertford College at Oxford (2020-2024) and Vice Chair of Oxford University’s Conference of Colleges (2022-2024). He was British Ambassador to Lebanon (2011-2015) and Number 10 Foreign Policy Adviser to three UK Prime Ministers (2007-2011).

Fletcher previously served as Global Strategy Director of the Global Business Coalition for Education (2015-2019) and as chair of the UK Creative Industries Federation (2015-2020). He was awarded a CMG in 2011.

Fletcher has worked closely with the United Nations during his diplomatic career in Africa, the Middle East and Europe, including leading a report on technology for the UN Secretary General (2017). He is the author of ‘The Naked Diplomat’ (2016), ‘Ten Survival Skills for a World in Flux’ (2022), and two novels, ‘The Ambassador’ (2022) and ‘The Assassin’ (2024). He has written for the Financial Times, Prospect and Foreign Policy Magazine, and presented a BBC series on democracy.

Fletcher holds a Master of Arts degree in Modern History (Oxford, 1998). He was Visiting Professor at New York University (2015-2020) and the Emirates Diplomatic Academy (2016-2019). He is fluent in English and French, and has a good working knowledge of Arabic and Swahili.

ECW: How can education – especially for the 234 million crisis-affected children in urgent need of education support – better strengthen efforts to protect civilians, ensure human rights and foster adherence to international humanitarian law?

Tom Fletcher: Education is a frontline necessity in humanitarian crises – not an afterthought or something that can be dealt with later. Everywhere I go, I see how education provides children with a sense of normalcy, safety and hope amid the chaos. Learning is a shield against the threats and trauma of war and disaster. A child in school is less likely to be recruited by armed groups, exploited or harmed – and at its best, education instills values of peaceful coexistence, dignity, respect for each other, and for the agreed rules and laws that benefit everyone.

ECW: As a professor, diplomat and humanitarian, you know education’s transformative power. Today, with crises escalating, funding contracting and priorities competing, why must public and private donors see education as a life-saving intervention, not a secondary need? What are the consequences if we fail to sustain funding through multilateral funds like Education Cannot Wait, especially for crisis-affected children in the hardest-hit contexts?

Tom Fletcher: We know that education stabilizes communities, protects children and plants the seeds of peace. Without it, we don’t just skip lessons – we lose generations. It is the deepest tragedy that in a place like Gaza, some 658,000 school-aged children are without formal education because nine out of 10 of their schools are damaged or destroyed by the war. Without a school to go to, these children are more vulnerable, their human rights are undermined, and their futures hang in the balance.

But we are also facing a brutal funding crunch and we are reimagining the entire humanitarian enterprise. At the heart of this humanitarian reset will be three simple ideas: we will be smaller, closer to those we serve and robust in the protection of civilians. Education is one of our most powerful tools in this endeavour, and multilateral funds like Education Cannot Wait – thanks to the vision, courage, tenacity and leadership of Sarah and Gordon Brown, the latter also ECW’s founder – give us the means to deliver hope. Failing to fund education means we don’t just turn our backs on children, but we risk perpetuating the very cycles of poverty and instability we claim to fight.

ECW: The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN-OCHA) drives global efforts to respond to humanitarian crises in Sudan, Ukraine, Gaza and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, among others. Why is education crucial in humanitarian crises, and how does it foster peace, security and economic development for all?

Tom Fletcher: In conflict-affected countries, one in three children – approximately 103 million children – are out of school, which is three times the global rate (Save the Children analysis 27 Dec 2024). Addressing this educational gap is essential: Education promotes understanding and helps young people turn away from the pull of extremist ideologies. In the long run, education drives economic progress by giving girls and boys the tools to build their own futures. That is why, even amidst a war, the classroom can be the most powerful place – a space where children can rediscover hope, dignity and purpose.

In every humanitarian crisis I’ve seen, once people find safety, education is among the first services they seek. It’s where healing begins. It’s where recovery takes root. Education is the antidote to despair and division because it teaches young people how to reclaim their place in the world.

ECW: UN-OCHA plays a key role in support of ECW investments in education in emergencies and protracted crises through its humanitarian coordination system which, alongside UNHCR’s refugee coordination role, is essential to the efficient, effective delivery of quality education in crises. Why are the UN-OCHA and UNHCR coordination systems crucial, and how can they be further strengthened?

Tom Fletcher: Coordination isn’t a bureaucratic nicety – it’s how we save more lives with the resources we have. Alongside UNHCR and our many partners, we form the backbone of a coordinated humanitarian response – to support our frontline colleagues’ efforts to reach people in their hour of greatest need. But we can and must do better. This means handing over decision-making power to partners on the ground who know their communities best, streamlining processes to reduce duplication and investing in local capacity. Our mantra must be: Local where possible and international only when necessary. That’s how we can ensure that education in emergencies arrives quickly in a way that truly meets the needs of the communities we serve.

ECW: We all know that ‘readers are leaders’ and that reading skills are key to every child’s education. What are three books that have most influenced you personally and/or professionally?

Tom Fletcher:
“Ministry of the Future” by Kim Stanley Robinson
“Silk Roads” by Peter Frankopan
“Team of Rivals” by Doris Kearns Goodwin

 

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Livestock in eastern Mauritania are dying due to drought. Credit: UNHCR/Caroline Irby

By Danielle Nierenberg
BALTIMORE, Maryland, May 14 2025 (IPS)

Here’s a question: Over the past 40 years, what natural disaster has affected more people around the globe than any other?

The answer, according the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), is drought.

The past 10 years have been the hottest 10 years on record, and higher temperatures and drier conditions are making more regions vulnerable to drought and arid land degradation, or desertification. This process is “a silent, invisible crisis that is destabilizing communities on a global scale,” according to the U.N. Office for Disaster Risk Reduction.

Globally, the nearly 2 billion people who live in dryland areas are often the first to face hunger, thirst, and the devastating effects of poor soil and environmental decline, says Dr. ML Jat, the Director of Resilient Farm and Food Systems at the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics (ICRISAT).

