Agrégateur de flux

FINTRA : Une bouffée d’oxygène financière avant la fin du mois

L'hôpital Nasser de Khan Younis souffre d'une grave pénurie de carburant et a dû cesser d'admettre des patients, après l'avancée des chars israéliens, jeudi 10 juillet.

According to Article II, Section 2, Clause 2 of the United States (U.S.) Constitution, any ambassador that the U.S. President appoints shall be approved by the Senate to be confirmed. Once the President’s nomination for ambassador is submitted to the Senate, one or more of the standing committees within the Senate shall examine the nominee by holding a public hearing in which the nominee addresses the committee with an opening statement and takes questions from Senators on the committee. After the hearing, the committee then decides whether to recommend the nominee when voting is opened up to the entire Senate. Unlike legislation, which requires a three-fifths majority of Senators to end debate, presidential nominations, such as those for ambassadors, only need a simple majority of all Senators to end debate and proceed to a vote to confirm or reject the nominee.

In her Senate confirmation hearing on July 9, 2025, the Ambassador-nominee to Greece, Kimberly Guilfoyle, explained that her previous experience as a prosecutor in San Francisco and Los Angeles, her work in television and the media, and her time as First Lady of San Francisco have equipped her with skills in negotiation, analysis, and diplomacy, which she believes will help her serve effectively in her new role. With regard to Greece and to bilateral relations, the nominated Ambassador applauded the partnership between Greece and the United States. In both her opening statement and her responses to questions, she routinely mentioned that Greece has exceeded NATO’s previous 2% GDP target for military spending by dedicating 3% to defence —the actual figure for 2024 is 3.08%, according to official NATO data. She further highlighted that Greece is on a trajectory toward meeting the new 5% defence spending pledge by 2035, which Allies agreed on during the NATO Summit in The Hague in June. She also pledged to increase military cooperation between the American and Greek military, as well as to enhance U.S. support for Greek military modernization.

Guilfoyle also emphasized U.S.-Greece energy cooperation, highlighting specific projects, such as the Revithoussa LNG terminal and the construction of the Alexandroupoli floating storage regasification unit, and noted that American natural gas accounts for 20% of Greece’s natural gas imports. While also highlighting the importance of Greece as an energy hub, she added that the U.S. is helping to connect Greece with nations in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as with both Cyprus and Israel. She stated that the Greek-American relationship is built on strong people-to-people ties, emphasizing the importance of the Greek-American and Orthodox communities within Greece, as well as their shared commitments to democracy and religious freedom.

In response to her statements, Guilfoyle received several questions about her stances on Greek and regional issues. Senator Chris Coons (D-DE) inquired about the state of the 3+1 partnership between Greece, Cyprus, and Israel, to which Guilfoyle restated America’s commitment to all three allies in the region. In response to Senator John Barrasso’s (R-WY) question about opportunities for greater cooperation, Guilfoyle responded by mentioning American cooperation with Greece, specifically aimed at limiting Russian and Chinese influence through investments in critical infrastructure. Multiple Senators, including Senator Cory Booker (D-NJ), the Chair of the Committee on Foreign Relations Senator Jim Risch (R-ID) and Senator Chris van Hollen (D-MY), posed questions on Greek-Turkish relations, in response to which Guilfoyle reaffirmed America’s commitment to Greece, reiterated Greece’s strategic importance as a U.S. ally and referred to her good working relationship with Thomas Barrack, the Ambassador to Turkey appointed under the current administration. She stressed the importance of cooperation between the ambassadors to Athens and to Ankara to support the resolution of disputes. She also criticized Turkey over the purchase of the Russian S-400 missile system, which, she posited, raises significant questions about Ankara’s alignment with NATO’s strategic objectives.

Indeed, Guilfoyle’s remarks reflect the growing depth of U.S.–Greece relations in recent years, particularly in the fields of defence, energy, and public opinion sentiment. More specifically, defence cooperation has expanded via the Mutual Defence Cooperation Agreement (MDCA) —last amended in October 2021. In April 2024, Greece approved the purchase of 35 UH-60M Black Hawk helicopters (worth approximately $1.24  bn) from the U.S., and in July 2024, it signed a Letter of Offer & Acceptance for 20 F‑35s (plus option for another 20) worth approximately $8.6 bn. The importance of these defence partnerships is underscored by ongoing tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean. A recent European Parliament report (2025) criticizes Turkey’s foreign policy as increasingly confrontational and unaligned with EU norms and regrets the fact that Turkey is the only NATO member state not having imposed any sanctions on Russia. It condemned Ankara’s repeated violations of Greek airspace and overflights, as well as military drills in disputed maritime zones, calling on Turkey to respect international law.

