ELIAMEP

The Mercator European Dialogue aims at encouraging a European network of EU parliamentarians, providing emerging and senior members of parliament the unique opportunity to exchange ideas on the future of Europe, share national concerns, on a European level and better understand emerging trends. Stiftung Mercator launched the Mercator European Dialogue in cooperation with the German Marshal Fund of the United States (GMF) in Germany, the Instituto Affari Internationali (IAI) in Italy, the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB) in Spain and the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) in Greece.

You can watch a video here.

You can read here the article on the need of a strategic reconsideration in Greek national defence, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published in the Greek daily Kathimerini on 7 September 2016 [in Greek].

You can read here the article on the potential risk of radicalisation in Greece, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published in the Greek daily Kathimerini on 24 August 2016 [in Greek].

You can read here the article on political developments in Greece, which was written by Professor George Pagoulatos. The commentary was published on 21 August 2016  in the Sunday edition of Kathimerini and is available in Greek.

You can read here the article on developments in the Eastern Mediterranean, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published in the Greek daily Kathimerini on 9 August 2016 [in Greek].

Πηγή: Ria Novosti, CGI

The Center on Global Interests launched a debate on relations between Russia and Turkey. Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos was among the interviewees. His comment was the following:

‘The strained Russian-Turkish relationship of the past few months has often obscured the fact that Moscow and Ankara have had close economic and political relations for many years. Trade, investment, tourism and energy cooperation have been flourishing. Despite a historically adversarial relationship, and an inherent distrust, Russia and Turkey shared an uneasiness about increased U.S. and NATO presence in the Black Sea. It should also be noted that Turkey did not apply sanctions against Russia in the context of the Ukraine crisis, despite being a NATO member, and that President Erdogan has repeatedly expressed his admiration for Vladimir Putin.

Although the two countries supported opposing sides in the Syria conflict, and the stakes were quite high, the shooting down of the Russian military plane and the substantial deterioration of their relations came as a surprise to most observers. The high cost of the bilateral crisis, especially for Turkey, led to expectations that President Erdogan would take early action to restore relations. Probably because of pride (personal but also national), such action was not taken until a few weeks ago, when the tourist season was almost lost for Turkish resorts expecting Russian tourists. President Erdogan realized that the cost of a strained relationship with important countries such as Russia, Israel and Egypt was too high for Turkey and made a rational choice to try to improve relations with all three. The failed coup d’etat also allowed him to advance the rather dubious story of the coup organizers being responsible for the shooting down of the Russian plane. Therefore, the Turkish initiative to repair relations with Russia was a rational and expected action, which was, however, influenced to some extent by Turkish annoyance about the suspected U.S. role in the failed coup.

If the Russia-Turkey convergence is indeed a rational and expected development, should we expect a negative impact for Western interests? There are several unknown variables that render any prediction highly uncertain. First, although President Putin would probably welcome any opportunity to weaken the unity of NATO – assuming, of course, that the relationship between the West and Russia will remain adversarial –, it is unclear whether he trusts Erdogan enough to seek a full restoration of bilateral relations, especially as their two countries continue to hold widely diverging positions in the Syria conflict.

Second, a rapprochement may lead to a revival of plans for energy cooperation, i.e. the so-called Turkish Stream. Such a development may be perceived in some circles as incompatible with Western efforts to reduce reliance on Russian natural gas. Third, closer cooperation between Turkey and Russia (countries holding specific levers) may complicate the refugee situation for EU countries. The fourth and perhaps the most important question is whether President Erdogan truly believes that the U.S. tacitly supported the failed coup and therefore intends to further distance himself from the West, or whether he is using the issue as a bargaining chip. Turkey’s ambitious foreign policy agenda has transformed it into a rather unpredictable partner for the West during the past few years, and Erdogan himself has not always made rational choices – at least from a Western perspective – but he surely understands the cost of an estrangement between Turkey and the West. It is therefore too early to tell whether the attempted rapprochement with Moscow is a rational tactical move or an irrational strategic shift.’

The article is available here.

Head of ELIAMEP Crisis Observatory Dr  Dimitris Katsikas spoke in the Greek daily Naftemporiki on the course of the Greek economy. You can find here the article (in Greek).

Assistant Professor at the University of Nicosia and Head of ‘Geopolitics of Energy’ ELIAMEP Programme, Dr Theodore Tsakiris, wrote a working paper on the impact of the recent rapprochement between Turkey and Israel on the policies of Greece and Cyprus. You can find here this working paper (76/2016).

You can read here the article on the course of Greek-Turkish relations, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published in the Greek daily Kathimerini on 27 July 2016 [in Greek].