And the next generations will feel the effects: UNICEF predicts that, by 2040, one in four children will live in areas of extremely high water stress. But there is a path toward a better future—there are farming and food-system solutions that allow us to nourish communities in hotter, drier climates.

Indigenous crops, for example, are naturally adapted to the extreme weather in desert regions and can strengthen food security, community health, and local ecosystems. I’ve long admired the work of organizations like Native Seeds/SEARCH, which conserves seeds so they can continue to benefit the peoples in the Southwest and Mexico, and the Arizona Alliance for Climate-Smart Crops, which supports farmers in adopting climate-smart crops and practices that conserve water.

“Wild desert plants have a remarkable number of adaptations to cope with heat, drought, unpredictable rainfall, and poor soils—the sorts of stressful growing conditions we are already seeing and expect to see more of in the future,” Dr. Erin Riordan of the University of Arizona told Food Tank.

And at the same time, there are innovative solutions we can elevate to restore degraded landscapes and combat further desertification! The UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) is supporting several amazing projects in Africa, including the Great Green Wall Initiative, which works across 22 countries to revitalize fertile land and transform lives.

And in Somalia, UNDP is partnering with local leaders to construct reservoirs and dams to improve water access and address deforestation and desertification.

We can’t solve these challenges alone. A fascinating new ICRISAT report looks at the power of microbes to boost crop yields and restore soil health in dryland farming systems. These microbes could include bacteria that improve nitrogen-fixation, which can improve soil fertility, and other microorganisms that can control diseases and crop pests.

And we need a whole-of-society approach to combating desertification—especially in parts of the world that have not traditionally struggled with arid landscapes and water scarcity, because, as we know, natural disasters like drought are affecting more and more people as the climate crisis deepens.

As he always does, author and agro-ecologist Gary Paul Nabhan writes powerfully about what all of us across the entire food system must do to prioritize Indigenous crops and adapt to changing environments.

“If farmers shift what crops they grow, they will need consumers, cooks, and chefs to adapt what they are willing to prepare and eat in the new normal,” he wrote in a great op-ed for us at Food Tank. “It is time to turn the corner from corn and soy monocultures to the sesames, prickly pear cactus, garbanzos, millets and mulberries of the world that desert dwellers have eaten in delicious dishes for millennia.”

How are food and agriculture system leaders in your community working to protect land from becoming degraded? I love hearing stories of creative solutions, like the ones I’ve highlighted here, so please say hello at danielle@foodtank.com and tell me about the microbes, Indigenous crops, and land management techniques that will help us nourish our neighbors and adapt our food systems in hotter, drier climates.

Food Tank is a registered 501(c)(3), and all donations are tax-deductible. Danielle Nierenberg has served as President since the organization began and Bernard Pollack is the Chair of the Board of Directors.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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An amendment to Hungary’s constitution includes the banning and criminalisation of Pride marches and their organisers. Credit: Sara Rampazzo/Unsplash

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, May 13 2025 (IPS)

A controversial amendment to Hungary’s constitution has left the country’s LGBTQI community both defiant and fearful, rights groups have said.

The amendment, passed by parliament on April 14, includes, among others, the banning and criminalisation of Pride marches and their organisers, with penalties including large fines and, in certain cases, imprisonment.

It also allows for the use of real-time facial recognition technologies for the identification of protestors.

It has been condemned by domestic and international rights groups and members of the European Parliament (MEPs) as an assault on not just the LGBTQI community but wider human rights.

And there are now fears it will lead to a rise in violence against LGBTQI people whose rights have been gradually eroded in recent years under populist prime minister Viktor Orban’s authoritarian regime.

“There is serious concern that this legislative package could lead to an increase in threats, harassment, and violence against LGBTI communities in Hungary. When authorities criminalise Pride organisers and create a chilling effect on peaceful assembly, it not only emboldens hostile rhetoric but also signals impunity for those who wish to intimidate or harm LGBTI people,” Katja Štefanec Gärtner, Communications and Media Officer, ILGA-Europe, told IPS.

“The risks are not theoretical. Pride marches have long been a target for extremist groups, and this legal crackdown sends a dangerous message: that state institutions may no longer protect those marching but instead criminalise them. This creates an unsafe and unpredictable environment for all those standing up for human rights and democratic freedoms,” she added.

The amendment codifies legislation already passed in March banning LGBTQI events. It was met with widespread outrage in the LGBTQI community in Hungary. But there was also defiance, with Pride organisers insisting the event would go ahead.

Budapest’s mayor, Gergely Karácsony, also backed the organisers, pledging last month to help them find a way to hold the event despite the new legislation.

But while LGBTQI activists have said they will not give in to the new law, groups working with the community say some LGBTQI people have been shaken by the legislation.

“Depending on who you speak to, the mood now among the LGBTQI community is one of fear and worry or defiance,” Luca Dudits, press spokesperson for the Hatter Society, one of Hungary’s largest LGBTQI NGOs, told IPS.

“We will see how the new provisions [in the amendment] will affect the lives of LGBTQI people in the upcoming months, especially in June, which is Pride month, with the march taking place on the 28th,” she added, noting that after legislation was passed in 2021 banning the depiction and promotion of “diverse gender identities and sexual orientations” to under 18s, there had been  “a wave of violence and discrimination against LGBTQI people”.

“I’m hoping this will not be the case this time. A lot of people have expressed their solidarity and said that they will attend the Pride March for the first time because of this shameful constitutional amendment,” Dudits said.

Outside Hungary, organisations and politicians have also raised the alarm over the legislation.

In a letter sent to the European Commission (EC) on April 16, dozens of LGBTQI and human rights organisations demanded the EC take immediate action to ensure the event can go ahead and that people can safely attend.

They said the ban on LGBTQI events was an attack on EU fundamental rights of freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression and that its provisions marked a significant infringement on privacy and personal freedoms protected under EU law.

Meanwhile, MEPs among a delegation which visited Hungary from April 14-16 attacked the ban and said they were calling on the EC to request the European Court of Justice to suspend the law pending further legal action.

