Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik / Briefing Paper

The EU-Kenya agreement to implement the Economic Partnership Agreement originally planned with the entire East African Community unties the Gordian knot between its supporters and opponents among African countries in the short term, but has long-term consequences beyond the divergence of tariffs towards the EU, writes Frederik Stender.

With reference to Chimamanda Ngozie Adichie’s plea to move beyond the single story, we take the complexities of the ‘Global South’ meta category as a starting point to explore what abandoning the quest for neatness can look like. Building on the main arguments put forward across this volume, our contribution centres around questions of position(alitie)s and self-reflexivity to engage with the persistent ambivalences of the ‘Global South’. We reflect on the unease stemming from explicit and implicit claims connected to the ‘Global South’ category and discuss its fluidity and plurality across space and time. Ultimately, we suggest embracing the notion of polyphony for approaching the ‘Global South’. A focus on polyphonies allows us to connect specific meanings and their implications with a broader take on the inherent complexities of macro categories. Working with and through polyphonies also helps us to recognise and engage with the evolving agency behind different uses of the ‘Global South’.

Ambitious climate policies, as well as economic development, education, technological progress and less resource-intensive lifestyles, are crucial elements for progress towards the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, using an integrated modelling framework covering 56 indicators or proxies across all 17 SDGs, we show that they are insufficient to reach the targets. An additional sustainable development package, including international climate finance, progressive redistribution of carbon pricing revenues, sufficient and healthy nutrition and improved access to modern energy, enables a more comprehensive sustainable development pathway. We quantify climate and SDG outcomes, showing that these interventions substantially boost progress towards many aspects of the UN Agenda 2030 and simultaneously facilitate reaching ambitious climate targets. Nonetheless, several important gaps remain; for example, with respect to the eradication of extreme poverty (180 million people remaining in 2030). These gaps can be closed by 2050 for many SDGs while also respecting the 1.5 °C target and several other planetary boundaries.

Using household data from the latest wave of the Ghana Living Standards Survey, this paper utilizes machine learning techniques – IV LASSO – that allows for the treatment of unconfoundedness in the selection of observables and unobservables to examine the structural effect of gender wage differences within households on women's empowerment and welfare in Ghana. The structural parameters of the IV LASSO estimations show that a reduction in household gender wage gap significantly enhances women's empowerment. Also, a decline in household gender wage gap results meaningfully in improving household and women's welfare. Particularly, the increasing effect on women's welfare resulting from decreases in household gender wage differences is much higher than for the household welfare. The findings showcase the need to vigorously adopt policies that both increase the quantity and quality of jobs for women and address gender barriers that inhibit women from accessing these jobs opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa.

European Union (EU) funding for United Nations (UN) organisations has expanded significantly over the last two decades. The EU’s partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is an important example of EU-UN cooperation, and UNDP was the fourth-largest UN recipient of European Commission funds in 2018. Against the backdrop of UN and EU reforms that aim to strengthen multilateralism and promote more integrated development cooperation approaches, this paper outlines priority areas in EU-UNDP cooperation and modes of cooperation. The term “added value” provides an entry point for identifying the rationales for EU funding to UNDP. In EU budgetary discussions, added value is a concept used to inform decisions such as whether to take action at the EU or member state levels or which means of implementation to select. These choices extend to the development cooperation arena, where the term relates to the division of labour agenda and features in assessments of effectiveness. The paper explores three perspectives to consider the added value of funding choices within the EU-UNDP partnership relating to the division of labour between EU institutions and member states, the characteristics of UNDP as an implementation channel and the qualities of the EU as a funder. On the first dimension, the large scale of EU funding for UNDP sets it apart from most member states, though EU funding priorities display elements of specialisation as well as similar emphases to member states. On the second dimension, UNDP’s large scope of work, its implementation capacities and accountability standards are attractive to the EU, but additional criteria – including organisational cost effectiveness – can alter the perception of added value. Finally, the scale of EU funding and the possibility to engage in difficult country contexts are key elements of the added value of the EU as a funder. However, the EU’s non-core funding emphasis presents a challenge for the UN resource mobilisation agenda calling for greater flexibility in organisational funding. Attention to these multiple dimensions of added value can inform future EU choices on how to orient engagement with UNDP to reinforce strengths of the organisation and enable adaptations envisaged in UN reform processes.

