Peu après l’invasion de son territoire par la Russie, l’Ukraine demanda aux États-Unis, non sans insistance, de lui fournir plusieurs exemplaires de l’avion d’attaque A-10 Thunderbolt II [ou Warthog] qui, surnommé le «tueur de char», devait alors être progressivement retiré du service par l’US Air Force. Seulement, malgré l’appui d’élus et d’anciens responsables militaires américains...
Cet article L’US Air Force décide finalement de garder ses avions d’attaque A-10 Warthog au moins jusqu’en 2030 est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.
Publiés ce 21 avril, les résultats trimestriels de Thales ont dépassé les attentes, avec un chiffre d’affaires de 5,3 milliards d’euros et des prises de commandes pour 4,63 milliards d’euros [soit +23 % par rapport à la même période en 2025], dont 2,2 milliards d’euros pour le seul secteur de la défense [+71 %]. Et...
Cet article Le Danemark a notifié une commande de systèmes de défense aérienne SAMP/T NG à Thales est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.
Renforcer la protection balistique du combattant tout en ne sacrifiant pas sa mobilité relève de la quête de la pierre philosophale. Ces dernières années, des recherches ont été menées sur la soie d’araignée, décrite comme étant plus résistante que le kevlar, la nacre, dont la structure était censée inspirer la fabrication d’une matière plastique quatorze...
Cet article Le Commissariat des armées teste une solution innovante pour renforcer la protection balistique du combattant est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.
Relevant du ministère des Armées, le Service hydrographique et océanographique de la Marine [SHOM] a la mission de connaître et de décrire le mieux possible l’environnement marin en tenant compte de nombreux paramètres [salinité, bathymétrie, température des différentes couches d’eau, courants, etc.]. Ce qui permet d’établir des cartes marines [et de les mettre à jour]...
Cet article Le Service hydrographique de la Marine a reçu son premier drone capable de plonger à 6 000 mètres de profondeur est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.
“Multipolarity” has become a central but, at the same time, highly ambiguous point of reference in debates about the future world order. The term is used descriptively, that is, to describe shifts in the distribution of power; and it is also used normatively, as an aspirational construct for a more just international order. However, as the following comparative analysis of seven countries shows, there is no coherent understanding of the term even in those countries that are pushing for multipolarity. Sharp dividing lines are evident between the United States, which has long understood the construct of multipolarity as being at odds with its strategic interests, and Russia and China, which both associate it with challenging US hegemony. However, while Russia is striving for a disruptive and violent transformation, China is aiming for an evolutionary one. Other states – above all, India and South Africa – hope that multipolarity will provide them with greater foreign-policy room for manoeuvre. And some derive their own reform proposals at the multilateral level from their understanding of the construct. Germany and the EU must rigorously examine the various interpretations and uses of the construct of multipolarity. They should not dismiss the term as irrelevant or inherently anti-Western as it can provide a common frame of reference on international politics. At the same time, its unreflective use carries risks, as the term is highly politicised and associated with what are at times the conflicting goals of a broad range of international actors. Rather than simply participating in conceptual debates, Germany and the EU should take concrete steps towards reforming the international order in policy areas such as trade, health, energy and climate. At the same time, they should regard the call for multipolarity as an indicator of the need for broad reforms of the international system and initiate negotiation processes with other states. To this end, they must first establish their own reference points with regard to the future international order so that they can identify suitable partners and institutions.
Les appels à l'« internationalisation » de la monnaie unique sont confondus avec un besoin plus urgent : réduire la dépendance vis-à-vis des États-Unis
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Since Russia launched its full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine in 2022, the European Union (EU) has pursued its enlargement policy as part of a geopolitical approach. According to the European Commission and candidate states, the EU could admit new members from 2028 onwards, while Ukraine is calling for accession in 2027. Yet significant obstacles remain. Within the EU, the reform process designed to improve its capacity to act and prepare it for a Union of 30 or more has stalled. However, the readiness of accession candidates and the Union’s absorption capacity are key criteria that German European policy has traditionally upheld. There is currently intense debate within the EU regarding gradual integration, fast-track routes, and new safeguard clauses aimed at reducing the tension between geopolitical urgency and sound integration policy. With regard to the Western Balkan states, the EU should adhere to the well-established accession process. In the case of Ukraine, the situation is so acute that the political commitment to admit the country must be reaffirmed. As a preliminary step towards membership, the EU should offer Kyiv a new type of accession association that also includes a security and defence dimension.