One of the MEPs, Krzysztof Smiszek, of the Polish New Left, said the new law had led to a rise in violent attacks and hate crimes against the LGBTQI community in Hungary.

The government has defended the amendment, with Orban saying after the vote in parliament that it was designed to “protect children’s development, affirming that a person is born either male or female, and standing firm against drugs and foreign interference”.

The amendment also declares that children’s rights take precedence over any other fundamental right (except the right to life) and codifies in the Constitution the recognition of only two sexes – male and female – essentially denying transgender and intersex identities.

It also allows for the suspension of Hungarian citizenship for some dual nationals if they are deemed to pose a threat to Hungary’s security or sovereignty.

Many observers see the ban and the other measures included in the amendment as part of a wider attempt by Orban’s regime to suppress dissent and weaken rights protections as it looks to consolidate its grip on power by scapegoating parts of the population, including not just LGBTQI people but migrants and civil society groups, to appeal to conservative voters.

“Authoritarian governments around the world have discovered a playbook for keeping in power – it involves vilifying certain communities. That’s the logic behind attacks on LGBTQI communities and that’s what’s behind this. I don’t think Orban cares one way or the other about LGBT people; it’s just that they are an easy target,” Neela Ghoshal, Senior Director of Law, Policy, and Research at LGBTQI group Outright International, told IPS.

“Once you prohibit one form of protest or dissent, it becomes easier to prohibit all forms of dissent. I really do think Orban wants to prohibit all forms of dissent. He is seeking absolute power; he is not interested in the traditional architecture of democracy, i.e., checks and balances and accountability,” she added.

Dudits also pointed out the absurdity of the reasoning behind the government’s defence of the amendment.

“It is true that a large majority of society are either male or female. However, there are some people who have sex characteristics (chromosomes, hormones, external and internal sex organs, and body structure) that are common to both sexes. Intersex conditions occur in many different forms and cover a wide range of health conditions. The amendment is therefore even scientifically unsound, contradicting the very biological reality that it claims to be defending so belligerently,” she said.

If picking up voter support is behind the regime’s attacks on its perceived critics, it is unclear to what extent this policy is working.

Parliamentary elections are due to be held in Hungary in April next year and current polls put Orban’s Fidesz party – which has been in power since 2010 – behind the main opposition party, Tisza, amid voter concerns about a struggling economy, a crumbling healthcare system, and alleged government corruption.

Meanwhile, although some MEPs have publicly condemned the amendment, since the parliamentary vote the EC has said only that it needs to analyse the legislative changes to see if they fall foul of EU law but would not hesitate to act if necessary.

Rights groups say EU bodies must take action or risk allowing even greater curbs on freedoms in Hungary under Orban.

“From scapegoating LGBT people to suspending Hungarian citizenship of dual citizens, the Hungarian government is cementing a legal framework that is hostile to the rule of law, equality, and democracy in blatant violation of EU law,” Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said in a press release.

“Orban has shown once more his willingness to trample rights and shred protections, and there is no reason to think he won’t continue on this authoritarian path. EU institutions and member states should stand in solidarity with those in Hungary upholding EU values and do everything they can to halt the downward spiral toward authoritarianism,” he added.

Ghoshal said, though, that whatever happens, the LGBTQI community in Hungary would not give up their rights.

“The community has been through cycles of oppression and freedom. The younger members might not be able to remember it, but older members of the community will know what it is like to live under an authoritarian regime; it is in the country’s history. They have also had a taste of freedom too and they will not want to give that up.

“I think there will be a Pride march and I think there could be state violence and arrests there, but the community will remain defiant no matter what,” she said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Credit: UN Photo/Laura Jarriel

By Antonio Guterres
UNITED NATIONS, May 13 2025 (IPS)

Next month marks the 80th anniversary of the United Nations Charter.

The Charter is our roadmap to a better world – our owner’s manual setting out purposes and principles – and our practical guide to advancing the three pillars of our work: peace and security, development and human rights.

Anniversaries are a time to look back and celebrate – but they are even more a time to cast our eyes to the future. It is only natural – especially in a period of turbulence and tumult – to look ahead and ask central questions:

How can we be the most effective Organization that we can be? How can we be more nimble, coordinated and fit to face the challenges of today, the next decade, and indeed the next 80 years?

The UN80 Initiative is anchored in answering these questions – and equipping our organization in an era of extraordinary uncertainty.

Yes, these are times of peril.

But they are also times of profound opportunity and obligation. The mission of the United Nations is more urgent than ever. And it is up to us to intensify our efforts to deliver the Sustainable Development Goals and be laser-focused on implementing the Pact for the Future with its many pathways to strengthen multilateralism.

As indicated in my letter of 11 March, the UN80 Initiative is structured around three key workstreams:

First, we are striving to rapidly identify efficiencies and improvements under current arrangements.

Second, we are reviewing the implementation of all mandates given to us by Member States.

And third, we are undertaking consideration of the need for structural changes and programme realignment across the UN system.

Under the first workstream on efficiencies and improvements, Under-Secretary-General Catherine Pollard is leading a Working Group for the Secretariat that is developing a management strategy to design a new business model for the Organization.

The Working Group is focused on developing cost-reduction and efficiency-enhancement proposals in management and operations across the UN Secretariat.

It is reviewing administrative functions to identify redundancies, streamline processes, and design integrated solutions – with cost-benefit analyses and clear implementation roadmaps.

Priority areas include:

Functional and structural consolidation; Workforce streamlining; Relocating services from high-cost duty stations; Centralizing IT and support services, and expanding automation and digital platforms.

While the Working Group’s immediate focus is on management and operational areas, the rest of the Secretariat will be expected to contribute towards the efficiency agenda.

For example, all Secretariat entities in New York and Geneva have been asked to review their functions to determine if any can be performed from existing, lower-cost locations, or may otherwise be reduced or abolished.

This especially pertains to those functions that do not directly support inter-governmental bodies in New York and Geneva.