The COVID-19 pandemic and the ongoing vaccination process calls for decisive, internationally coordinated and forward-looking action. We propose short-, medium- and long-term actions and emphasise that the political pressure for action should not only focus on short-term management, but on building long-term structures that are crucial to prepare for future epidemics or pandemics. Four key challenges need to be addressed in order to achieve global control of COVID-19 by using vaccines. First, vaccines need to be produced at scale; second, they should be priced affordably; third, they have to be allocated globally so that they are available where needed; and fourth, they have to be deployed and utilised in local communities. Challenges in production are producing some of the main bottlenecks, but the others – in particular vaccine scepticism and utilisation – need to be considered early enough to enable smooth global vaccination campaigns. Addressing the four key challenges, we recommend the following short, medium- and long-term actions. In the short term, we advise accelerating global vaccination efforts by scaling up financial support for the COVAX initiative. In the medium term, we suggest establishing regional production centres in priority countries, providing the necessary intellectual property through voluntary patent pools and fostering information campaigns and civil society participation to increase vaccination willingness and utilisation. In the long term, we recommend establishing Global Pandemic Centres of Excellence in all world regions – analogous to the CGIAR system in the agricultural sector – that are responsible for medical research, vaccine production, distribution and delivery.

German municipalities are getting increasingly involved in development policy work in Germany and abroad, with the nature of that involvement becoming ever more diverse. However, very little is known about the background or the type of these activities.
Against this backdrop, the German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) has conducted a study of municipal development policy (MDP) in Germany. Financed by the Service Agency Communities in One World (SKEW) of Engagement Global, this research drew upon a previous study carried out by DIE in 2009 (Fröhlich & Lämmlin, 2009) with the aim of identifying the current status of and trends in development for this policy area. To this end, DIE collaborated with the German Institute for Development Evaluation (DEval) to conduct a survey of municipalities throughout Germany. In addition, semi-structured qualitative interviews were held with representatives of municipalities and relevant national and federal-state institutions.
As the results show, involvement in MDP on the part of German municipalities is increasing in the context of enabling national policies and changing frameworks for international cooperation (e.g. 2030 Agenda). Large municipalities engage far more often in development policy than small municipalities. The latter often focus on low-threshold activities with fewer requirements for project management, such as the promotion of fair trade. In a number of cases, small municipalities carry out projects based on inter-municipal cooperation.
MDP covers many different topics, from information and education work to diverse forms of partnerships with municipalities in the Global South. The number and variety of stakeholders involved in the municipal administration partnerships are increasing, along with the functions they carry out. Municipalities serve as implementing agents, facilitators and networkers. They are partly motivated in their international work and corresponding activities by self-interest. Their involvement, for instance, may allow them to take on international responsibility or increase their appeal as an employer to new recruits.
Development policy is a shared responsibility of the German national government, federal states and municipalities. MDP is a voluntary municipal activity and is thus not practised everywhere. Human resources are often insufficient and the required knowledge is difficult to obtain. In some cases, municipalities consider the expenditure associated with the management of MDP projects to be too high.
Nonetheless, municipalities make a key contribution to transnational sustainability policy through their work, most especially by enabling global objectives to be localised and/or contextualised. One of the specific benefits of MDP is its proximity to citizens and direct contact with local stakeholders in Germany and abroad. However, when measured using conventional metrics and indicators for development cooperation (such as Official Development Assistance, ODA), the municipal contribution is still insufficiently discernible. It is important to continue providing support to municipalities, with as little red tape as possible, in order to fully exploit the potential MDP has in municipalities that are already involved in this work and those which are not yet involved.

