La fusion de Lafarge Ciments et Holcim Maroc, consécutive à celle de leurs maisons-mères, s'accompagne du lancement de LH Maroc Afrique, dédiée aux projets en Afrique subsaharienne francophone.
Cet article Lafarge et Holcim fusionnent au Maroc et ciblent l’Afrique francophone est apparu en premier sur JeuneAfrique.com.
A Földművelésügyi Minisztérium által működtetett OKTF Nemzeti Hulladékgazdálkodási Igazgatóság az idei évben is meghirdeti filmpályázatát, amely országszerte elsősorban a fiatal korosztály elérését, megszólítását célozza, környezeti szemléletformálás témakörben.
Az Európai Bizottság által az EIP-AGRI, valamint a Horizont 2020 működésével kapcsolatban publikált kiadványok már magyar nyelven is elérhetőek az EIP Service Point oldalán. Ezen kiadványok közérthető módon nyújtanak tájékoztatást az EIP Hálózatán keresztül elérhető jó gyakorlatokról, innovatív megoldásokról és a lehetséges finanszírozási forrásokról.
The Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and non-OPEC members will meet on April 17 in Doha in a bid to stabilise falling crude prices, Qatar’s Energy Minister Mohammed Bin Saleh Al-Sada reportedly said on March 16.
The Qatari minister, who is also the current OPEC president, said in a statement that 15 OPEC and non-OPEC members accounting for some 73% of global oil output supported the initiative, including the world’s top exporter Saudi Arabia, and Russia.
Russian Energy Minister Alexander Novak also said some 15 countries were expected to take part in the meeting. “We talked with ministers of different countries today and discussed the date of the relevant meeting and consultations between OPEC and non-OPEC countries. We agree such meeting will take place on April 17 in Doha,” TASS quoted Novak as saying, adding that documents for the meeting will be prepared during the remaining time.
“This is most likely to be a resolution or a joint declaration setting forth intentions of the parties to freeze oil production at the level not higher than in January 2016,” Novak added.
Brent crude was trading just under $39 a barrel on March 16, up from a 12-year low of $27.10 reached in January.
Iraq, the biggest source of OPEC supply growth in 2015, reportedly said on March 14 that the freeze initiative was acceptable.
“Measures to monitor arrangements will be discussed, he said. “Qatar, the chairing country in the OPEC, will now send invitations to all countries, both OPEC and non-OPEC members. About fifteen countries confirmed participation within the consultations framework,” Novak said.
Iran is ready to take part in the meeting, Novak said. The meeting will also discuss proposals on measures if production stabilisation arrangements are breached, he added.
Meanwhile, RT quoted Novak as saying that Tehran needs an individual approach in an oil production freeze, as the Islamic Republic’s production is at its lowest.
Konstantin Simonov, the general director of Russia’s National Energy Security Fund, told New Europe on March 17 that even without Iran, Russia, Saudi Arabia and Iraq, “all of them together, produce some 26-27 million barrels per day so it will be enough. But, of course, there are a lot of obstacles in this story because first of all you can avoid Iran if you are speaking about the real amount of production. But if you are speaking about psychological aspect you can’t avoid Iran”. Simonov added that Iran is a member of OPEC and without the Islamic country “psychologically you cannot have the full deal”.
“But it is not only the Iran problem. This triangle Russia-Iran-Saudi Arabia is a very problematic. Saudi Arabia is one of the most serious political enemies of Russia. At least now we have a common threat – low oil prices,” he said.
“We can say this common threat can unite us and we can have common position on this issue but in reality we’re still enemies and it’s also the question what will be the result of this Syrian story, withdrawal of Russian troops from Syria because for Iran it was a very bad surprise. Iran was disappointed by this decision of [Russian President Vladimir] Putin but we were disappointed by the policy of Iran in Syria because the idea was very simple: Russia will give air force but Iran will give ground operations and Iran was not involved in this war,” Simonov said.
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A Széchenyi 2020 keretében megjelent a „Tanoda programok támogatása” című (VEKOP-7.3.2-16 kódszámú) felhívás. A hátrányos helyzetű tanulók segítését célul kitűző pályázat tervezett keretösszege 350 millió forint.
Mercredi à 20h13, le Centre Régional Opérationnel de Surveillance et de Sauvetage (CROSS) de Corsen a reçu un nouvel appel du paquebot « Braemar » qui signalait cette fois une passagère britannique de 75 ans souffrant d’une insuffisance respiratoire.
Au cours d’une conférence téléphonique avec le Centre de Consultation Médicale Maritime (CCMM) de Toulouse et le paquebot, la décision a été prise d’évacuer la passagère par hélicoptère vers un hôpital.