With respect to the broader UN system, in April, the High-Level Committee on Management identified potential system-wide efficiency measures in areas such as human resources management, supply chain management and information and communications technologies.

Concrete proposals are now being developed, including identifying services that system organizations can provide quicker, at a lower price or through more competitive contracts.

This brings me to the second workstream: mandate implementation review.

As stated in my 11 March letter, this workstream is about how the UN system implements mandates entrusted by Member States.

We will not review the mandates themselves. Those are yours to decide on. Our job is to examine and report on how we carry them out, and our goal is to simplify and optimize how we do so.

Nearly twenty years ago, in 2006, an analysis of mandates and the “mandate-generation cycle” was carried out by the Secretariat.

A number of problems were identified, including burdensome reporting requirements, overlap between and within organs, an unwieldy and duplicative architecture for implementation, and gaps between mandates and resources.

But let’s be frank. Most of these problems are not only still with us – they have intensified.
We must do better.

Our review will be conducted holistically – looking at the entire universe of mandates, and at the entirety of their implementation. This review, therefore, cannot be limited to the UN Secretariat, but it will start there.

We have already completed an identification of all mandates reflected in the programme budget – and will soon do so for the rest of the system.

The review has so far identified over 3,600 unique mandates for the Secretariat alone. It is now deepening its examination, clustering these mandates using various analytical lenses.

After this analytical work, relevant entities and departments will be invited to identify opportunities for improvements and consolidation of efforts.

This should result in the identification of duplications, redundancies, or opportunities for greater synergy on implementation. Naturally, based on this work, Member States may wish to consider the opportunity to conduct themselves a review of the mandates.

There can be no doubt that the thousands of mandates in place today – and our machinery to implement them – stretch the capacities of Member States, especially those with smaller missions, and the UN system beyond reason.

It is as if we have allowed the formalism and quantity of reports and meetings to become ends in themselves.

The measure of success is not the volume of reports we generate or the number of meetings we convene. The measure of success – the value, purpose and aim of our work – is in the real-world difference we make in the lives of people.

This brings me to the third workstream: structural changes.

Proposals on structural change and programme realignment are likely to emerge from the mandate implementation review. But we have already got the ball rolling by soliciting the views of a number of UN senior leaders.

Their initial submissions – nearly 50 in all – show a high level of ambition and creativity.

Last week, we deepened some of our ideas and thinking about structural changes in a dedicated session of the UN System Chief Executives Board for Coordination.

I felt a strong sense of collective determination and responsibility from the leaders of UN entities – a shared resolve to strengthen the system and assume the challenge of change and renewal – and a united commitment to bring to you, our Member States, concrete and ambitious proposals for a renewed United Nations.

The UN system is highly diverse consisting of organizations with a wide variety of structures and mandates. To advance our three workstreams, I have established seven UN80 clusters – under the coordination of the UN80 Task Force and in close cooperation with the Secretariat Working Group.

Each of the seven clusters bring together the organizations that contribute to a similar specific global objectives and similar areas of work. They will advance efforts in the three UN80 workstreams – identifying efficiencies and improvements, mandate implementation review, and possible structural changes.

They will be managed at the Principals’ level and will consist of the following:

Peace and security, coordinated by DPPA, DPO, OCT, and ODA;

Development in the Secretariat and in development we have two clusters because the work in the Secretariat is very different from the work in the Agencies, but the two clusters will be working very closely together. So, development in the Secretariat is coordinated by DESA, UNCTAD, ECA, and UNEP;

Development (UN System), coordinated by UNDP, UNOPS, UNICEF and DCO;

Humanitarian, coordinated by the Emergency Relief Coordinator, WFP, UNICEF, UNHCR, and IOM; Human Rights, coordinated by OHCHR; Training and Research, coordinated by UNU and UNITAR; and finally Specialized Agencies, coordinated by ITU and ILO.

They will be the locomotive force for concrete proposals. And they will operate at the high level of ambition that our times demand – and that also echo in large measure the calls contained in the Pact for the Future.

In all three workstreams, my objective is to move as quickly as possible.

Initiatives impacting on the [Proposed] Programme Budget for 2026 prepared under the coordination of the Secretariat Working Group will be included in the revised estimates for the 2026 budget to be presented in September.

As you know, the budget for 2026, the proposal was already given to ACABQ some time ago and it will be impossible to change it at the present moment. We will revise our proposals and present the revised version in September on time for the process to take place for the approval of the budget before the end of the year.

Additional changes that require more detailed analysis will be presented in the proposal for the Proposed Programme Budget for 2027. We expect meaningful reductions in the overall budget level.

For example, let me describe what is under consideration in the peace and security cluster.

First – resetting DPPA and DPO, merging units, eliminating functional and structural duplications, getting rid of functions that are also exercised in other parts of the system. I believe we’ll be able to eliminate 20% of the posts of the two departments.

Second – a similar exercise of streamlining the civilian part of Peacekeeping.

Third – The consolidation within OCT of all counterterrorism activities spread in the system.

Fourth – a review of the present structure of Regional Offices, Special Representatives and Envoys aiming at a consolidation of the system – with increased functionality and meaningful savings.

The level of reduction of posts that I have outlined for DPPA and DPO must be seen as a reference for the wider UN80 exercise, naturally taking into account the specificities of each area of work.

There might be immediate, one-off costs involved in relocating staff and providing potential termination packages. But by moving posts from high-cost locations, we can reduce our commercial footprint in those cities and reduce our post and non-post costs.

We have already seen considerable savings in New York by terminating the lease of one building and moving staff into other existing premises – and we expect to close two more buildings when their leases expire in 2027 with considerable savings.

While the regular budget is our immediate focus, the efficiency efforts will include the entire Secretariat across all funding streams. This will entail some difficult decisions as we assess structures and processes and seek meaningful efficiencies.

The impact on Member State contributions will be visible for years. But we cannot achieve the efficiencies required unless we also focus on the programmatic areas of our work.

Dedicated outreach with the wider UN system is now underway, and will take profit of the work of the established clusters. Additional proposals resulting from the other workstreams will be submitted to Member States for consideration as appropriate.

