Les élections législatives se dérouleront dans moins d'un an en Hongrie. Viktor Orbán sera défié par László Botka et Gábor Vona
Comprendre l'Europe centrale pour 6€/mois Je m'abonne Je me connecte
Ma kellemes kétharmad üzemnapot sikerült eltölteni a kecskeméti tengelyben – és a korai kezdés miatt a RP-k felőli oldalon is, lásd első kép – a Load Diffuser 2017 miatt felpezsdült forgalom fotózásával. Volt itt az Alföldre, a Dunántúlra igyekvő amerikai-magyar vegyes raj, lérak-alájátszás, horvát forgószárnyas, Herky, stb.
Az első sor első gépe, Buckeye 13, a szívócsatorna oldalán precíziós vésőt is visz magával. Az ANG különutas modernizációja az ohiói gépekre nem érvényesül: vélhetően CCIP-n mentek át ezek a Block 42-esek is, mint az aktív állomány 40-50-esei. Míg az ANG Block 30-asai izraeli DASH sisakcélzóval és a hozzá szükséges, dekkre ragasztott pozíciószenzorral, itt az aktív csapatoknál alkalmazott JHMCS-t láthatunk.
Indulnak a Dunántúlra Rexék.
Spontán-kényszeres, de semmiképpen sem tervezett-tudatos 2xFox3 konfigurációs fixáció Titánéknál :-) A csörgőkígyók közben hanyagolásos tüneteket mutatnak, látleleteként a válsághelyzetben lévő egészségügynek. Hiába, a légierő indikációs potenciálja ágazaton kívüli degradációs jelenségek felfedésére is kiterjed.
Haslövés: futó, féklapok nyitva. Ez az a pozíció, ahonnan úgy hallani, mintha a P&W erőforrású F-16-osokban R2D2 füttyögne. Mindenkit bátorítok, hogy a következő két hétben legyen tanúja!
Ez a perspektíva arra is jó, hogy illusztrálja a Stonefort által először még 1999-ben Cerviában identifikált kétféle AMRAAM-radom variációt, a karcsúbbat és a teltebbet.
112. század némelyik gépén bevetés/bombaoldás jelvények is felfedezhetőek az iraki (ONW, OSW, OIF) települések idejéből. Ezen a példányon 12. Jól látszik a JHMCS a pilótán, illetve a Block 40/42-esek eredeti LANTIRN-rendszeréhez fejlesztett holografikus HUD, mely a kivetített FLIR-képpel az éjszakai kis földközeli repülést volt hivatva támogatni a navigációs konténerbe ugyancsak elhelyezett terepkövető lokátor mellett.
A Mansfieldből érkezett Herculesek földi előkészítése zajlik. DIRCM-előbeépítés: üresen. MWS-szenzorok előbeépítése: üresen. Ohióban sincs kolbászból a kerítés, pláne nem egy magyarországi gyakorlat erejéig.
Zord
In the western Mediterranean we encounter a paradox: there is the reality of the strength of relations formed between Europe and the Maghreb countries of North Africa (Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia); then there is the perception of a growing gap between the two sides. To bridge this gap and achieve greater harmony, we need to change our perspective. We need to replace Eurocentric ideas of ‘cultural integration’, and instead focus on ‘cultural convergence’.
This will not be easy: the religious fault line between the Judeo-Christian northern Mediterranean and the majority Islamic southern Mediterranean is particularly acute, not least against the backdrop of multiple inequalities in the region, the post-9/11 security deterioration (the escalation of conflicts in the Middle East, and the rise of extremist groups ‘reclaiming’ Islam), and the rise in anti-Muslim populism in Europe.
The poor results of political and economic partnerships have also contributed to the perception of a widening gap. The Euromed partnership – also known as the Barcelona process – is more than two decades old. But the dream of the transformation of Arab societies, democracy and open economies, all to be achieved with structural support from Europe, has faded with the Arab Spring uprisings, which were perceived as evidence of the failure of Europe’s policies to support the region. Now Euromed is often condemned – especially from the European side – as having produced mediocre results or even having ground to a halt.
Euromed’s objectives were ambitious, but the strategies and funding were inadequate and the process unbalanced: for example, a free trade area where almost anything can move except people from Maghreb countries is not a partnership of equals. The new European Neighbourhood Policy – essentially a strategy to secure the frontiers of ‘wider Europe’ – seems to mark the end of perceptions of the Mediterranean as an autonomous geopolitical entity. The policy – including its post-2011 amendments – is based on a pre-Arab revolts mindset and puts in doubt Europe’s stated aim of democratisation of the southern Mediterranean.
