Claudia Ignacio Álvarez in San Lorenzo de Azqueltan, Jalisco, Mexico. Credit : Eber Huitzil
By Claudia Ignacio Álvarez
MICHOACÁN, Mexico , Dec 18 2025 (IPS)
My niece Roxana Valentín Cárdenas was 21 years old when she was killed. She was a Purépecha Indigenous woman from San Andrés Tziróndaro, a community on the shores of Lake Pátzcuaro in the Mexican state of Michoacán.
Roxana was killed during a peaceful march organised by another Indigenous community commemorating the recovery of their lands. Forty-six years earlier, three people had been murdered during that same land struggle. This time, the commemoration was once again met with gunfire.
Roxana was not armed and was not participating in the march. She encountered the demonstration and was struck by gunfire. Her death was deeply personal, but it took place within a broader context of long-standing violence linked to land and territory.
That violence has intensified in Michoacán recently, where the assassination of a mayor in November this year underscored how deeply insecurity has penetrated public life and how little protection exists for civilians, community leaders and local authorities alike.
Across Mexico, Indigenous people are being killed for defending land, water and forests. What governments and corporations often describe as “development” is experienced by our communities as dispossession enforced by violence – through land grabbing, water theft and the silencing of those who resist.
A way of life under threat
I come from San Andrés Tziróndaro, a farming, fishing and musical community. For generations, we have cared for the lake and the surrounding forests as collective responsibilities essential to life. That way of life is now under threat.
In Michoacán, extractive pressure takes different forms. In some Indigenous territories, it is mining. In our region, it is agro-industrial production, particularly avocados and berries grown for export. Communal land intended for subsistence is leased for commercial agriculture. Water is extracted from Lake Pátzcuaro through irregularly installed pipes to irrigate agricultural fields, depriving local farmers of access.
Agrochemicals contaminate soil and water, forests are deliberately burned to enable land-use change, and ecosystems are transformed into monocultures that consume vast amounts of water. This is not development. It is extraction.
Violence as a method of enforcement
When Indigenous communities resist these processes, violence follows.
Two cases illustrate this reality and remain unresolved.
José Gabriel Pelayo, a human rights defender and member of our organisation, has been forcibly disappeared for more than a year. Despite an urgent action issued by the United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearances, progress has been blocked. Authorities have delayed access to the investigation file, and meaningful search efforts have yet to begin. His family continues to wait for answers.
Eustacio Alcalá Díaz, a defender from the Nahua community of San Juan Huitzontla, was murdered after opposing mining operations imposed on his territory without consultation. After his killing, the community was paralysed by fear, and it was no longer possible to continue human rights work safely.
Together, these cases show how violence and impunity are used to suppress community resistance.
Militarisation is not protection
It is against this backdrop of escalating violence and impunity that the Mexican state has once again turned to militarisation. Thousands of soldiers are being deployed to Michoacán, and authorities point to arrests and security operations as indicators of stability.
In practice, militarisation often coincides with areas of high extractive interest. Security forces are deployed in regions targeted for mining, agro-industrial expansion or large infrastructure projects, creating conditions that allow these activities to proceed while community resistance is contained.
Indigenous people experience this not as protection, but as surveillance, intimidation and criminalisation. While companies may claim neutrality, they benefit from these security arrangements and rarely challenge the violence or displacement that accompanies them, raising serious questions about corporate complicity.
A global governance failure
Indigenous territories are opened to extractive industries operating across borders, while accountability remains fragmented. Corporations divide their operations across jurisdictions, making responsibility for environmental harm and human rights abuses difficult to establish.
Voluntary corporate commitments have not prevented violence or environmental degradation. National regulations remain uneven and weakly enforced, particularly in regions affected by corruption and organised crime. This is not only a national failure. It is a failure of global governance.
International responsibility, now
In this context, I have recently spent ten days in the United Kingdom with the support of Peace Brigades International (PBI), meeting with parliamentarians, officials from the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, and civil society organisations.
These discussions are part of a broader international effort to ensure that governments whose companies, financial systems or diplomatic relationships are linked to extractive activities take responsibility for preventing harm and protecting those at risk.
