Flags of Catalunya
The focus on an event, movement or death of a leader has always been the rallying cry for many movements that sought to change the status quo. Even in a relatively peaceful country like Canada, the words of a one Lord Durham in a report in the 1800s that suggested the elimination of French Canadian culture in North America has become a touchstone for historic divisions in the country. Even in what some refer to as post-modern societies, the ties to culture, language and history are as strong as ever in those regions that have had to fight for it to exist. To a greater extent, many ancient cultures are facing complete ext ermination because of their language, culture and origin, and are fighting in 2017 just to survive.
The 2017 referendums in Catalonia and the Kurdish region of Iraq may be historic in their push to birth new nations in regions where borders are disappearing. New states may arise from these entrenched cultures in regions where borders may be re-characterized as being a weaker version those traditionally guarded by nation states.
The separation of Catalonia from Spain was not a likely outcome, but recent reaction where force and the denial of the right to vote in an unofficial election may become the rallying cry separatist campaigners needed in their push for independence. Catalonia’s legislative challenges to push for a vote for separation would have likely been dulled in political horse trading and the constitutional courts for decades. Video of Catalans being suppressed in the activity of voting in their own communities may become a historic touchstone for the future of the independent Catalonia movement. The overreach in preventing the vote by the government in Madrid has likely enflamed the already tense divisions between Catalunya and the capital. The feeling that independence and an expression of nationhood may be met by violence, even if it was based on activities that were seen as not completely legal, sets a horrible precedent for those who wish to separate, and even those who wish to remain as part of Spain but are proud of their Catalan heritage. A surprisingly bad policy move, one that may even break up the country if not addressed in an appropriate manner immediately.
The Kurds have recently conducted a referendum on independence where a majority voted to become an independent state. With Iraq and Iranian forces in Iraq pushing to contain any active separation, and Turkey threatening further coercive measures, the Kurds who were a key ally to almost everyone in the region in the fight against ISIS and extremism have now become underserving targets of all power brokers in the region. Despite earning their place through hard fought battle, helping regional minorities not to succumb to a complete genocide and their focus on democratic values, there is little to no recognition of the rights of the Kurdish people in forming a nation state.
There had been a great deal of coalition rhetoric in claiming support for Kurdish forces in fighting ISIS. Unfortunately, the constant minimal level of military support from Western allies has done nothing to earn the minimal amount of respect they deserve in being the tip of the spear against radicalism and genocide in Iraq and Syria. The main catalyst any society would claim as their fight for independence for the Kurdish people comes from fighting the most powerful fascist army since the end of the Second World War. The war the Kurdish people have helped win for most of the world might be forgotten in Western media, but it is doubtful Kurdish society will ever forget their victory. Denying them freedom from future incursions and the determination of their own safety and security is something no society would tolerate after years of hard fought conflict. For both regions and their people in 2017, there is now a point in history that will never be forgotten, and with that generations of independent thought and literature encouraging strong, free and independent nations.
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Cette recension a été publiée dans le numéro d’automne de Politique étrangère (n°3/2017). Morgan Larhant propose une analyse de l’ouvrage de Jean-Marc de La Sablière, Indispensable ONU (Plon, 2017, 288 pages).
Souvent décriée, rarement admirée, l’Organisation des Nations unies (ONU) est le plus souvent ignorée. Au-delà de l’image coutumière du fer à cheval du Conseil de sécurité qui s’invite périodiquement sur nos téléviseurs, rares sont ceux qui connaissent cette organisation. Plus rares encore ceux qui cherchent à la faire comprendre.
Qui mieux qu’un ancien ambassadeur de France auprès de l’ONU, témoin direct du labyrinthe onusien depuis sa première affectation à New York au début des années 1980 aurait pu montrer l’organisation telle qu’elle est, dans ses échecs et ses succès ?
La lecture de cet ouvrage, simple d’accès et structuré en huit chapitres aussi précis que didactiques, nous fait ainsi entrer dans le fonctionnement concret de l’ONU. De l’action du Conseil de sécurité pour « éviter les guerres » à l’œuvre normative d’universalisation des droits de l’homme, de l’assistance humanitaire dépêchée aux quatre coins du monde aux mille détails de notre vie quotidienne réglés par une galaxie d’institutions spécialisées, l’ONU apparaît comme le lieu de toutes les frustrations, mais également comme celui de tous les progrès.
Le chapitre consacré au développement et à la lutte contre les changements climatiques mérite à cet égard d’être souligné, car si « 40 ans après la vague de décolonisation l’échec [de la politique de développement] est collectif », les avancées réalisées depuis le sommet du millénaire de l’an 2000, et le « grand succès » que constitue la COP21, montrent la nature profonde de cette organisation : une enceinte où « on ne “renverse pas la table” ; mais on peut y creuser un sillon ».
