Written by Carmen-Cristina Cîrlig.
For more than four decades, Iran has faced various international sanctions designed to modify its regime’s conduct across multiple areas of concern. These areas include nuclear and ballistic missile programmes and proliferation, support for terrorism, regional destabilisation and human rights abuses. Since 1979, the United States’ (US) sanctions on Iran have evolved into a complex and comprehensive regime. Between 2006 and 2010, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) imposed multilateral sanctions specifically targeting Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile proliferation activities. The European Union (EU) has implemented the UNSC measures and, since 2010, has developed its own restrictive measures on Iran. The EU’s sanctions extend beyond non-proliferation concerns to encompass measures for Iran’s human rights violations, support for terrorism and assistance to Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.
The 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) established an agreement between Iran, the five permanent members of the UNSC, plus Germany and the EU’s High Representative. This agreement provided for the gradual lifting of sanctions against Iran in exchange for limitations on its nuclear programme. Following the US’s withdrawal from the deal in 2018 and the subsequent re-imposition of previously lifted US sanctions, Iran began violating its JCPOA commitments. On 28 August 2025, the three European parties to the JCPOA – France, Germany and the United Kingdom – triggered the procedure to restore all UNSC sanctions on Iran, which were originally set to definitively expire on 18 October 2025. Although diplomatic efforts were complicated by Israeli and US military strikes against Iran in June 2025, and despite the UNSC’s rejection on 19 September of a draft resolution to extend the lifting of sanctions, dialogue between Iran and the European powers continues in search of a diplomatic solution to prevent the re-imposition of comprehensive UNSC sanctions scheduled for 28 September 2025.
Read the complete briefing on ‘International sanctions on Iran: Overview of the main regimes and recent events‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.
Written by Marie Lecerf.
Maternity leave and voting procedures for Members of parliaments differ widely across the European Union (EU). Maternity-related absences are considered justified for Members of the European Parliament, but the current rules do not permit remote voting, proxy voting or temporary substitution. Maternity leave for parliamentarians is generally permitted across the EU’s Member States, although legal frameworks and practical arrangements differ. Some national parliaments only allow for temporary substitution in committee work, while others rely on informal agreements. Only a small number of countries, including Spain, Greece and Luxembourg, have formal provisions enabling Members on maternity leave to vote in absentia.
While several parliaments temporarily expanded remote participation during the COVID‑19 pandemic, such measures were typically limited in scope and duration. In most cases, voting in plenary continues to require physical presence in the chamber.
Discussions are ongoing at both European and national level to explore ways of supporting Members in reconciling their parliamentary duties with family responsibilities. Most recently, President Roberta Metsola proposed revisions to the European Electoral Act and the Parliament’s implementing measures, including the potential introduction of proxy voting for Members on maternity leave, aimed at aligning parliamentary rules more closely with evolving expectations around work-life balance. This briefing focuses exclusively on maternity leave and does not cover other types of family-related absence, such as paternity or parental leave.
Read the complete briefing on ‘Maternity leave and voting procedures in the European Parliament and EU national parliaments‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.
Dans le cadre de l'accord sur les indications géographiques, qui a été séparé de l'accord commercial plus large en 2022, l'UE devrait également protéger les produits traditionnels indiens, notamment le riz basmati.
The post L’accord entre l’UE et l’Inde sur les aliments traditionnels n’est pas à l’ordre du jour pour 2025 appeared first on Euractiv FR.
Les eurodéputés ont interpellé le commissaire au Budget, Piotr Serafin, sur la réorganisation proposée du budget pluriannuel de l’UE et sur la coordination entre les deux principaux organismes chargés de la lutte anti-fraude et la corruption. Si la Commission affirme vouloir améliorer l’efficacité et la transparence, plusieurs élus pointent des risques d’affaiblissement du contrôle et demandent plus de clarté sur la répartition des responsabilités.
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