While the UK is only one actor, its policies on corporate accountability and support for human rights defenders have consequences far beyond its borders.
Why binding international rules are necessary
For years, Indigenous peoples and civil society organisations have called for a binding United Nations treaty on business and human rights. The urgency of this demand is reflected in the lives lost defending land and water and in the defenders who remain disappeared.
A binding treaty could require mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence across global supply chains, guarantee access to justice beyond national borders, and recognise the protection of human rights defenders as a legal obligation. It could make Free, Prior and Informed Consent enforceable rather than optional.
Such a treaty would not prevent development. It would ensure that development does not depend on violence, dispossession and impunity.
Defending life for everyone
Indigenous peoples are not obstacles to progress. We are defending ecosystems that sustain life far beyond our territories. Indigenous women are often at the forefront of this defence, even as we face extraordinary risks.
When defenders disappear, when others are murdered, and when young women like my niece lose their lives, it is not only our communities that suffer. The world loses those protecting land, water and biodiversity during a deep ecological crisis.
Defending life and land should not come at the cost of human lives.
Claudia Ignacio Álvarez is an Indigenous Purépecha feminist, lesbian, and environmental human rights defender from San Andrés Tziróndaro, Michoacán. Through the Red Solidaria de Derechos Humanos, she supports Indigenous and rural communities defending their territories from extractive industries and organised crime. Her work has been supported by Peace Brigades International (PBI) since 2023.
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Egy szauna hosszú távú tartóssága és esztétikai megjelenése szempontjából kulcsfontosságú a lambéria helyes kiválasztása és felszerelése. A döntés meghozatalakor számos tényezőre figyelni kell, mivel a szauna belsejében a magas hő és páratartalom extrém igénybevételt jelent a felhasznált anyagokra. Ön már végiggondolta, hogy milyen lehetőségei adódnak a szauna építés során?
Anyagválasztás: a tartósságra és stílusra fókuszálva
A szauna lambériájának anyagválasztásakor az északi faanyagok közül választhatunk, amelyek tulajdonságaik alapján különböző élményt nyújtanak. A csomószegény északi lucfenyő például egy kedvező ár-érték arányú lehetőség, amit világos megjelenése és költséghatékonysága miatt az otthoni szaunákban gyakran alkalmaznak. Az égerfa és cédrus azok számára lehet vonzó, akik a sötétebb tónusokat és a kiváló hőállóságot keresik. A finn fehérnyár világos árnyalatával és alacsony gyantatartalmával modern szaunákba kínál eleganciát. Ezek a lehetőségek széles skálán mozognak a lambéria piacon, figyelembe véve az igényeket és a költségeket egyaránt.
Méret és vastagság: a stabilitás kulcsa
A lambéria mérete és vastagsága nagyban befolyásolja a szauna stabilitását és hőszigetelését. Általánosan elterjedt, hogy a lambéria 12-16 mm vastag, míg szélessége általában 90-120 mm között van. A vastagabb lambéria jobb szigetelőképességgel bír, így segít megőrizni a szauna melegségét, ami nagyban hozzájárul a kisebb energiafogyasztáshoz. Érdemes mérlegelni, hogy a vastagság növekedése milyen költségekben tükröződik, amikor a megfelelő anyagot választjuk.
Felületkezelés: természetes ápolás
A szauna lambériájának felületkezelése során fontos, hogy kemikáliamentes megoldásokat válasszunk. Gyakran a lambériát kezeletlenül hagyják, mivel a hő hatására a tömítőanyagokban lévő vegyi anyagok kioldódhatnak, amelyek egészségre ártalmasak lehetnek. Amennyiben a lambéria kezelést igényel, olyan természetes anyagok alkalmazása javasolt, mint a paraffin alapú olajok, amelyek ellenállnak a magas hőmérsékletnek, és nem szennyezik a belteret.
Rögzítés: stabil alapok biztosítása
A lambéria helyes rögzítése elengedhetetlen a szauna hosszú távú működéséhez. Szükséges párazáró fóliára felszerelni, hogy a nedvesség ne jusson be a fa szerkezetébe. Rozsdamentes acél szegek és kapcsok biztosíthatják a stabil rögzítést, akár függőlegesen, akár vízszintesen helyezik fel a lambériát. A függőleges elrendezés elősegíti a kondenzáció lefolyását, csökkentve a penészedés kockázatát.