The Presidential election that is taking place in the Republic of Congo will tell us much about the progress of democracy in the country, as well as our own western attitudes towards African democracy.
The pundits are confident that Angela Merkel will next year enter a fourth term as leader of one of the world’s great democracies. Shortly after that, David Cameron will voluntarily hand over his role as UK prime minister to whoever the UK Conservative Party – as opposed to the UK public – chooses. Two of Cameron’s three immediate predecessors served three terms. And, indeed, Lynton Crosby, the strategist credited with Cameron’s election successes, carried out exactly the same role for four-term Australian premier John Howard.
In Europe, the question of term limits for national leaders is never mentioned by voters. Where it is referred to at all, it is the stuff of rarefied discourse in academic common rooms. The priorities for electors are, as ever, the economy, public safety and security, healthcare, education and other staples.
In broad terms, the priorities of African voters are no different: why would they be? So when these voters are told by people in developed nations, often their former colonial masters, that they should not re-elect the same person more than once – regardless of any perceived public benefit that person or party may bring – this makes so little sense to them and appears so nakedly hypocritical that they suspect ulterior motives.
The democratic period was proceeded by a Marxist one-party state and civil war, and began early this century. It has been one of consistent economic growth, increasingly successful healthcare, literacy rates that rank amongst Africa’s highest, and a tax-to-GDP ratio at the EU average. The Republic’s main cities, Brazzaville and Pointe Noire, are safe and public security is significantly better than in most neighbouring states.
The nation works constructively with the Bretton Woods institutions, has an inflation rate of around 2% and a declining unemployment rate. It is an exemplary member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), the leading world body that works to assure transparency in the extractives sectors. The country is presently being punished as much as any other economy reliant on oil revenue, yet it is working hard to diversify.
It is far from perfect, of course. In terms of social policy and development, there is much work to do. The Congolese understand this. In their streets, bars, homes and workplaces people talk keenly about priorities and hopes; and about their aspirations for their children (the average age in the Congo is a fraction under 20).
In many ways, though, Congolese people want more of the same – only better. They do not seem blinkered or downtrodden. They are as quick with criticism of government and politicians as citizens across Europe – an evening spent watching television brings this home quite forcibly. The fundamental difference is that they understand how bad things could be. Only last week, they saw on their televisions the terrorist murders in neighbouring Cote d’Ivoire and gaze daily across the great Congo river at the much less well-off and unstable Democratic Republic of Congo. They believe that things will continue to progress in their own country, and for the largest part believe that the president who has delivered all of this change remains preferable to the unknown.
I prefer to think, however, that it is goodwill, and not hypocrisy that has led to this ‘third-term’ disconnect. Many Europeans are passionate in wanting the best for those African states that we harmed at birth or later through neglect and brutal interventionism. In the 21st century, some of that passion translates into postcolonial guilt. But it is no less real for all that.
Yet here in Brazzaville, it feels very much like the European insistence on a two-term maximum ought to be a suggestion rather than a demand disguised as a moral imperative. If we truly wish to assist these proud sovereign states, Africans should never be expected to interpret our advice as orders.
The 2015 constitutional change that allowed Sassou Nguesso to stand again also brought in shorter presidencies, and passed to parliament the important power to appoint the re-instated post of prime minister. It reformed and gave significant new powers to the constitutional court. Additionally, it gave official status to the opposition, created a series of new national consultative bodies, beefed up human rights guarantees and introduced significant electoral reforms. It abolished the death penalty: no small feat. Yet these measures have been largely overlooked whilst we in the west remain fixated on the “third-term”.
It may be true that political term-limits foster strong institutions that act to check and balance governments and to prevent poor practice. Yet we in Europe have not reached consensus on that question ourselves, and therefore can hardly place it as the over-riding requirement of a nation’s progress. Moreover, Congo-B is a good example of a democratic African country whose people choose their leader freely but only for one more term, and even then on a strict basis of social and economic ‘deliverables’.
In this new, and dare one say even optimistic, era of African democracy the same laws of physics and politics seem likely to apply eventually. So, for now, Denis Sassou Nguessou is as popular as the Congo’s progress under his leadership would seem to justify. And perhaps for now we should accept African third-termers as a historical conclusion of the lifetimes’ work of the actual individuals who brought their nations through the tough times we ourselves created in the early 1960s.
Given a choice between a hopelessly split, ineffectual and often self-serving opposition against a capable operator and leader who won his political spurs in the toughest of ways and is committed to building on the solid foundations that he has created, the people of the people of the Republic of Congo look set to chose Denis Sassou Nguesso. That seems fair enough.
The post Republic of Congo: the power of democracy in Africa appeared first on New Europe.