Agrégateur de flux

Das Parlament wird auf seiner Sitzung am 13. November seine Position zu vereinfachten Nachhaltigkeits- und Sorgfaltspflichten verabschieden.
Rechtsausschuss

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

Dovilė Šakalienė — favorable à l’augmentation des dépenses de défense — a démissionné de son poste de ministre à la suite d’un conflit au gouvernement concernant le budget de la défense de son pays pour 2026.

The post En Lituanie, un différend sur les dépenses de défense conduit la ministre de la Défense à démissionner appeared first on Euractiv FR.

D'après Hilde Henriksen Waage, historienne à l'Institut de recherche sur la paix d'Oslo, les tensions actuelles entre la Norvège et Israël sont l'illustration d'une histoire à rebondissements, notamment marquée par l'impasse qui a succédé aux accords d'Oslo de 1993.

The post Comment la Norvège est passée du statut d’amie à celui d’ennemie d’Israël appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Colombo cannot control the temperature between its two largest partners, but it can control its own predictability, competence, and integrity.

Open to: students attending Bachelor’s and Master’s studies at Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, Goce Delcev University - Shtip, University St. Kliment Ohridski Bitola, South East European University, and University American College Skopje. Employees, consultants, or interns of the OSCE, and their immediate family members, are not eligible to participate.

Submission deadline: 21 November 2025

Awards: The authors of the three best essays will each receive vouchers for IT equipment

The OSCE Mission to Skopje aims to advance the rule of law and human rights by implementing applicable international standards and OSCE commitments in the judiciary and fundamental rights areas, in line with North Macedonia's strategic priorities. The Mission addresses various challenges in the domains of judicial independence and impartiality, criminal justice, anti-corruption, anti-discrimination, gender equality and fundamental rights in North Macedonia as identified in various governmental policy documents and international expert assessments.

In parallel to the anti-corruption masterclasses series, organized in co-operation with five national universities (University American College Skopje, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, Goce Delcev University - Shtip, University St. Kliment Ohridski Bitola and South East European University), the OSCE Mission to Skopje has welcomed the strong interest and engagement shown by students. Building on this enthusiasm, the Mission is pleased to announce an essay writing competition for students. The competition aims to further encourage active participation in anti-corruption initiatives, drawing on the insights students gained from lectures delivered by more than a dozen anti-corruption professionals, scholars, and activists during the masterclass series.

The competition will be open until 21 November 2025.

Essays shall demonstrate a well-informed understanding of the complex nature of corruption and propose realistic ideas on how to reduce corruption. Authors should provide one or more arguments on their chosen topic, elaborated and supported with credible academic, legal or policy sources. Thus, authors are encouraged to present their own opinion but need to make sure such opinion is based on credible and convincing evidence. Essays shall be written in a well-structured and clear manner, with adequate use of language.

Essays shall be based on one of the following general topics:

•            Integrity and the use of AI

•            Corruption and crypto assets

•            Criminal aspects of corruption

•            Corruption and gender

• Corruption and media

These topics provide a general direction, allowing authors to develop their essays more specifically, as long as they remain aligned with one of the five general topics.

An evaluation committee consisting of three professors will assess the anonymously submitted essays applying the following criteria:       

•            Essay topic and relevance (max. 25 points)

•            Creativeness and originality of proposed argument(s) and solution(s) (max. 25 points)

•            Argumentation and use of evidence and sources (max. 25 points)

•            Language, structure and clarity (max. 25 points)

Essays shall be written in English, in Times New Roman font, size 12, with 1.5 line spacing. The total length should be between 1,400 and 1,600 words (approximately 3 pages). Essays that exceed this word count will not be considered.

All essays must be the original work of the authors. Any instance of plagiarism, including the use of AI tools such as ChatGPT, will result in disqualification from the competition.

Info session

For interested students, the OSCE Mission to Skopje will organize an online info session with more precise guidelines on how to prepare a competitive essay, one week before the essay submission deadline. To obtain information on the exact time and date for the session and a Zoom link, please send an email to Ana.DespotovskaBogevska@osce.org and provide your contact information.

Application process

Instructions for the essay writing competition are available in Macedonian and Albanian as well.

Authors shall submit their essays as PDF files to Ana.DespotovskaBogevska@osce.org by 21 November 2025. To support the process of anonymous evaluation, authors should include their full name, surname, and the name of their university in the body of the email. Authors must ensure that their names do not appear in the essay document itself.

Nothing in or related to this contest shall be construed as a waiver, express or implied, of any of the privileges and immunities of the OSCE.