Many changes will require the approval by the General Assembly this year and next. I will consult closely and regularly with Member States on progress, seeking guidance on the way forward, and presenting concrete proposals for discussion and decision-making when appropriate.

We know that some of these changes will be painful for our UN family. Staff and their representatives are being consulted and heard. Our concern is to be humane and professional in dealing with any aspect of the required restructuring.

The UN80 Initiative is a significant opportunity to strengthen the UN system and deliver for those who depend on us.

It is central for implementing the Pact for the Future. It is crucial for advancing the Sustainable Development Goals. The needs of the people we serve must remain our guiding star.

We must always stick to principles. We must never compromise core values. We must forever uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

We will advance all this work so that our three pillars – peace and security, development and human rights – are mutually reinforced, and the geographical balance of our workforce and our gender and disability strategies will be preserved.

And we will be ever mindful of the interests of all Member States – developing countries, in particular. Your active engagement and support for the UN80 Initiative is vital to ensure that efforts are inclusive, innovative, and representative of the needs of all Member States.

The success of the UN80 Initiative depends on all of us living up to our shared and complementary responsibilities. Many decisions ultimately are in your hands as Member States. Many of you have agreed that this must be the moment to be bold and ambitious.

That is what our Organization needs – and that is what our times demand. Make no mistake – uncomfortable and difficult decisions lie ahead.

It may be easier – and even tempting – to ignore them or kick the can down the road.
But that road is a dead end. We cannot afford to act in any other way than with the highest level of ambition and common purpose.

Let us seize this momentum with urgency and determination, and work together to build the strongest and most effective United Nations for today and tomorrow.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

UN Secretary-General’s briefing to delegates on the UN80 initiative.

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, May 13 2025 (IPS)

A six-page internal document, marked “STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL” on every single page – indicating restricted access to protect sensitive information– is one of the most comprehensive “compilation of non-attributable suggestions by the UN80 Task Force” on the proposed restructuring of the world body.

The memo says “the progressive proliferation of UN agencies, funds, and programs has led to a fragmented development system, with overlapping mandates, inefficient use of resources, and inconsistent delivery of services”.

Excerpts from the document.

• Outdated working methods leading to inefficiencies while intergovernmental meetings are not making use of modern tools and technologies.

• Overlapping agendas – such as between ECOSOC and its functional commissions and expert bodies, and those of the General Assembly and its Second and Third Committees – leading to duplication of efforts.

• Geopolitical shifts and substantial reductions in foreign aid budgets challenging the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Organization and

• the continued inflation of Under-Secretaries-General (USG), Assistant Secretaries-General (ASG) and Directors (D) positions.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres

Ambassador Anwarul K. Chowdhury, a former Under-Secretary-General and High Representative of the UN (2002-2007) and Permanent Representative of Bangladesh to the UN (1996-2001), told IPS Secretary-General Antonio Guterres would be remembered for introducing fancy nomenclature for his initiatives such as “Pact for the Future” which got acronymized as POTF and UN 2.0 and now UN80.

“It is difficult to understand why the long overdue structural and programmatic reforms of the UN system need to be timed with the organization’s 80th anniversary. Expectedly, such anniversary-rationaled and liquidity-crunch-panic-driven, window-dressing reform agenda would face major challenges before it takes off.”

Since it was launched at the beginning of last March, the UN80 initiative has not been discussed with the UN Member States who would decide its fate or civil society, or most importantly, , its staff the backbone of the organization, and its staff members who are expected to be most directly affected in a major way, said Ambassador Chowdhury, who was also the Chairman of the UN General Assembly’s Administrative and Budgetary Committee (1997-1998)

“These so-called structural reforms have been on the agenda of at least for the last four Secretaries-General but without having much significant impact, except acronym-changing, mandate-creeping and structure-tweaking”.

The internal confidential memo has identified systemic dysfunctions, namely, mandate overlap, bureaucratic sprawl, slow decision-making, and a disconnect between headquarters and field realities.

The multiplication of senior posts and competition among entities have undermined collaboration and confused partners on the ground, he said.

“I believe the UN is resilient enough to overcome the multiple crises it has been facing for years. The SG needs to show determination and solidarity with the staff under his leadership without succumbing to the undue pressures.”

DOGE-UN like efforts needs to be dodged effectively by the leadership of the UN. It is not a make-or-break situation. The SG needs to speak openly and publicly with the staff as a part of the initiative to wither the storm, said Ambassador Chowdhury.

As a senior UN official conversant with the issues said recently “Restructuring and merging UN entities are not a panacea for the UN’s problems. They should be embarked upon only if they lead to a more effective and efficient organization.”

“I agree fully with him and emphasize that the UN should take this challenge as an opportunity to change”, he declared.

Samir Sanbar, a former Assistant Secretary-General and head of the UN’s one-time Department of Public Information (DPI) told IPS: “Reform and Restructuring” were terms habitually and conveniently used to erode international civil service and undercut relevant potential initiatives by the Secretary-General whose vague role in the Charter allows for varied interpretations by different Secretaries General.

The “big five” permanent members (P5) may disagree in politics yet discreetly agree to influence basic decisions inside the Secretariat. The United Nations clearly needs the big powers to survive yet it needs the developing countries to succeed, he argued.

Meanwhile, the document also refers to Systemic solutions:

• Advance a more streamlined, impactful, and fiscally responsible organization by building on three core principles: integration to foster greater mandate coherence, consolidation to improve functional efficiency, and coordination to enhance overall effectiveness.

• Move towards a more integrated and collaborative model whose footprint reflects fiscal responsibility.

• Rationalize programmes/entities implementing similar mandates to eliminate redundancy and ensure a strategic reduction of the UN’s presence in high-cost locations to ensure long-term financial sustainability.

• Position reforms as proactive measures to enhance UN agility and responsiveness that extends beyond measures for cost-cutting or austerity.

• Ensure a system-wide commitment to delivering the UN’s mandate in ways that are principled, forward-looking, innovative and effective.