At the same time, Greece has significantly strengthened its energy cooperation with the United States, positioning itself as a regional energy hub in Southeastern Europe and a key entry point for U.S. liquefied natural gas (LNG) into the European market. In 2024, Greece imported approximately 1.609 billion kg of LNG, with U.S. exports accounting for nearly 75% of that total. This cooperation has been further institutionalized through infrastructure projects such as the Alexandroupolis Floating Storage Regasification Unit (FSRU), which commenced commercial operations in October 2024, increasing Greece’s regasification and transshipment capacity. U.S. companies have also secured long-term access to this infrastructure; notably, Venture Global signed a five-year agreement to utilize capacity at Alexandroupolis to supply LNG to Central and Eastern Europe. In parallel, upstream engagement has expanded, with Chevron expressing interest in exploring hydrocarbons off Crete.

This growing closeness at the strategic and diplomatic level is reflected in the evolution of Greek public opinion. According to a 2023 Pew Research Center survey, 56% of Greeks hold a favourable attitude toward the U.S. This trend is confirmed by a Pulse survey carried out on behalf of Kathimerini in 2024 which showed that 54% of Greeks evaluate the U.S. role on issues related to Greece positively, while 76% expressed trust in U.S. allies in the event of a military crisis with Turkey. Data from the Transatlantic Periscope(*) (2022–2024) suggests that the trend of Greek–U.S. relations averages 8.5/10, placing Greece among the United States partners within the European Union that rate the bilateral relationship most favourably.

This Flashnews article was authored by Athina Fatsea, Project Manager, Transatlantic Periscope and Jake Pryor, Trainee Research Assistant, Transatlantic Periscope.

(*) The Transatlantic Periscope curates essential news, opinions, and analyses related to the bilateral relationships between the United States, European Union member states, and the United Kingdom. The Bertelsmann Foundation is partnering with in-country experts from respected research organizations and academic institutions for each country version. ELIAMEP participates in this project as the curation partner for Greece.

 

Zum 40. Geburtstag von Schengen gibt es wenig zu feiern. Mit jeder wiederbelebten Kontrollstelle wird die Reisefreiheit in der EU zunehmend eingeschränkt.

Les États-Unis veulent obtenir des droits sur les minerais de la République démocratique du Congo, mais une mine essentielle est toujours aux mains des rebelles.

The global system of development cooperation is in a state of flux. In a new policy brief we discuss how and why the very foundations of international aid and development are being shaken by geopolitical shifts, contested norms, and institutional upheaval. The brief argues that the crisis is not a mere cyclical downturn, or nor is it only about money, but a fundamental reordering of the global development landscape. In short, a “tipping point” in the sense of a dramatic moment when incremental changes coalesce into a transformative shift, for better or worse, is in the offing. We ask what might come next.

The global system of development cooperation is in a state of flux. In a new policy brief we discuss how and why the very foundations of international aid and development are being shaken by geopolitical shifts, contested norms, and institutional upheaval. The brief argues that the crisis is not a mere cyclical downturn, or nor is it only about money, but a fundamental reordering of the global development landscape. In short, a “tipping point” in the sense of a dramatic moment when incremental changes coalesce into a transformative shift, for better or worse, is in the offing. We ask what might come next.

The global system of development cooperation is in a state of flux. In a new policy brief we discuss how and why the very foundations of international aid and development are being shaken by geopolitical shifts, contested norms, and institutional upheaval. The brief argues that the crisis is not a mere cyclical downturn, or nor is it only about money, but a fundamental reordering of the global development landscape. In short, a “tipping point” in the sense of a dramatic moment when incremental changes coalesce into a transformative shift, for better or worse, is in the offing. We ask what might come next.

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Ce programme d'envergure réalisé en partenariat avec le Centre Pompidou, les Éditions de l'Œil, The Film Gallery, Météore Films, et avec le soutien de l'Institut culturel roumain de Paris, (…)

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Un rapport préliminaire révèle que les interrupteurs de coupure de carburant ont été actionnés quelques secondes après le décollage, lors de l'accident d'Air India.

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