“The growing frustration of young people makes them easy prey for radical preachers and extremist propaganda”
Working with its Maghreb partners, Europe must learn lessons from Euromed to create a long-term strategic vision and an improved, more equal partnership. We can achieve greater cultural convergence; reduce disparities; establish a better dialogue. This important work can start by taking four steps.
First, we must counter negative perceptions. Swallowing the narrative of extreme-right parties, many Europeans see Islam as an enemy and immigrants as the source of all problems. These are ideas that have now taken root in the collective European consciousness, fuelled by unprecedented numbers of refugees and terrorist attacks. For Maghreb societies, the European model has lost its appeal, with a breakdown in integration and perceived hostility to Islam and Arabs. In searching for a different modernity, Maghreb societies seek to challenge the dominant paradigm, whereby modernity equals Westernisation.
At the same time Maghreb societies are undergoing a period of great change and increasing polarisation. Political one-upmanship has helped widen existing divides between conservatives and progressives, and between Islamists and ‘secular infidels’. Arguments and controversies radicalise positions and threaten social cohesion, without producing any real constructive debate.
Second, it is vital to improve the situation for ordinary people on the ground. The Arab uprisings, which began in Tunisia, were a call to all countries in the region to pursue aspirations for economic improvement, social justice and political participation. Morocco is moving towards democracy and modernisation, a process that is far from complete. Aided by its strong leadership and clear vision, the Kingdom has consolidated, extended and implemented reforms. As the Maghreb’s main partner, the EU must offer support for such reforms, including regional integration that could boost gross domestic product by two percentage points.
Education is the basis of socio-economic development and open-mindsets. Both Europe and the Maghreb agree that the growing frustration of young people makes them easy prey for radical preachers and extremist propaganda. In Morocco, educational reform constitutes a central axis of its global strategy to fight against extremism and to promote moderate Islam.
In short, we need to give people a real stake in their own societies. Women, in particular, must be involved and valued equally (Morocco changed its constitution to ensure gender equality in 2011). But so too, in Europe, must young people with immigrant backgrounds benefit from equal treatment. Reducing their feelings of being second-class citizens would help prevent delinquency and radicalisation.
“We can build a sustainable, structured and equal Europe-Maghreb partnership that benefits everyone”
Third, we need to rebalance the cultural scales. There is currently great asymmetry in the cultural exchanges between North and South, partly due to the size of western intellectual and artistic output and its powers of outreach and communication. Reducing this asymmetry is vital in breaking down negative perceptions. Islam is a religion of peace, but that message is inaudible to a European public that remains reluctant, scared, or even hostile.
Erudite European specialists on the Arab and Muslim worlds remain silent, wheeled out by the media only to comment on terrorist attacks, where they are given a couple of minutes to explain a hyper-complex part of the world. And few European countries have had the courage to ‘decolonise’ their educational outlook and revise their history textbooks. Here, the cultural services and ambassadors of Maghreb countries must play their own role, increasing their efforts and inventiveness.
The Maghreb diaspora in Europe has the potential to serve as a bridge, but is hamstrung by its limited influence over policy and, in some cases, the absence of voting rights. And, naturally, the cultural gap must be spanned online and on social networks.
Fourth, we need a permanent and constructive dialogue between equal partners and a method to achieve cultural convergence. We need to encourage the growth of research platforms, of think-tanks (such as EuroMeSCo), and of spaces to facilitate understanding and solidarity. The Anna Lindh Foundation, which aims to bring people together from across the Mediterranean to improve mutual respect between cultures and to support civil society, needs much better funding to renew intercultural dialogue, making it an everyday reality. We should make more of the cultural and artistic boom being experienced in the countries of the Maghreb: seminars, forums, festivals, fairs, exhibitions and concerts abound, vying for public and private sponsorship. But above all we need mobility: freedom of movement between countries north and south of the Mediterranean is a must.
By taking these four steps, we can start to build a new bridge across the Mediterranean. We can realise that both sides have much in common, ending what Freud called ‘the narcissism of minor differences’. And we can build a sustainable, structured and equal Europe-Maghreb partnership that benefits everyone.
IMAGE CREDIT: saiko3p/Bigstock
The post Cultural convergence is the key to rebuilding EU-Maghreb relations appeared first on Europe’s World.