• Increase scale for greater impact.

• Reduce number of high-level posts (D1 and above)

Peace & Security

Merge multiple entities into a single Peace and Security entity.

— Establish a UN Peace & Security Department managing political, peace & peacebuilding engagement globally, including DPPA, DOS, DPO, ODA, UNODC, OCT, OSAA.

— Establish a single Department of Political Affairs and Peace Operations by merging DPPA and DPO, headed by a single USG. Consolidate substantive/technical support functions for peace in one structural location.

— [Partial merger] Comprehensive restructuring of DPO and DPPA, further consolidating their regional divisions and policy divisions to eliminate redundancies, improve coordination, and enhance the relevance of policies.

–Consider moving Peace and Security resources closer to the field.

— Consider a regional approach and decentralisation policy for Secretariat entities. Send the regional and policy offices for DPA, DPKO, OCHA to their respective regions to be nearer the areas they cover, just like the Agencies, Funds and Programmes have done. The USG, ASG with respective front offices, as well as offices that directly support the GA, various committees and the Security Council, should remain in New York.

— Consider strategic relocation of peace and security personnel closer to field missions to improve responsiveness and effectiveness.

— Decentralize a significant percentage of political, peace & peacebuilding resources to regional levels and UNCTs.

— Consolidate Special Envoy and Special Advisor mandates to eliminate overlaps, such as UNOCA overlapping mandate with MINUSCA and MONUSCO; and, the SRSG for Horn of Africa and SRSG for the Great Lakes’ overlapping mandates with the countries they cover. Consider a possible merger of UNOAU and the Great Lakes Office.

–Establish a single Office for Counter-Terrorism, by merging OCT and UNODC’s counterterrorism related policy functions or a broader merger of the two entities.

— Establish a single Office for Disarmament Affairs with USG/High Representative for Disarmament relocating and also serving as Director-General of UNOG. Integrate ODA’s regional programmatic capacities into UN’s regional hubs or broader regional UN presences.

–Strengthen coordination between UNIDIR and OPCW. Consider merging UNIDIR with UNITAR and further consolidate with other research & training institutes.

Humanitarian Affairs

Merge multiple entities into a single humanitarian entity.

— Create a streamlined “UN Humanitarian Response and Protection Organization”, by integrating OCHA, UNHCR and IOM, leveraging WFP’s expertise for material assistance procurement, distribution and logistics.

— Establish a UN Humanitarian Operations Department managing UN-wide humanitarian preparedness and response, including OCHA, WFP, UNRWA and a UN Refugee & Migration Agency (merging UNHCR and IOM). Consider whether UNDP Crisis Bureau should be consolidated into Department.

— Merge operational responsibilities and capabilities of major operational agencies (WFP, UNHCR, UNICEF, WHO) in humanitarian and conflict affected contexts.

–Merge Rome-based agencies’ operational capacity.

–Align programmes for overlapping agencies: UNHCR and IOM; WFP and FAO; etc.

–Consider whether OCHA should remain in New York or move to ensure field operations are much more localized with implementing partners.

Sustainable Development

–Consolidate and reduce the number of UN development system entities.

— Establish a UN Sustainable Development Department that consolidates relevant entities to ensure cohesive and integrated support for the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs, including: (Secretariat entities) DCO, DESA, UNDRR, UN-OHRLLS and (other entities) UNDP, UNCDF, UNV, UNRISD, FAO, IFAD, UN-Habitat, WHO, UN-Women, UNESCO, UNICEF, UNEP, WB, IMF, WTO, UNOPS, UNICEF, UNIDO, UNESCO.

— Migrate financially non-viable entities. For example, UNAIDS, under severe financial pressure and with a sunset clause of 2030, could transition into another, larger entity such as WHO or UNDP.

— Merge UNDP and UNOPS, creating a single entity to seamlessly integrate strategic planning with project implementation. Integrate the International Computing Centre (ICC) to provide efficient and tailored IT support.

–Integrate UNFCCC into UNEP to create a stronger global environment authority and consolidating the administrative functions under UNON’s existing support structure for UNEP. Consider whether COP in current form should be discontinued.

— Strategic integration of UNAIDS into WHO, creating a more unified and efficient global health authority. o Merge UN WOMEN and UNFPA to create a powerful new entity focused on advancing gender equality and reproductive health and rights.

–Align select UNICEF programmes with this new entity, especially those focused on adolescent girls’ well-being and gender-based violence prevention and response. o Center the structural reform proposals around our four basic pillars, each with a geographic focus (Nairobi/ Africa should be the center of development agencies, including UNDP/ UNICEF/ UNFPA).

Strengthen coordination among development entities, including:

— Enhance coordination between the UNEP and UN-Habitat to promote sustainable urban development.

— Enhance coordination between UNCTAD and ITC to effectively integrate policy expertise with capacity-building, resulting in more impactful programmes.

–Reorganizing UNDP’s Regional Bureaux around countries’ shared development challenges rather than traditional geographic regions would improve programme relevance, resource allocation, and partnerships with multilateral banks.

— Consolidate Functional Commissions under ECOSOC; rotate Functional Commission meetings to be held among Regional Commissions or hold them in Nairobi; consider replacing annual with biennial sessions.

Human Rights

–Merge multiple entities into a single human rights entity.

— Establish a unified “Office for the Protection of Vulnerable Populations” by consolidating offices dealing with protection issues affecting vulnerable populations (CAAC, SVC, VAC, SEA) within OHCHR.

— Consolidate the specialized protection mandates and offices in OHCHR, with each area headed at Director level, reporting to ASG/OHCHR.

— Establish a UN Human Rights Department led by High Commissioner for Human Rights, coordinating human rights promotion and protection across the UN system, including servicing the UN human rights mechanisms and integrating human rights into sustainable development, peace & security and humanitarian engagement.