Karbantartás: hosszabb élettartam érdekében
A szauna karbantartásakor, tisztításakor figyelni kell a rendszeres szellőztetésre, hogy a penészesedést megelőzzük. Puha kefével vagy nedves kendővel történő alapos tisztítás javasolt. Amikor a lambéria felszíne megkopik, egy finom csiszolópapírral újjá lehet varázsolni, így az újból friss megjelenést nyer.
Az ideális szauna lambéria kiválasztása és karbantartása alapvető szerepet játszik a szauna tartósságában és esztétikájában. A Lambéria Pont Fatelep szakértői szívesen nyújtanak segítséget ezekben a kérdésekben, hiszen megfelelő tanácsokkal szolgálhatnak azok számára, akik álomszaunájuk megvalósításán dolgoznak.
The post Szaunába való lambéria: milyen szempontok vezéreljék a választáskor? appeared first on Biztonságpiac.
Gondolt már arra, hogy egy egyszerű vérplazma-adományzás életet menthet? Akik már részt vettek ilyen eljárásban, tudják, hogy a folyamat nemcsak fontos, hanem jól szervezett és biztonságos is.
Gyakran felmerül a kérdés: milyen feltételek szükségesek ahhoz, hogy valaki vérplazmát adhasson, és miért van szükség ezekre a szigorú szabályokra? A tájékozódás mindenképp hasznos, hiszen a plazma az emberi szervezet egyik legfontosabb eleme. Ez a tiszta, sárgás folyadék alapvető szerepet játszik a tápanyagok és hormonok szállításában, valamint az immunrendszer támogatásában.
Az egészségi követelmények fontossága
A Plazma1-nél a plazmaferezis során a donor vére egy készülékbe kerül, ahol a plazmát elválasztják a vér többi részétől. Ez a folyamat szigorú orvosi felügyelet alatt történik, hiszen a donor és a későbbi betegek biztonsága a legfontosabb. A vérplazma számos betegség kezelésére felhasználható, például immungyengeséggel küzdő betegek, súlyos égési sérüléseket szenvedettek vagy vérzékenységi problémákkal küzdők számára.
Az első plazmaadás külön figyelmet igényel, és az adományozóknak tisztában kell lenniük bizonyos feltételekkel. Fontos az egészséges életmód, a kiegyensúlyozott táplálkozás és a napi legalább két és fél liter folyadék fogyasztása. Időpontfoglalás előtt érdemes tájékozódni a részletekről. Csak 18 és 60 év közötti, egészséges személyek adhatnak plazmát, akiknek az elmúlt hat hónapban nem készült új tetoválásuk vagy piercingük.
Adatfelvétel és egészségügyi vizsgálat
Az első látogatás alkalmával a donor részletes orvosi vizsgálaton esik át. A személyzet olyan paramétereket vizsgál, mint a vérnyomás, pulzus, testsúly, valamint kórtörténet felvételére is sor kerül. A plazmaadás előtt vért vesznek, ahol többek között a hemoglobinszintet és a fehérjekoncentrációt is megvizsgálják, valamint ellenőrzik a HBV, HCV és HIV jelenlétét. Az adatfelvétel során a donor köteles eredeti okmányokat bemutatni.
Az orvosi vizsgálatok alapján döntik el, hogy a jelentkező alkalmas-e a plazmaadásra. Miután az orvos megállapította a megfelelőséget, maga a plazmaadás folyamatára kerül sor. A vérvételi eljárás körülbelül 45 percig tart, amely alatt a donor kényelmes, félig fekvő pozícióban van csatlakoztatva a készülékhez. Sokan szívesen nézik kedvenc sorozatukat egy rövid rész erejéig, vagy élvezik a pihenés lehetőségét.
A szabályozás mögötti biztonság
Az adományozás szigorú szabályai nem véletlenül ilyen merevek. Ezek az előírások biztosítják, hogy minden résztvevő megfelelő ellátást kapjon. Ez fontos a betegek védelme érdekében is, hiszen a plazmaalapú gyógyszerkészítmények elengedhetetlenek a különböző betegségek elleni harcban.