Die Klimakrise und die durch die Covid-19-Pandemie bedingten Krisen müssen gemeinsam bewältigt werden. Viele Staaten arbeiten an Strategien zur Umsetzung des Pariser Übereinkommens. Auf der Klimakonferenz in Glasgow gilt es daher, kurz- und langfristige Ziele und Maßnahmen in Einklang zu bringen. Das Bundesverfassungsgericht hat den deutschen Gesetzgeber verpflichtet, Klimaschutz langfristig zu planen. Die Erstellung von Langfriststrategien sollte auch international verpflichtend werden, über Klimaneutralität hinaus auf Klimastabilisierung abzielen und Mehrgewinne mit anderen Nachhaltigkeitsdimensionen anstreben. Dazu sollten sie erstens den schnellen und vollständigen Ausstieg aus der Nutzung fossiler Energieträger vorsehen. Zweitens sollten Schutz und Wiederherstellung von Ökosystemen sowie ihre nachhaltige Nutzung zum Schwerpunkt
werden. Drittens sollte die Entfernung von CO2 aus der Atmosphäre strategisch vorbereitet werden. Als starken Impuls sollten sich Staaten auf der COP 26 dazu bekennen, ihre COVID-19-Stimulusprogramme im Sinne der Langfriststrategien zu nutzen.

Recent years have witnessed renewed efforts to advance integration in the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), including in the domain of military and civilian capability development. The adoption of a Civilian CSDP Compact (CCC) and the creation of a European Peace Facility (EPF) are prominent examples of recent steps taken towards further integration. Still, despite recent progress, CSDP reforms have often been slow to materialise, lag behind the reform ambitions of key EU foreign policy actors, and fail to address important shortcomings experienced by CSDP. This article addresses why this might be by exploring the evolution of CSDP crisis management through a failing forward approach, which charts the course of integration dynamics, identified by neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism, through time, revealing its cyclical nature. Our case studies of the EPF and the CCC demonstrate how the long-term integrative dynamics in EU military and civilian crisis management are marked by a cycle of crisis followed by incomplete institutional reforms, policy feedback, experiential learning and subsequent, yet again incomplete, efforts to remedy institutional shortcomings and policy failure.

Primary data collection in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs) is associated with a range of ethical complexities. Considerations on how to adequately ensure the well-being of research staff are largely neglected in contemporary ethics discourse. This systematic review aims to identify the ethical challenges that research staff across different hierarchical levels and scientific disciplines face when conducting research in LMICs.

We searched 13 electronic databases and handsearched publications in six selected journals as well as the reference lists of all included studies. No restrictions were applied with respect to the publication date, research design, and target population.

23 151 studies were retrieved, 183 of which met our inclusion criteria. We identified nine different types of ethical challenges that research staff may be exposed to during field research, including (1) role conflicts that can emerge from participants’ help requests and the high level of deprivation found in certain study settings, (2) feelings of guilt and (3) detrimental mental health impacts. Further challenges were (4) sexual harassment (5) safety risks and (6) political repression, particularly in postconflict, disaster-ridden or autocratic study contexts. Additionally, studies reported (7) inadequate working conditions and (8) power imbalances within research teams, while (9) ethics boards were found to be ill equipped to anticipate and address emerging risks, thus increasing the ethical liability of researchers.

This review revealed several complex ethical challenges that research staff may face during data collection. In order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goal 8.8 on ‘safe and secure working environments’ and to protect research staff from harm, amendments must urgently be made to current ethical standards.

In most Sub Saharan African countries renewable energy has been part of the energy mix balance-sheet for quite a long time. However, the share of total primary energy from renewable sources have declined over time despite significant investment into the sector in the last decade. This paper pierce the veil of the energy sector to unearth the underlying factors driving renewable energy output in the region using a panel data of 32 SSA countries from 1990 to 2015. The study rely on the Driscoll-Kraay estimator to correct the problem of cross sectional dependence and serial correlation in the model. Findings from the study point to the underlying factors of renewable energy output in Co2 emissions per capita, income per capita, oil prices, trade openness, natural resource rents, urbanization, population growth rate, and climatic stress. The study proposes policies that incorporates environmental awareness in the national development plans of countries; increasing renewable energy consumption among the middle class; encourage regional renewable energy grid sharing; implementing and expanding the feed-in-tariff system; and granting tax incentives to companies that seek to invest and develop the renewable energy sector in the region.

Die Buchbesprechung rezensiert das Buch "Die demokratische Regression", in dem Armin Schäfer und Michael Zürn eine politische Erkärung für das Erstarken autoritär-populistischer Parteien und Politiker*innen entwickeln, die auf Defizite in der Funktionsweise der bestehenden Demokratien verweist.