–Merge protection mandates (CAAC, SVC, VAC, Genocide Prevention & Responsibility to Protect into the Department. Reduce senior posts by replacing existing 4 USGs + 1 ASG with 1 ASG + 1 D2 + 2 D1s, thereby lowering costs, and redistribute existing resources from respective offices across the Department – prioritizing use of RB resources to fulfill existing mandates

Resident Coordinators system

–Streamline coordination arrangements at country, regional and global levels by transitioning current coordination arrangements, including fixed RCs, RCOs with rigidly defined staff capacities and a large DCO headquarters and regional presence into a smaller and more focused support structure.

–Explore rotational leadership among UN Country Team heads to maintain UN coherence without fixed infrastructure, supported by an agile and lean DCO that would support the UNSDG as its Secretariat. Only in cases of humanitarian emergencies, dedicated RC/HCs would be necessary to deploy, given the complexity of these settings.

–Boost coordination/leadership role of RC/HC, including clearer oversight of agencies in country and a prioritised country strategy. • Strengthen coordination between the UN Resident Coordinator System and the Regional Economic Commissions to foster integrated regional development strategies, improve data sharing and enhance policy advocacy.

–Consider a strategic reduction of the Resident Coordinator System’s presence in countries to optimize resource allocation and promote greater national ownership of development initiatives.

–Consider a fundamental re-orientation of the UN system’s country-level engagement, including by folding in peace and political missions and ensuring that RCs can utilize pooled funds to reconfigure and tailor engagement based on changes on the ground.

Cross-cutting proposals Structural

–Establish an Executive Secretariat supporting the Secretary-General’s leadership and coordination of the UN system by managing all corporate services, including: administration, management, communications, human resources, policy, strategic planning, secretariat support to Charter-based organs. The Executive Secretariat would include EOSG, DGACM, DGC, DMSPC, OLA, DSS, OIOS, Ethics Office, Ombuds, Administration of Justice, UNON, UNOV, UNOP & UNOG.

–Establish a unified ‘Normative Policy Hub’, which could consolidate several functions: o Elements of OHRLLS focused on development advocacy, into other entities’ global policy functions.

— Other small Secretariat offices with thematic mandates on human rights, civic space, migration policy, and innovation, where mandate complementarity exists.

–Streamline/merge thematic Special Envoy offices, including the Office of the Special Envoy for Africa and the Office of the SRSG to the African Union; the Office of the Tech Envoy; Offices of Special Envoys / Advisers with narrow or duplicated mandates, e.g. Indigenous Issues, Small Island States.

–Conduct cost-benefit analyses for merging entities serving similar sectors or audiences (e.g., digital, youth-focused initiatives); consider integrating them into unified units with shared resources.

Other proposals

–Revisit the frequency of intergovernmental meetings; streamline reporting processes; explore alternative information-sharing tools and formats such as policy briefs or dashboards like SDG tools instead of written annual reports by the Secretary-General; digitize processes using real-time platforms and data tools, to better support hybrid and virtual meetings.

–Before creating new offices, make all efforts to delegate functions to existing structures.

–Avoid creating new coordination mechanisms (especially multi-layer coordination) and strengthen existing coordination mechanisms.

–More coherent approach to future: climate change/AI/cyber/big tech/data: consolidate various units into centralized capacity under a USG for the future.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Confluence of the Indus and Zanskar Rivers Credit: martinho Smart/shutterstock.com

By Sinéad Barry and Emma Whitaker
May 12 2025 (IPS)

 
On April 23, India suspended the Indus Water Treaty (IWT), a 65-year-old agreement that had been a rare symbol of cooperation between India and Pakistan despite decades of hostility. The suspension came a day after militants attacked civilians in Jammu and Kashmir, a disputed region, killing 26 people, most of them Indian tourists. India accused Pakistan of supporting “cross-border terrorism” and responded by halting the treaty. Pakistan denied involvement in the attack and called India’s move an “act of war.”

The IWT, signed in 1960, was a landmark agreement that allowed the two countries to share the water of the Indus River system. It gave India control over the eastern tributaries (Ravi, Sutlej, and Beas), and Pakistan control over the western tributaries (Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab). Beyond water-sharing, the treaty established mechanisms for data sharing, technical cooperation and dispute resolution. For decades, the treaty was celebrated as a triumph of diplomacy and environmental cooperation. But its suspension now threatens to unravel this legacy, with devastating consequences – especially for Pakistan.

Why the IWT Matters

Pakistan’s economy depends heavily on agriculture, which employs nearly 70% of its rural workforce. The Indus River irrigates 80% of the country’s farmland, making it a lifeline for millions. If India were to divert or reduce water flows, it could cripple Pakistan’s agriculture, triggering widespread food insecurity and economic instability. The stakes are high, and the consequences of failing to manage shared water resources responsibly would ripple far beyond Pakistan’s borders.

The timing of the IWT’s suspension couldn’t be worse. Climate and environmental risks are escalating across the Asia–Pacific region, with extreme weather events becoming more frequent and severe. Between 2008-2023, floods displaced 57 million people in India alone. In Pakistan, floods have not only destroyed homes but have also degraded soil quality, leaving farmers unable to grow enough crops to survive. These pressures are driving migration to cities, where migrants face exploitative conditions and often accrue large debts.

Climate Risks and Regional Instability

The link between climate change and regional instability is becoming impossible to ignore. In Central Asia, a 2021 clash over transboundary water resources between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan left 50 dead and displaced 10,000 others. In the Pacific, rising sea levels are forcing entire communities to relocate, sparking tensions in countries like Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. Meanwhile, large-scale infrastructure projects, such as hydroelectric dams in Southeast Asia, are displacing thousands and straining relations between countries like Laos, Thailand and Vietnam.

The demand for critical minerals to build renewable energy sources is adding another layer of complexity. Competition between China and the U.S over these resources is heightening global tensions. Critical mineral mining is also fuelling exploitation and violence in mining regions, like the Philippines and Indonesia. These examples highlight a troubling reality: climate and environmental risks are not just environmental issues – they are also security issues.