A Plazma1 főként a plazma gyűjtésével foglalkozik, és a fagyasztott plazmát gyógyszeralapanyagként külföldön értékesítik. Bár a folyamat minden részlete céltudatosan és professzionálisan zajlik, a felmerülő kérdésekkel érdemes a megfelelő szervekhez fordulni, ahol szívesen segítenek.
A plazmaadás nagyban hozzájárulhat mások életének megmentéséhez, mindenkinek, aki megfelel a feltételeknek. Mindannyian tehetünk valamit azért, hogy másokon segítsünk.
The post A vérplazmaadás jelentősége és feltételei appeared first on Biztonságpiac.
Le 13 décembre 2025, une rencontre organisée par RAAL Diaspora a réuni plusieurs acteurs politiques et de la société civile autour de la situation des prisonniers politiques au Togo. Les échanges ont porté principalement sur les voies et moyens susceptibles de conduire à la libération de certains détenus à l’approche des fêtes de fin d’année.
Au cours des discussions, Yao Daté, président du Comité d’Action pour le Renouveau (CAR), a proposé l’ouverture d’un tête-à-tête avec le Président du Conseil, Faure Gnassingbé, afin de lui exposer directement les préoccupations liées au sort des prisonniers politiques. Il a, dans le même temps, invité les partis de l’opposition, la diaspora et les organisations de la société civile à se joindre à cette initiative.
Insistant sur l’urgence et la portée humaine de la démarche, Yao Daté a déclaré : « S’il faut aller rencontrer le Chef de l’État, Faure Gnassingbé, pour que les citoyens qui croupissent en prison retrouvent leur liberté, ce sacrifice n’est pas trop grand. »
De son côté, Dr Kate a appelé les différents acteurs à saisir l’opportunité offerte par le Président du Conseil, rappelant que ce dernier avait annoncé, dans son récent discours sur l’état de la nation, la libération de certaines catégories de prisonniers. Selon lui, il est essentiel de créer un momentum autour de cette demande avant le discours traditionnel du Nouvel An, tout en associant les autorités religieuses à la démarche.
Les professeurs Gogue et Dosseh ont, pour leur part, exprimé de vives inquiétudes quant à la situation de plusieurs prisonniers politiques, évoquant des cas jugés particulièrement alarmants. Pour l’ensemble des participants, permettre à certains détenus de passer les fêtes en famille ne pourrait se concrétiser que par un acte de clémence du premier magistrat du pays.
Tous ont souligné le caractère urgent de l’initiative, estimant que le calendrier impose une action concertée et rapide. En marge de la question des prisonniers politiques, d’autres sujets majeurs ont également été abordés, notamment l’amnistie générale et le « grand pardon », la vie chère, la co-gestion au gouvernement ainsi que la perspective d’une assise politique nationale.
The post Togo/Prisonniers politiques : des acteurs de l’opposition et de la société civile plaident pour un dialogue direct avec Faure Gnassingbé appeared first on Togo Actualite - Premier site d'information du Togo.
Malgré la reconnaissance de l’État de Palestine par plusieurs États occidentaux depuis septembre dernier et la signature d’un accord de cessez-le-feu dans le cadre du plan de paix porté par Donald Trump, la réalité sur le terrain demeure inchangée. En Cisjordanie, l’occupation israélienne se poursuit et s’intensifie ; à Gaza, la population reste exposée à des bombardements continus. Quant à la solution à deux États, celle-ci ne semble à ce jour plus envisageable dans les termes formulés il y a quelques décennies et demande à être réinventée. Dans ce contexte, les États-Unis et les Occidentaux adoptent un positionnement contradictoire en n’imposant aucune sanction et pression à l’égard d’Israël. Comment interpréter le positionnement étasunien sur la question du conflit au Proche-Orient ? Observe-t-on des changements d’attitude de l’opinion publique face au gouvernement israélien ? Quels leviers réels existent face à un gouvernement israélien qui rejette explicitement le principe même d’un État palestinien ?
