On 1 June 2016, the Council authorised, on behalf of the EU, the signature and provisional application of the economic partnership agreement (EPA) between the EU and the South African Development Community (SADC) EPA Group. The South African Development Community EPA group comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Swaziland.
The signing ceremony of the SADC-EU EPA is due to take place in Kasane (Botswana) on 10 June 2016.
The economic partnership agreements are intended to enhance regional integration and economic development in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. They are based on the principle of asymmetrical market opening, meaning that they provide a better access to the EU market for ACP partners. They notably offer unprecedented market opportunities for agricultural and fisheries products. EPAs replace the previous market access regime of unilateral preferences for ACP countries.
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Alongside Boris Johnson’s Brexit metamorphosis, it must be the transformation of the referendum campaign. For close to a quarter-century, Britain’s control-obsessed Treasury was the EU’s most eurosceptic finance ministry. Yet in recent months it became the go-to armoury for Remain campaigners, churning out ever more harrowing economic warnings on the consequences of Brexit. Whitehall’s broody power centre saw the light – or at least the costs of leaving.
Should Britain vote to stay in the EU, eternal optimists in Brussels – and there are a few left – might take this as a positive sign. In theory, the vote should “settle this European question in British politics” – just as David Cameron promised. The europhile Treasury could lead a mini-renaissance in British EU influence. The UK’s ambitious 2017 EU presidency could press for trade deals and deepening the single market. A multi-tier EU would give Britain the reassurance it craves; London’s defensive crouch on EU policy could end. The Economist’s Bagehot outlines just such an initiative.
Many will find it hard to believe.
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Here comes the digital cavalry. The European Commission will this week weigh-in on the side of business prodigies like Airbnb and Uber, warning European authorities to stop stifling the “sharing economy” with blatantly protectionist rules. It is only guidance. It may well be ignored. But it is a start.
Whereas free-wheeling Silicon Valley tends to see EU regulators as a nuisance or business risk, some companies actively want Brussels to intervene. That is especially true for businesses upending traditional models for selling transport or accommodation. Airbnb and Uber are trying to harness whatever pro-market forces they can to end incumbent-friendly, competition-killing rules from Paris to Barcelona.
By that measure, the Commission guidance is positive for the sector. Outright bans or quantitative restrictions on services are cast as unnecessary and harmful. So, for instance, it is seen as a bad thing to fine Berliners up to €100,000 for renting out their homes on Airbnb. The decision of a Milan court to ban the “unfair competition” posed by Uber probably falls into that category too. Equally hard to justify: a Madrid court ruling asking telecoms operators to disable access to Uber.
Read moreConclusions adopted by the Council on enhancing integrity, transparency and good governance in major sport events proposes several measures to implement these principles at national and European level during all stages of such events (feasibility, bidding, preparation, organisation, evaluation, legacy), including after their closure.
The conclusions also underline the need for a regular dialogue between member states, the Commission and the sports movement and the role of national, regional and local public authorities in financing, infrastructure, environmental protection, safety and security aspects, as well as in planning and ensuring the sustainability of major sport events.
The Hague, 16 May 2016
Mrs. Emily O'Reilly
European Ombudsman
Subject: Recent initiatives to improve Eurogroup transparency
Thank you very much for your letter of 14 March and your kind words of appreciation for the recent initiatives to improve the transparency of the Eurogroup. I very much agree with you that transparency is closely tied to legitimacy. This is an issue which has become particularly relevant for the Eurogroup, since its work has become increasingly connected with concrete policy actions in the context of the euro area's crisis response.
Let me recall however that the Eurogroup is an informal gathering of Finance Ministers. Therefore, under the Treaties, it cannot be considered part of the 'institutions, bodies, offices and agencies' within the meaning of Art. 15(3) TFEU or Art. 42 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Furthermore, the Members of the Eurogroup may meet in their capacity of Governors under the European Stability Mechanism Treaty. ESM bodies are of an intergovernmental nature and hence, not covered by the EU Treaties' provisions on transparency or by Regulation n° 1049/2001 regarding public access to European Parliament, Council and Commission documents.
Despite these legal considerations, the Eurogroup's recent initiatives respond to perceived shortcomings in transparency and reflect the political will to adhere to the principles stated in Art. 15(3) TFEU and Regulation 1049/2001.
The Eurogroup's decisions on transparency were reached in two stages. First, in February 2016, we agreed on the timely publication of annotated agendas and my summing-up letters. Second, in March 2016, after we had mandated the Eurogroup Working Group (EWG) to further explore the issue, we agreed on the publication of documents shortly after Eurogroup meetings unless there are well-founded objection 1.
The information note from the Council's Legal Service, to which you referred in in your letter, served as background to our discussions and helped to inform our decisions.
In line with recital (11) of Regulation 1049/2001 and with a view to safeguard its ability to carry out its operations - the Eurogroup deemed it necessary to protect the internal discussions that take place in the EWG to prepare the Eurogroup at technical level. The confidentiality of the EWG's proceedings is in line with Council Decision 2012/245 on a revision of the Statutes of the Economic and Financial Committee, which comprises the EWG.
However, the Eurogroup's proactive transparency regime in principle applies to all documents on which the political debate in the Eurogroup is based. The timely publication of the annotated agendas and the summing-up letters provides a precise picture of this political debate. This new regime is therefore, in my view, consistent with the EU principles and rules on transparency, even though these do not directly apply to the Eurogroup. I am confident that our initiatives will adequately address information needs and consider that, while I am open to suggestions for further improvement, the newly instated regime should first be given time to demonstrate its effectiveness.
Finally, it goes without saying that individual requests for public access submitted to me or the Eurogroup's support structures (i.e. the General Secretariat of the Council and the Commission-based Secretariat of the Eurogroup Working Group) will continue being addressed by the institutions (i.e. the Council or the Commission) holding the relevant documents and which are therefore responsible for the application of Regulation n° 1049/2001.
Kind regards,
Jeroen Dijsselbloem
President of the Eurogroup
(1) Cf. item 5b of the published summing-up letter of the EG meeting of 7 March, consistent with Art. 4 of Regulation 1049/2001
Conclusions adopted by the Council on the role of Europeana for the digital access, visibility and use of European cultural heritage, addresses its financing, governance, quality of available data and user-friendliness. The conclusions also aim to reinforce Europeana as a cultural and digital innovation project, increasing member states' involvement and ownership and securing its sustainable financing.