The Case for Regional Cooperation

Responding to these challenges requires a collective approach. Climate risks don’t respect national borders, and attempting to tackle them in isolation is a losing strategy. Cooperation offers a way to pool resources, share knowledge, and build resilience. For low-income countries in particular, regional solidarity—through climate finance, data sharing and technological transfer—could mean the difference between survival or collapse.

But cooperation isn’t just about survival; it’s also about seizing opportunities. Joint climate action can strengthen regional ties, foster peace and create shared prosperity. Cross-border collaboration on climate and environmental issues can connect institutions, research communities, and civil society, laying the groundwork to tackle future challenges. By working together, the Asia–Pacific region can turn shared challenges into shared strengths.

The suspension of the IWT is a wake-up call. At a time when cooperation is more critical than ever, we cannot afford to let geopolitical tensions derail climate action. The Asia–Pacific region faces immense challenges, but it also holds immense potential. By prioritising collaboration over confrontation, the climate crisis could provide an opportunity for peace, resilience, and shared prosperity. The path forward won’t be easy, but it’s the only path worth taking.

Related articles:
Kashmir: Escalating to War?
Kashmir: Paradise Lost
India’s Climate Calamities
Leaky Roof: Melting Himalayas in the ‘Asian Century’

Sinéad Barry is an Analyst at adelphi’s Climate Diplomacy and Security programme.
Emma Whitaker is a Senior Advisor at adelphi’s Climate Diplomacy and Security programme.

This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from the original with their permission.

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Tributes are paid to Cricket Malawi operations manager Arjun Menon, who died aged 48 in Blantyre on Saturday.

Tributes are paid to Cricket Malawi operations manager Arjun Menon, who died aged 48 in Blantyre on Saturday.

Dr James Fletcher (left) and Ramón Méndez Galain (right) at the launch of the REN21 Renewable Energy Champions Initiative in Miami. Credit: Alison Kentish/IPS

By Alison Kentish
MIAMI, Florida, USA, May 12 2025 (IPS)

The Renewable Energy Policy Network for the 21st Century (REN21), a global network that advances renewable energy through collaboration and knowledge sharing, has named Dr James Fletcher of Saint Lucia and Dr Ramón Méndez Galain of Uruguay as its first Renewable Energy Champions.

The accomplished former energy ministers were introduced as REN21 RE Champions on May 9, at the 17th Caribbean Renewable Energy Forum in Miami. They were recognised for their exemplary leadership in driving energy transition in their respective countries and region.

The RE Champions Initiative will connect experienced policymakers with peers globally to share knowledge, practical guidance, and successes and inspire much-needed action.

Fletcher, who led Saint Lucia’s Ministry of Sustainable Development and Energy, described joining the initiative as “one of the easiest decisions I ever had to make.”

He reiterated the urgency of energy reform in the Caribbean, where electricity costs often go as high as 35 to 40 U.S. cents per kilowatt-hour – a major barrier to competitiveness.

“If we can crack that, if we can get that transition to happen quickly, every single economic sector in our region becomes competitive on all of our islands,” he said.

“If we can crack that, if we can get this transition to happen quickly,” Fletcher told IPS, “every single economic sector in our region becomes competitive.”

Dr. Méndez Galain, a physicist who was the architect of Uruguay’s transformation to a grid powered by 98 percent renewables, spoke to IPS about that country’s journey. He emphasised the importance of political consensus in achieving lasting change and said he is happy to share his experience and expertise with peers.

“One of the first and most important things we succeeded in doing was to have a long-term agreement that was backed by the entire Uruguayan political system. This was crucial and allowed us to have continuity in the process,” Méndez Galain said. He added, “We proved that a power system can work only thanks to the complementarity of different resources. It was a technical issue, but it was not rocket science. At the end of the day, it was relatively simple to solve.”

Uruguay’s transition, he noted, slashed electricity production costs by half and created 50,000 jobs, about 3 percent of the country’s workforce. “We proved that energy transition can work, but it would not happen spontaneously. You have to really make changes in the policies, regulations, laws, and institutional framework in the markets. This is what we are trying to share with our current ministers and officials from our region,” he said.

Fletcher, the Caribbean Community’s Climate Change envoy, pointed to Uruguay’s success as proof that even grid systems reliant on intermittent sources like wind and solar can remain stable and efficient. “What Ramón has been able to show is that it can be done with intermittent renewables, because one of the things that keeps being hammered at us is that if you only have intermittent sources of electricity, you cannot do this. He’s shown in Uruguay that he can do it. That it can be done,” he said.

Both champions emphasised the power of South-South collaboration and the need to scale this model to other regions.

“Establishing these partnerships through an organisation like REN21—with its global reach—was a no-brainer,” Fletcher said. “At the end of the day, our goal is to ensure that we see a complete phase-out of fossil fuels.”

Méndez Galain expressed enthusiasm for collaborating with his Saint Lucian colleague and the REN21 network.

“Having the chance to work with people like Fletcher – it’s incredible to me because he is an inspiring guy,” he said. “REN21 is a powerful network that embraces and boosts everything that we can say with tremendous potential links to organisations that can help governments to do their jobs.”

REN21’s Senior Advisor, Laura Williamson, told the launch that the RE Champions Initiative bridges the gap between technology, policy, and leadership.

“It is built around champions who bring real-world experience, who have overcome challenges to achieve remarkable results in their own countries and can offer strategic partnerships to accelerate energy transition.”

“We have the technology; we have the resources. But what is really missing is the exchange of knowledge, the capability of partnerships, and the connections,” she said in a sit-down with IPS. “It’s really to demonstrate how connecting the decision-makers to the data, to the stories, to the experiences, can drive energy transition. Also to demonstrate that this is possible, so let’s do it.”

The initiative is fully funded by philanthropic contributions and champions volunteer their time and expertise. REN21 plans to expand the programme to include experts from Asia and Africa, strengthening cross-regional collaboration and unlocking shared solutions across the Global South.

The REN21 Champions say while a sustainable energy future is within reach, accelerating progress will require greater urgency—and connection and collaboration will serve as the catalysts to drive it forward.

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