Dans ce podcast, Robert Malley, enseignant à l’université de Yale et ancien conseiller des présidents Bill Clinton et Barack Obama sur les affaires du Proche-Orient, revient sur les ambiguïtés régionales et internationales alimentant l’impasse israélo-palestinienne, les limites de la solution à deux États et l’évolution de la position étasunienne face à Israël.
L’article Les États-Unis face à Israël. Avec Robert Malley est apparu en premier sur IRIS.
Credit: Hivos
By Job Muriithi and Winny Nyawira
Dec 17 2025 (IPS)
Efforts to combat climate change too often sideline the very communities hit hardest by the crisis and who have contributed the least to it. This injustice was the core idea of the Voices for Just Climate Action (VCA) program. Now that VCA has concluded after five years, Job Muriithi and Winny Nyanwira from Hivos reflect on its achievements and share recommendations for governments and donors to ensure fair and equitable climate action.
In the coastal villages of eastern Indonesia, where turquoise waters lap against volcanic shores, we set out on a trip, reminding us of why this work matters. Traveling from Jakarta to Nusa Tenggara Timur, we saw firsthand that real progress begins with listening to communities, amplifying their voices and supporting locally led initiatives.
Climate finance reaching local communitiesOne thing that immediately stands out is the Next Level Grant Facility (NLGF), a climate finance mechanism under VCA. It shows what happens when local groups are entrusted to take the lead in climate funding. In Indonesia alone, 62 projects supported diverse initiatives in 11 provinces, reaching thousands across the archipelago in both coastal and highland communities. Over half of the grantees (57%) were first-time recipients of formal funding, working at the intersection of environmental justice, disability inclusion, and gender-responsive community action.
But statistics only scratch the surface. We saw firsthand how marginalized voices stepped into the spotlight. The NLGF fund manager, Samdhana Institute, Humanis and local partners, supported members of the NLGF grantees on climate literacy, financial literacy, reporting, and adaptive planning. Women fishers, long overlooked in policy discussions, are now consulting with government officials. Indigenous communities blended ancestral wisdom with modern adaptations to protect ecosystems. These groups emerged as first responders in crises, innovators in sustainability, and stewards of resources vital for survival.
A legacy in policies, people, and placesIn Kupang, our local partner PIKUL supported fisherfolks. These communities have spent lifetimes interpreting the rhythm of the sea, preserving their catch using traditional methods, and nurturing coastal habitats. They did not need expertise; they brought it. VCA provided a platform, networks, credibility, and access to decision-makers.
Once invisible at decision-making tables, coastal communities are now key advisors to governments, advocating for environmental protection, climate-resilient infrastructure like breakwaters, and fair finance. Their transformation illustrates VCA’s core approach: recognizing that for coastal and island communities, oceans are not resources to be exploited but are fundamental to their food security, livelihoods, cultural identity, and survival. VCA brought this community-centered ocean perspective into Indonesia’s climate discussions, which had long focused primarily on land-based agriculture, often overlooking the realities of maritime populations.
In Indonesia, a nation of over 17,000 islands, communities in East Nusa Tenggara needed their government to understand that the sea connects rather than divides their lives and livelihoods. VCA provided the platform and capacity-strengthening support that enabled these communities to articulate their needs and traditional knowledge effectively. Through facilitated dialogues and inclusive forums that intentionally included women, youth, Indigenous peoples, and persons with disabilities, community members gained the skills and confidence to engage directly with policymakers. This process enabled them to influence critical policies and to establish enduring relationships with government agencies. This exemplifies something more profound: the fundamental redistribution of decision-making power to those whose lives depend on the decisions.
Navigating shrinking spaces and resourcesYet challenges persist in the form of tightening civic spaces, scarce funding, skills shortages, and deep-rooted exclusion. As VCA wraps up, these issues are not fading – they are growing sharper amid global setbacks in climate commitments.
During our visit, one hard truth stood out: the landscape that shaped VCA in 2021 had become much tougher by 2025. Indonesia exemplifies this shift – civic freedoms have narrowed, traditional advocacy paths have grown thornier, and grassroots climate funds have dried up. A 2025 study from Hivos, examining climate vulnerability in Brazil and Zambia, reveals that women-headed households spend between 10-30% of their annual income recovering from climate shocks – costs that remain largely invisible in national budgets and climate finance mechanisms.