Ce bilan critique de 70 années suffit-il à justifier le titre de l’ouvrage ? Assurément non et c’est là l’autre intérêt de la présentation faite par celui qui est devenu ces dernières années un enseignant de l’organisation. L’ONU est indispensable car elle a su sans cesse s’adapter, pousser plus loin le champ du droit international, comme avec le développement du concept de la « responsabilité de protéger ». Elle est indispensable, car elle sait dans les grandes occasions se transcender, « toucher les peuples » et, comme le disait Adlai Stevenson lors de la crise des missiles de Cuba, « devenir ce tribunal de l’opinion publique» internationale. Elle est indispensable parce qu’elle seule réunit trois attributs consubstantiels à toute régulation internationale : l’universalité, la légitimité et le temps long. Elle est indispensable, enfin, parce que son existence même force les États à s’auto-discipliner, à introduire de la retenue dans une « société internationale » qui n’est jamais vraiment sortie de l’état de nature.
Certes l’ONU peut être décevante, son fonctionnement suranné, sa bureaucratie étouffante. Le chapitre consacré à sa réforme aurait d’ailleurs pu davantage approfondir la question essentielle des finances de l’organisation. Mais, comme le note très justement l’auteur, « il ne faut pas demander à l’ONU d’être un gouvernement du monde, étroitement uni par un projet commun de société ». Celui qui « derrière ses lunettes en écaille » a assisté aux premières loges au discours de Dominique de Villepin contre la guerre en Irak sait que l’ONU est indispensable simplement parce qu’elle est. Et cette seule existence est, en soi, un « bien commun trop précieux pour que nous n’ayons pas l’ambition de le défendre et de le réformer ».
Morgan Larhant
Pictured on left is Diosdado Cabello, newly appointed to Venezuela’s inaugural Constituent Assembly. President Nicolas Maduro created this new authority to consolidate power and subvert opposition influence. Photo: Credit Juan Barreto/Agence France-Presse
When I last wrote about Venezuela in May, protests raged across the country. They derived from the ruling regime-controlled Supreme Court attempting to wrest power away from the National Assembly, Venezuela’s federal legislature and last vestige of opposition voices in the government. The move was met with harsh criticism at home and abroad, and President Nicolas Maduro quickly abandoned the maneuver, although protests and discontent lumbered on in the spring and summer.
Yet by mid-August, protests dwindled significantly in both in number and size. Was this because the opposition, and supporters of democracy in Venezuela, accomplished its goals making protests unnecessary? Unfortunately this was not the case, and the reason for the decline in demonstrations is far more sinister: Maduro and his political supporters found a way to make them obsolete.
In July, Maduro spearheaded the creation of a new governing body called the Constituent Assembly. The regime mandated that this group would have authority to rewrite the country’s constitution, and, according to the New York Times, “govern Venezuela with virtually unlimited authority.” On July 30 Venezuelans elected members of the Constituent Assembly. While the candidates did represent different occupations and every region of the country, they all had one thing in common: every single one was considered a trusted ally of the ruling regime. There were no opposition legislators on the ballot, and voters could not reject the creation of the assembly.
What’s more, the regime made no efforts to hide the fact that an express goal of this new authority it created was to wipe away the last remaining presence of the opposition in government. Maduro granted the Constituent Assembly the power to fire any official it considered to be disloyal, and to disband the National Assembly altogether. Diosdado Cabello, a former military chief and one of the new group’s most powerful members, said on television, point blank, “There is no possibility that the opposition will govern this country…Mark my words — no possibility.”
On August 18, only 2 weeks after it began operating, the Constituent Assembly gave itself the power to write and pass legislation. Nicholas Casey of the New York Times reported that this move “essentially nullifies the opposition-led legislature and puts [Maduro’s] party firmly in control of the country.” Casey further states that this latest power grab “is a decisive step in the quest by Mr. Maduro’s allies to dismantle the country’s legislature.” While Maduro has often acted to suppress his critics in the past, it seems that now his government isn’t even trying to maintain the appearance of adhering to the democratic process.
Beyond the political maneuvering, Venezuelan citizens continue to suffer under crippling economic conditions. And one definitely affects the other. Largely in response to the actions described above, on Aug, 25 the U.S. government placed new sanctions on Venezuela restricting trading of Venezuelan bonds in American financial markets. While not expected to have a significant impact, it may further hinder the Maduro’s regime ability to address its massive debt and pay off its loans.
And as if often the case in authoritarian regimes, those who are in the most need are those who are not getting help. The value of Venezuela’s currency continues to shrink while prices keep rising. Many cannot afford basic necessities, and many turn to the black market for goods and currency which further strangles the economy. The value of minimum wage earnings has plummeted by an astounding 88% in the last 5 years.
Has Maduro achieved checkmate in Venezuela? Has he eliminated the possibly of being removed from power? Just as those critical of his rule seemed to be gaining momentum, he found a way to pull the rug out from under them. Let’s hope the opposition is taking this opportunity to regroup and develop a new approach. International pressure should continue to be brought to bear, and aid to the Venezuelan people must be provided. More attention needs to be paid to the immense hardships facing them.
And democracy must make a comeback. It is long past due.
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