On 30 May 2017, the presidency reached agreement with European Parliament representatives on proposals aimed at facilitating the development of a securitisation market in Europe.
A framework for securitisation is one of the main elements of the EU's 2015 plan to develop a fully functioning capital markets union by the end of 2019. Developing a securitisation market will help create new investment possibilities and provide an additional source of finance, particularly for SMEs and start-ups.
“This initiative will encourage financial market integration in Europe and make it easier to lend to households and businesses", said Edward Scicluna, minister for finance of Malta, which currently holds the Council presidency. "Tonight's agreement with MEPs will allow us to relaunch the securitisation market, defining a model for simple, transparent and standardised securitisations."
The agreement will be submitted to EU ambassadors for endorsement on behalf of the Council, following technical finalisation of the text. Parliament and Council will then be called on to adopt the proposed regulation at first reading.
Securitisation is the process by which a lender - typically a bank - refinances a set of loans or assets, such as mortgages, automobile leases, consumer loans or credit card accounts, by converting them into securities. The repackaged loans are divided into different risk categories, tailored to the risk/reward appetite of investors.
Following the US subprime cirisis of 2007-08, public authorities took steps to make securitisation transactions safer and simpler, and to ensure that incentives are in place to manage risk. As a result of these reforms, all securitisations in the EU are now strictly regulated. However, in contrast to the United States where markets have recovered, European securitisation markets have remained subdued. This despite the fact that EU securitisation markets withstood the crisis relatively well.
Building on what has been put into place to address risk, the proposals differentiate simple, transparent and standardised (STS) products. The concept of 'simple, transparent and standardised' refers not to the underlying quality of the assets involved, but to the process by which the securitisation is structured.
Issues resolvedOne of the main political issues resolved relates to a so-called risk retention requirement. This refers to the interest in the securitisation that originators, sponsors or original lenders of securitisations need to retain themselves. The requirement will ensure that securitised products are not created solely for the purpose of distribution to investors.
The negotiators agreed to set the risk retention requirement at 5%, in accordance with existing international standards and in line with the Council's negotiating position.
Other elements agreed with the Parliament include:
The agreement with the Parliament covers two draft regulations:
The first brings together rules that apply to all securitisations, including STS securitisation, that are currently scatttered amongst different legal acts. It thus ensures consistency and convergence across sectors (such as banking, asset management and insurance), and streamlines and simplifies existing rules. It also establishes a general and cross-sector regime to define STS securitisation.
The text amending regulation 575/2013 sets out capital requirements for positions in securitisation. It provides for a more risk-sensitive regulatory treatment for STS securitisations.
The regulations require a qualified majority for adoption by the Council, in agreement with the European Parliament. (Legal basis: article 114 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.)
EU rules on venture capital and social enterprises are to be adjusted with the aim of boosting investment in start-ups and innovation.
On 30 May 2017, representatives of the Council and the European Parliament agreed on amendments to rules governing investment funds in this sector.
The proposed regulation is part of the EU's plan to develop a fully functioning capital markets union, diversifying funding sources for Europe's businesses and long-term projects. It is also linked to the EU's investment plan for Europe.
"If European SMEs are to grow and develop, it is indispensable that financing - both bank and capital market financing - is readily available",said Edward Scicluna, minister for finance of Malta, which currently holds the Council presidency. "This regulation will help stimulate market financing and thereby boost economic growth."
The EU has been falling behind the United States in this sector. According to the Commission, an extra €90 billion would have been available between 2009 and 2014 for financing European companies if venture capital markets had been as developed as in the US.
The proposal adjusts rules adopted in 2013 to encourage investment in European venture capital funds (Euveca) and European social entrepreneurship funds (Eusef).
Amending regulations 345/2013 and 346/2013, it makes those funds available to fund managers of all sizes and expands the range of companies that the funds can invest in. It also makes the cross-border marketing of such funds cheaper and easier.
Regulations 345/2013 and 346/2013 lay down requirements for investment in Euveca and Eusef funds, which relate respectively to:
Presidency and Parliament representatives agreed on the following amendments:
The agreement will be submitted to EU ambassadors in the coming days for endorsement on behalf of the Council. The Parliament and the Council will then be called on to adopt the regulation without further discussion.
The regulation will start to apply three months after its entry into force.
The Council held a debate on space policy and adopted conclusions on a space strategy for Europe.