Am 14. Juli 2021 hat die Europäische Kommission ihr Fit-for-55-Paket vorgestellt. Dazu gehört der Vorschlag für einen CO2-Grenzausgleichs­mechanismus, der Importe in die Europäische Union mit einer Abgabe belastet, die ihrem CO2-Gehalt entspricht.
Kommissionspräsidentin von der Leyen hatte dieses Instrument vor zwei Jahren als Teil des "Green Deal" angekündigt, um in der EU anspruchsvollere klimapolitische Ziele verfolgen zu können, ohne dass energieintensive Sektoren ihre CO2-Emissionen ins Ausland verlagern ("Carbon Leakage"). Die Gesetzesvorlage muss nun im Detail durch die EU-Mitgliedsstaaten und das Europäische Parlament ausbuchstabiert werden. Dabei sollte der Fokus neben der klimapolitischen Effektivität auch auf den außenpolitischen Wirkungen liegen. Denn internationale Kooperation ist der Schlüssel zum Erfolg eines CO2-Grenzausgleichsmechanismus und muss daher eine zentrale Rolle für die Entscheidungen der europäischen Gesetzgeber spielen.

The European Commission presented its “Fit-for-55” proposal which includes a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The CBAM would impose a levy on imports into the EU based on their CO2 content from 2023. As part of the European Green Deal, Commission President von der Leyen had announced this instrument two years ago in order to be able to implement more ambitious climate policy targets without energy-intensive sectors shifting their emissions abroad (carbon leakage). Following the Commission’s proposal, the CBAM must now be spelled out in detail by the EU member states and the European Parliament. Going forward, it is key to ensure that the CBAM is effective in fighting climate change, that it is WTO compatible and, above all, that it has as few ramifications as possible for foreign policy and for developing countries in particular.

Zunehmend und auf vielfältige Art und Weise zeigen deutsche Kommunen im In- und Ausland entwicklungspolitisches Engagement. Über die Hintergründe und Ausgestaltung ihres Engagements aber ist sehr wenig bekannt.
Vor diesem Hintergrund hat das Deutsche Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) eine Bestandsaufnahme der Kommunalen Entwicklungspolitik (KEpol) in Deutschland gemacht. Finanziert wurde sie von der Servicestelle Kommunen in der Einen Welt (SKEW). Auf Grundlage einer bereits 2009 vom DIE durchgeführten Studie (Fröhlich & Lämmlin, 2009) sollten Entwicklungstrends in diesem kommunalen Politikfeld ausgemacht werden. Zu diesem Zweck führte das DIE in Kooperation mit dem Deutschen Evaluierungsinstitut der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (DEval) eine deutschlandweite Befragung von Kommunen durch, die auch vertiefende qualitative Interviews mit Vertreter*innen von Kommunen und relevanten Bundes- und Länderinstitutionen umfasste.
Wie die Ergebnisse zeigen, wächst in Deutschland die KEpol infolge verbesserter politischer Rahmenbedingungen und beeinflusst durch veränderte globale Leitbilder (z. B. Agenda 2030). Bei größeren Kommunen ist der Anteil entwicklungspolitisch aktiver Kommunen deutlich höher als bei kleineren. Häufig konzentrieren sich kleinere Kommunen auf niedrigschwellige Aktivitäten mit geringeren Anforderungen an das Projektmanagement wie z.B. die Förderung von fairem Handel.
In einigen Fällen organisieren sie sich in Verbundprojekten. KEpol umfasst ein breites thematisches Spektrum, das von der Informations- und Bildungsarbeit bis hin zu vielfältigen Partnerschaften mit Kommunen im Globalen Süden reicht. Bei den Kooperationen der kommunalen Verwaltungen nehmen die Zahl und die Vielfalt der Akteure sowie ihre Funktionen zu. Sie agieren als Umsetzende, Multiplikator*innen und Vernetzende. Dem internationalen Engagement und den entsprechenden Aktivitäten der Kommunen liegt nicht zuletzt ein Eigeninteresse zugrunde. Beispielsweise, um international Verantwortung zu übernehmen
oder um für neue Mitarbeitende attraktiv zu sein.
Entwicklungspolitik ist eine gemeinsame Aufgabe von Bund, Ländern und Kommunen. KEpol gehört dabei zu den freiwilligen kommunalen Tätigkeiten und wird daher nicht überall praktiziert. Oft sind personelle Kapazitäten unzureichend und benötigte Kenntnisse über die diversen Themenfelder komplex. Zum Teil schätzen Kommunen den mit dem KEpol-Projektmanagement verbundenen Aufwand als zu hoch ein.
Nichtsdestotrotz leisten Kommunen durch ihr Engagement einen zentralen Beitrag zur transnationalen Nachhaltigkeitspolitik. Sie ermöglichen es insbesondere, die globalen Ziele kontextspezifisch umzusetzen beziehungsweise sie zu lokalisieren. Als spezifischen Vorteil bietet KEpol die Nähe zu den Bürger*innen und den direkten Kontakt zu lokalen Akteuren im In- und Ausland. Zurzeit ist allerdings der kommunale Beitrag gemessen an den gängigen Maßzahlen und Indikatoren der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (EZ) (etwa der Official Development Assistance, ODA) noch zu wenig erkennbar. Kommunen weiterhin und vor allem unbürokratisch zu unterstützen ist wichtig, damit KEpol in aktiven und bislang noch nicht aktiven Kommunen ihr volles Potenzial entfalten kann.