The study’s call to recognize care work as climate action echoes what VCA demonstrated in practice –when coastal communities in East Nusa Tenggara received direct funding and decision-making power, they did not just survive climate impacts; they innovated sustainable responses rooted in local knowledge. VCA’s success in channeling resources to first-time grantees and elevating marginalized voices offers a proven model for the kind of equitable, community-centered climate finance that research shows is desperately needed but rarely delivered.
Our Indonesian partners found a strategic workaround. Rather than pushing back through confrontation in a restricted advocacy space, they pivoted to building tangible community assets: fish-processing hubs, local food-processing facilities, mangrove cooperatives, and coral-restoration sites. These visible wins – better livelihoods that communities can see and feel – in turn open doors to advocacy and attract support from other funders. In other words, community investments serve as a bridge to advocacy when direct advocacy routes are blocked.
The results prove the strategy. Partners secured subnational policy wins and leveraged almost 400,000 USD in additional funding from both government and non-governmental sources, showing that strategic local investments can multiply impact even in unfavorable environments.
Credit: Hivos
Lessons from VCA IndonesiaManaging 62 partners across 45 districts and 18 provinces strained coordination – vast distances meant virtual check-ins often fell short, and not all received support on time. From our visit we drew concrete lessons from real hurdles, like adapting the reporting for Indigenous groups with limited technological skills.
Other concrete lessons from VCA Indonesia:
On our final evening in Waingapu, sharing stories with fishers as the sun set, one woman said, “We had answers but no audience. VCA gave us both. We have shown it works – now others must commit.” She’s right. Locally led action produces resilient, equitable results. Communities are not victims; they are experts.
But they need more: fair climate finance, protected spaces, and partners who value their expertise. That’s why we ask donors to scale up VCA’s proven models – including trust-based grants for grassroots initiatives. We ask governments to partner with these voices to meet climate goals; this means safeguarding civic spaces above all. Climate justice demands partnership with ecosystem guardians. Indonesia’s coastal communities prove local solutions can scale globally. VCA offers a roadmap – let’s follow it closely now. The planet’s future hinges on it. Ayo – let’s advance together.
This piece reflects on Hivos’ November 2025 monitoring visit to Indonesia, conducted in partnership with the Humanis Foundation and local coalition partners, including SIPIL, ADAPTASI, KOPI, and Pangan Baik. As VCA concludes, it’s a tribute to their achievements and a plea to extend them.
Author Bios
Job Muriithi is a development practitioner with over 10 years of experience in monitoring, evaluation, accountability, research, and learning across Africa, Latin America, and Asia. He serves as Global Planning, Monitoring, Evaluation and Learning Officer at Hivos for the Voices for Just Climate Action Program.
Winny Nyawira is a Certified Public Accountant and Global Finance Manager at Hivos for the Voices for Just Climate Action Program. She specializes in grants management and financial administration for international development programs.
Credit: Annegret Hilse/Reuters via Gallo Images
By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Dec 17 2025 (IPS)
Machines with no conscience are making split-second decisions about who lives and who dies. This isn’t dystopian fiction; it’s today’s reality. In Gaza, algorithms have generated kill lists of up to 37,000 targets.
Autonomous weapons are also being deployed in Ukraine and were on show at a recent military parade in China. States are racing to integrate them in their arsenals, convinced they’ll maintain control. If they’re wrong, the consequences could be catastrophic.
Unlike remotely piloted drones where a human operator pulls the trigger, autonomous weapons make lethal decisions. Once activated, they process sensor data – facial recognition, heat signatures, movement patterns — to identify pre-programmed target profiles and fire automatically when they find a match. They act with no hesitation, no moral reflection and no understanding of the value of human life.
Speed and lack of hesitation give autonomous systems the potential to escalate conflicts rapidly. And because they work on the basis of pattern recognition and statistical probabilities, they bring enormous potential for lethal mistakes.
