Old definitions of power and security are no longer valid in a globalised and connected world. Previously neglected actors contribute to international political processes and wield the power to disrupt agreements imposed from the top. Rather than merely consulting these individuals and groups, 21st century diplomacy must embrace the collective wisdom to establish more stable and peaceful international relations.
Power has long been based on the number of available guns, missiles, aircraft carriers and the strength of armies. Security policy was decided behind closed doors by serious-looking men in suits or uniforms using acronyms and intricate lingo. Now with cheap, instantaneous communication even in remote regions and live reporting on events via news websites and blogs, this is no longer the case.
“Gone are the days of top-down arrangements”
In today’s multipolar power structure and globalised world economy, security is as much about renewed tensions between NATO and Russia or the ongoing fighting in Syria as it is about cyber warfare, climate change, pandemics and migration. Access to natural resources, not least water, will shape the conflicts of the 21st century. Global warming is already giving rise to tensions in the Arctic, while natural disasters of increasing intensity are escalating pressure on local, regional and national first-responders as well as on NGOs. Climate change is exacerbating existing threats, and requires decisive changes in how political leaders tackle the subject and how governments and organisations manage risk. Military and civilian infrastructure (power grids) are vulnerable to cyber attacks.
The goal of security policy must be to create resilient societies, able to withstand disaster, foreign propaganda or radicalisation, while the disastrous effect of pandemics on international security, societies, political systems and economies has yet to be fully comprehended. Demographics and migration must be looked at on a global scale, avoiding the inconsistent and poorly coordinated reactions that have characterised most European nations’ response to the refugee crisis.
Security will require not only whole-of-government but whole-of-society approaches. Our 21st century security will be inclusive, or there will be no security at all. Gone are the days of top-down arrangements; local, regional and national authorities must work closely with international organisations, NGOs and civil society organisations. The 2015 Nobel Peace Prize anchored the recognition of non-governmental actors in peace processes. The empowerment of citizens through social media initially had a positive impact in enabling the Arab spring uprisings, but the fallout turned out to be messy and dangerous.
“Citizens must be listened to, inspired and empowered to develop and be part of creative solutions”
I will not join the chorus of those prophets of doom heralding a dark age of chaos. The radical changes in who contributes to the global security discussion, who decides and who is held accountable are achievements of recent years. More women are now at the table as well as on the frontlines. The aspirations of youth are being heard, as are their ideas for a more stable world. The rise of regional actors including Iran and an increasingly assertive China may seem threatening but will keep established world leaders on their toes and force a rethink of the global security architecture.
Our 21st century security requires a new type of leadership with vision, courage and tenacity. Citizens must be listened to, inspired and empowered to develop and be part of creative solutions that can bridge divides durably. As the European Union leads consultations on a new Global Strategy, NATO is gearing up to its next summit in Warsaw and the debate on reforming the UN Security Council rages on, it is time for a global conversation on security.
IMAGE CREDIT: CC / FLICKR – Herman Van Rompuy
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Did Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, engineer her surprise summit deal with Ankara to bolster her chances of winning three key regional elections this weekend? That was the question some of the more cynical European diplomats were asking themselves yesterday as they licked their wounds from what one called a “brutal” 12 hours of summit negotiations, where Ms Merkel essentially rammed through a bilateral deal she reached with her Turkish counterpart, Ahmet Davutoglu, on the gathering’s eve.
If Ms Merkel had hoped the unexpected agreement – which would have Turkey take back potentially thousands of refugees washing up on Europe’s shores in return for €6bn in aid and a visa-free travel scheme – would be hailed at home and win her political points before the Sunday vote, then she appeared headed for disappointment. Horst Seehofer, head of Ms Merkel’s Bavarian CSU sister party and her most prominent migration critic, was cool to the plan and other nominal allies were even more critical. Marcel Huber, a prominent CSU leader and secretary of the Bavarian regional government, said the visa liberalisation scheme would face “massive resistance” and was “not a matter for consideration”. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung notes the criticism even came from within Ms Merkel’s own Christian Democratic Union.
Read moreAz Amerikai Egyesült Államok arra használja a Szíriában öt évi háború után elért fegyvernyugvást, hogy újra felépítsen egy mesterséges, külföldről vezérelt fegyveres ellenzéket.
In this third Long Post in a five-part series on defence and the EU Global Strategy, Daniel Keohane argues that now is as good a time as any for deeper European military cooperation.
The post The paradox of EU defence policy appeared first on European Geostrategy.
A Gazdaságfejlesztési és Innovációs Operatív Program pályázatának nyertesei 2016 második félévében 139 járásban kezdhetik meg a fejlesztéseket. A felhívásra beérkezett támogatási kérelmek bírálata már megkezdődött. A beruházások általános célja az, hogy piaci szereplők bevonásával 2018-ra Magyarország még ellátatlan területein kiépüljön a legalább 30 Mbps sávszélességet biztosító hálózati infrastruktúra. A támogatásnak köszönhetően 412 ezer, a vállalkozások saját forrásából pedig további több mint 400 ezer olyan háztartás számára válhat hozzáférhetővé igény esetén a szupergyors internet, ahol az eddig nem volt elérhető.
Germany’s anti-immigrant Alternative für Deutschland party found itself without a home in the European Parliament on Tuesday after the assembly’s European Conservatives and Reformists group, the political home of Britain’s Tories, gave them a firm push out of the door.
In the tersest of one-sentence statements, the ECR confirmed it had “invited” its two AfD members to leave. Just in case they didn’t get the message, it went on to say that, if they choose to stick around, “a motion will be tabled to expel them” at the next meeting of the group’s executive on April 12.
The decision by the ECR to open its doors to the AfD after the party’s success in the 2014 European Parliament elections was a headache for David Cameron from the start. The move was an embarrassment at a time when the the British prime minister was trying to improve relations with Angela Merkel, the German chancellor who saw AfD as threat to her Christian Democrats on the right.
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