The new issue of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies is now available online. This issue includes a diverse selection of articles addressing the full region of Southeast Europe and the Black Sea. Bilge Yabanci contributed a piece on the (Il)legitimacy of EU state building: local support and contention in Kosovo, even more relevant given Britain’s EU Referendum and ongoing uncertainty about the future of the EU in supporting state building efforts. In a similar vein, Agnieszka K. Cianciara examined ‘Europeanization’ as a legitimation strategy of political parties: the cases of Ukraine and Georgia. Also EU- related, Cristian Nitoiu analysed EU-Russia Relations in light of the Ukraine crisis. The issue also includes Marija Milenkovska & Frosina Taševska Remenski discussing FYROM after the 2001 conflict, especially relevant due to ongoing political unrest and uncertainty. Angeliki Andrea Kanavou addresses another ongoing conflict by examining Cyprus through the lens of ambiguity theory. Finally, James Meernik, Nenad Golcevski, Melissa McKay, Ayal Feinberg, Kimi King & Roman Krastev write on truth, justice, and education, and reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia. The issue also includes two book reviews, the first by Dimitris Sotiropoulos on Children of the dictatorship: student resistance, cultural politics, and the ‘long 1960s’ in Greece and the second by Evanthis Hatzivassiliou on Periphery of contact zone? The NATO flanks 1961 to 2013.

The present report explores the topic of migrant integration through the lens of local government, and it was prepared in the frame of the research project LOMIGRAS. It reviews the relevant literature on the role of local government in migrant integration in Europe, and it examines the case of Greece. On the basis of this review, the report develops an analytical frame for the study of migration policies in local government, and a frame for the assessment of the relevant measures and policies that municipalities adopt with the goal of promoting the integration of migrants.

Author: Dr Dia Anagnostou

LOMIGRAS Report: ‘Local Government and Migrant Integration in Europe and in Greece’

Υou can find here more information about LOMIGRAS.

Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos wrote an article in the Sunday edition of Eleftheros Typos newspaper, analysing Greek-Turkish relations after the coup. The article is available here (in Greek). It was published on 24 July 2016.

Research Fellow of ELIAMEP and Head of the Middle East Research Project Dr Evangelos Venetis wrote an article in the Sunday edition of Eleftheros Typos examining whether Turkey will be re-islamised after the failed coup. The article was published on 24 June and is available here (in Greek).

You can read here the article on citizens’ political choices in democratic societies , which was written by Professor George Pagoulatos. The commentary was published on 24 July 2016  in the Sunday edition of Kathimerini and is available in Greek.

Following the failed coup in Turkey, Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos discussed in Le Monde perspectives for Greek-Turkish relations. The article is available here (in Greek).

Following the failed coup in Turkey, Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos wrote an article on Huffington Post attempting to assess future perspectives for the country. The article is available here (in Greek).

The new book authored by President of ELIAMEP Professor Loukas Tsoukalis: In Defense of Europe. Can the European project be saved? was published by Oxford University Press. Professor Tsoukalis has already presented his book in sevaral European cities, among others in Madrid. His lecture in Rafael del Pino Foundation was recorded and the video is available here. Professor Tsoukalis analyses why Europe entered the crisis and outlines ways which can steer it out of it.

Carnegie Europe launched a debate in the aftermath of the failed coup in Turkey. Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos was among the interviewees by Judy Dempsey. His comment was the following:

‘Turkish democracy during the rule of the Kemalist establishment has been imperfect at best. The early years of rule by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) raised hopes for substantial and irreversible progress in the fields of liberal democracy, the rule of law, and protection of human rights. Unfortunately, all such hopes have been erased by the last few years of increasingly autocratic governance by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Economic development, the skillful exploitation of religious fervor among the less privileged groups in Turkish society, and a weak, rather discredited opposition have allowed Erdoğan to comfortably win successive elections and remain the master of the political game in Turkey for the past fifteen years.

The cost, however, has been a deep polarization and division of Turkish society along pro-Islamic vs. secular fault lines. If Erdoğan’s first post-coup actions are any guide to the future, that division will deepen even further as he will try to cleanse the state mechanism of real and imaginary enemies and consolidate power by transforming Turkey into a presidential republic. Unless moderate forces in the AKP can prevent this, the cost may be extremely high for Turkish democracy and society (Turks and Kurds alike), as well as for Turkey’s relations with its traditional Western allies.’

Source: Carnegie Europe

Associate Professor  at the University of Athens and  Senior Research Fellow at ELIAMEP, Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos, contributed with a paper on corruption in  Greece in an edited volume published by the the Parliamentary Budget Office.

The analysis of Dr Sotiropoulos is available here (in Greek).

Following the failed coup in Turkey, Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos commented in Greek media on the reasons for the failure and perspectives for the future. You can find more information here (in Greek).