Israel’s assault on Gaza has offered the first glimpse of AI-assisted genocide. The Israeli military has deployed multiple algorithmic targeting systems: it uses Lavender and The Gospel to identify suspected Hamas militants and generate lists of human targets and infrastructure to bomb, and Where’s Daddy to track targets to kill them when they’re home with their families. Israeli intelligence officials have acknowledged an error rate of around 10 per cent, but simply priced it in, deeming 15 to 20 civilian deaths acceptable for every junior militant the algorithm identifies and over 100 for commanders.
The depersonalisation of violence also creates an accountability void. When an algorithm kills the wrong person, who’s responsible? The programmer? The commanding officer? The politician who authorised deployment? Legal uncertainty is a built-in feature that shields perpetrators from consequences. As decisions about life and death are made by machines, the very idea of responsibility dissolves.
These concerns emerge within a broader context of alarm about AI’s impacts on civic space and human rights. As the technology becomes cheaper, it’s proliferating across domains, from battlefields to border control to policing operations. AI-powered facial recognition technologies are amplifying surveillance capabilities and undermining privacy rights. Biases embedded in algorithms perpetuate exclusion based on gender, race and other characteristics.
As the technology has developed, the international community has spent over a decade discussing autonomous weapons without producing a binding regulation. Since 2013, when states that have adopted the UN Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons agreed to begin discussions, progress has been glacial. The Group of Governmental Experts on Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems has met regularly since 2017, yet talks have been systematically stalled by major military powers — India, Israel, Russia and the USA — taking advantage of the requirement to reach consensus to systematically block regulation proposals. In September, 42 states delivered a joint statement affirming their readiness to move forward. It was a breakthrough after years of deadlock, but major holdouts maintain their opposition.
To circumvent this obstruction, the UN General Assembly has taken matters into its hands. In December 2023, it adopted Resolution 78/241, its first on autonomous weapons, with 152 states voting in favour. In December 2024, Resolution 79/62 mandated consultations among member states, held in New York in May 2025. These discussions explored ethical dilemmas, human rights implications, security threats and technological risks. The UN Secretary-General, the International Committee of the Red Cross and numerous civil society organisations have called for negotiations to conclude by 2026, given the rapid development of military AI.
The Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, a coalition of over 270 civil society groups from over 70 countries, has led the charge since 2012. Through sustained advocacy and research, the campaign has shaped the debate, advocating for a two-tier approach currently supported by over 120 states. This combines prohibitions on the most dangerous systems — those targeting humans directly, operating without meaningful human control, or whose effects can’t be adequately predicted — with strict regulations on all others. Those systems not banned would be permitted only under stringent restrictions requiring human oversight, predictability and clear accountability, including limits on types of targets, time and location restrictions, mandatory testing and requirements for human supervision with the ability to intervene.
If it’s to meet the deadline, the international community has just a year to conclude a treaty that a decade of talks has been unable to produce. With each passing month, autonomous weapons systems become more sophisticated, more widely deployed and more deeply embedded in military doctrine.
Once autonomous weapons are widespread and the idea that machines decide who lives and who dies becomes normalised, it will be much hard to impose regulations. States must urgently negotiate a treaty that prohibits autonomous weapons systems directly targeting humans or operating without meaningful human control and establishes clear accountability mechanisms for violations. The technology can’t be uninvented, but it can still be controlled.
Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.
For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org
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Residents travel by boat through flooded streets in Colombo after heavy rains from Cyclonic Storm Ditwah. Credit: UNICEF, Sri Lanka
By the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP)
BANGKOK, Thailand, Dec 17 2025 (IPS)
Cyclones Ditwah and Senyar are indications of a shifting disaster riskscape, not anomalies. Both storms broke historical patterns: Ditwah tracked unusually south along Sri Lanka’s coast before looping into the Bay of Bengal, dumping over 375 mm of rain in 24 hours and triggering landslides.
Senyar, only the second cyclone ever recorded in the Strait of Malacca, intensified near the equator and stalled over Sumatra, worsening floods in Aceh and North Sumatra.
The rising human and economic toll
According to the ESCAP Asia-Pacific Disaster Report 2025: Rising Heat, Rising Risk, the Asia-Pacific region is entering an era of cascading risks driven by intensifying heat and extreme weather with marine heatwaves and warmer sea surface temperatures fueling this new normal.