The COVID-19 pandemic is a critical juncture for global development. Under the label of “Team Europe”, the EU has sought to mobilize rapid development assistance to support partners in addressing the impacts of the crisis, while promoting joined-up approaches among European actors to assert itself in a changing and competitive geopolitical context. This article assesses how substantive and process-oriented EU development policy norms are reflected in the Union’s global COVID-19 response. Focusing on the EU’s response during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in the first half of 2020, the article shows that the EU’s response to this extraordinary crisis consisted of a deepening of EU integration. In so doing, the EU emphasized process-oriented over substantive norms in its development policy.

Child malnutrition is an enormous public health problem in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). In this paper, we study the relationship between non-maternal adult female household members (AFHMs) and under-5 child nutritional outcomes using nationally representative Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey data, 2016. Because most of the primary inputs that go into the production of child health are intensive in maternal time, having additional AFHMs may ease the time constraints of the child's mother. We use anthropometric measures such as height-for-age z-scores (HAZ) and weight-for-age z-scores (WAZ) to measure stunting and underweight, respectively, as objective indicators of child nutritional status. Among our sampled households, we find that 40% of the children are stunted, 18% severely stunted, 27% underweight and 8% severely underweight. Furthermore, about 20% of the sampled children live with at least one extra non-maternal AFHM. The multivariate regression results suggest that an additional AFHM is associated with significantly higher HAZ and WAZ scores and less likelihood of severe stunting compared with children living with fewer AFHMs. Finally, the paper discusses the potential pathways through which non-maternal AFHMs can influence child nutritional status.

On 29 June, G20 Ministers responsible for development policy convened for the first time under the Italian Presidency. The meeting saw the adoption of a detailed and ambitious policy communique that in addition to prompting international action is also expected to further inform the deliberations of other G20 ‘tracks’ that may affect developing countries. It seems particularly strategic to us that the meeting of Finance Ministers at the end of this week in Venice picks up and further develops on these commitments.

Many governments consider carbon taxation an efficient tool to reduce carbon emissions, but it can negatively affect welfare in terms of emission reductions versus reductions in output. So, how can carbon taxes be best introduced? In a new study using evidence from Mexico, we show that when governments cannot select the most optimal policy –simply taxing some energy sources but not others – this may have substantial implications on how emissions and output, and eventually welfare, are affected.

Ecological fiscal transfers (EFT) transfer public revenue between governments within a country based on ecological indicators. EFT can compensate subnational governments for the costs of conserving ecosystems and in principle can incentivize greater ecological conservation. We review established EFT in Brazil, Portugal, France, China and India, and emerging or proposed EFT in ten more countries. We analyse common themes related to EFT emergence, design and effects. EFT have grown rapidly from US$0.35 billion yr−1 in 2007 to US$23 billion yr−1 in 2020. We discuss the scope of opportunity to expand EFT to other countries by ‘greening’ intergovernmental fiscal transfers.