Historical low-risk zones like Sri Lanka’s central hills and Thailand’s southern strip are now climate-risk hotspots.
The report projects that in South and South-West Asia alone, average annual flood losses could increase from US$47 billion historically to 57 billion.
Across Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Viet Nam, the storms of late November 2025 caused more than 1,600 fatalities, left hundreds of people unaccounted for, and affected well over ten million people.
Widespread flooding and landslides displaced 1.2 million people, disrupted essential services and isolated numerous communities, underscoring the scale of the response required and the substantial economic fallout expected
The value of preparedness
While improved early warnings have reduced loss of life compared to past decades, these storms show that disasters are becoming more destructive. Yes, early warnings saved lives—impact-based forecasts triggered mass evacuations and community drills helped families reach safety. But thousands were still stranded.
Alerts arrived, yet on-the-ground implementation was unclear, and some evacuation routes were already flooded. In many cases, social media became the lifeline when official systems fell short.
The trend is clear: technology alone cannot save lives without trust and rehearsed responses. Warnings work only when people know what to do and feel confident acting.
The ESCAP multi-donor Trust Fund for Tsunami, Disaster and Climate Preparedness shows that investing in preparedness pays off many times over. Its 2025–26 call for proposals offers countries a chance to strengthen coastal resilience, integrate science and technology and embed community-led action — before the next storm season tests our readiness.
The lessons we must learn
Early warnings have their limits. In many areas, alerts were issued and hotlines opened, yet fast-rising floods left families stranded, relying on rescue teams and volunteers. These events show that mobility constraints and uneven household preparedness can limit action even when information is available.
Community-led initiatives, such as those championed following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, demonstrate how local knowledge and regular drills improve decision-making. Twenty years later, social cohesion has become a marker of resilience.
For example, the Bangladesh Cyclone Preparedness Programme (with 76,000 volunteers) has sharply reduced cyclone deaths by delivering house-to-house warnings and guiding evacuations.
Ditwah and Senyar exposed how rapid urban growth without risk-informed planning magnifies disaster impacts. Colombo’s wetlands have shrunk by 40 per cent, while Hat Yai’s drainage was overwhelmed.
Many hard-hit towns in Sumatra were located in known landslide-risk zones, resulting in severe disruptions to hospitals, transport networks and local businesses.
When natural buffers disappear, rainfall that once drained slowly now floods cities within hours. Urban resilience depends on integrating risk into development planning by preserving wetlands, enforcing zoning and investing in drainage and flood defences.
Infrastructure alone is not enough; it must be designed for extremes. Cities that embed resilience into planning and protect natural systems are better positioned to withstand future storms and safeguard economic activity.
The Asia-Pacific region is faced with converging risks, with storms amplifying monsoonal hazards, cascading into mudslides and exacerbated by infrastructure weaknesses. Regional cooperation is no longer optional – it is the foundation for resilience in the most disaster-impacted region of the world.
November 2025 saw 8 countries (including Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Thailand) activate the International Charter on Space and Major Disasters, enabling rapid satellite imagery for emergency planning, proving the value of shared systems (see figure).
As floodwaters surged across the region, participants at the ESCAP Committee on Disaster Risk Reduction reaffirmed their commitment to regional early warning systems and anticipatory action – because hazards do not respect borders.
The Asia-Pacific region’s resilience depends on investing in people and preparedness cultures, regional solidarity, urban planning for extremes, protecting natural buffers and ensuring that last-mile guidance reaches every household.
Building generations and societies equipped to manage rising risks is the smartest investment for a safer future.
Source: ESCAP
IPS UN Bureau
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C'est de la coopération militaire à bas bruit, en mode contraint : petit pas, petit calibre, petit feu. Mais la France, sollicitée le dimanche 7 décembre par le gouvernement du Bénin, sur la côte ouest africaine, aux prises avec une tentative de putsch, a admis avoir accordé au régime de Cotonou un appui présenté comme ponctuel et « strictement technique ». Voire un peu plus. Le signe d'un retour vers l'Afrique par la petite porte, après en avoir été chassée ces dernières années ?
- Défense en ligne