Le PE déterminera sa position avant les discussions avec les gouvernements de l'UE lors de la prochaine session plénière à Bruxelles, le 13 novembre.
Commission des affaires juridiques

Source : © Union européenne, 2025 - PE

600058

Judges and prosecutors from across Moldova enhanced their knowledge and practical skills in adjudicating financial crime cases involving virtual assets during a two-day OSCE workshop, held on 20 and 21 October in Chisinau.

Organized by the Office of the Co-ordinator of OSCE Economic and Environmental Activities (OCEEA) in co-operation with the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) of the Republic of Moldova, the workshop built upon the first training held in September 2025. It provided advanced, hands-on exercises to strengthen judicial understanding of blockchain technology, virtual asset investigations, and the presentation of digital evidence in court.

“We would like to express our gratitude and appreciation for OSCE’s support in the continuous training activities organized by the National Institute of Justice,” said Ghennadi Epure, Deputy Director of the NIJ. “We express our hope that, through joint efforts, we will succeed in forming a professional body of prosecutors and judges — equipped with advanced and specialized knowledge in the field of investigating crimes involving the use of electronic and virtual currencies,” he added.

The training placed particular emphasis on practical exercises and mock trials, allowing participants to simulate courtroom presentations, translate complex technical data into accessible legal arguments, and develop strategies for asset tracing, seizure, and confiscation of virtual assets.

“This kind of crime is relatively new for Moldova. Criminal prosecution authorities do not have so much experience in handling such cases and I believe that the topics covered in this workshop are very timely and they will be very useful for our work,” said one of the participating prosecutors.

As in the first session, the workshop was preceded by a public lecture on virtual assets, offering future judges and prosecutors the opportunity to learn about crime typologies involving virtual assets, and to analyse a real-life case study from a neighbouring country.

These activities were organized as part of the OSCE extrabudgetary project, “Innovative policy solutions to mitigate money-laundering risks of virtual assets”, implemented by OCEEA, with the financial support from Germany, Italy, Poland, Romania, the United Kingdom and the United States.

Pontosan egy évtizede dolgozik a Nemzeti Kutatási, Fejlesztési és Innovációs Hivatal a hazai KFI ökoszisztéma építésén. Egy ilyen kerek évforduló jó alkalom a múlt eredményeinek értékelésére, de legalább ilyen fontos a jövő lehetőségeinek feltérképezése is. Ahelyett, hogy önmagunkat helyeznénk a középpontba, a támogatott vállalkozások, kutatóhelyek és projektek sikereit emeljük ki, amelyek az innováció és a gazdasági fejlődés motorjai Magyarországon.

This discussion paper advances a new vision for the United Nations (UN)’s development function at a moment when the organisation is facing profound pressures and persistent scepticism about its relevance. Although a consensus exists that reform is overdue, past initiatives have been too incremental, focusing on coordination and efficiency without addressing deeper institutional and political pathologies. The result is a UN development system that has grown financially large but is losing political significance. It is increasingly shaped by donor earmarking, entrenched patronage and a project delivery model that bears little resemblance to how national development actually occurs.
Our vision marks a significant departure from the UN’s historical role as an aid channel predicated on the North-South divide. Instead, the UN’s future relevance lies in leveraging its universal legitimacy, normative authority and convening power.
We argue for a UN development system that:
1. Acts as a trusted knowledge facilitator: providing high-level and technical advice, supporting peer exchange and helping governments navigate complex policy trade-offs in ways that are independent, politically informed and normatively grounded.
2. Engages in public advocacy that matters: elevating norms, correcting misinformation and shaping national debates in line with globally agreed standards, with sensitivity to national contexts.
3. Applies universality in practice: moving beyond the outdated distinction between donor and recipient to engage with all member states – including middle- and high-income countries – through global monitoring and peer accountability.
4. Serves as an actor of last resort in fragile settings: providing operational support only where national governments cannot or will not act, with strict sunset clauses and safeguards against unintentional harm.
This reconceptualisation is not primarily about money. It implies a financially smaller but politically stronger UN development system that is less dependent on donors and more relevant to today’s multipolar world. The real benchmark for success is not the volume of aid provided but the quality of advice, advocacy and resulting cooperation.
Reaching this vision will be difficult. The UN’s development apparatus is shaped by vested interests, path dependency and political inertia. Yet, opportunities for change exist. The collapse of traditional aid financing, the insistence of middle-income countries on equitable partnerships and fatigue with the current project-heavy model all point towards the need for a new approach. The Secretary-General’s UN80 Initiative offers a platform for bold ideas, but only if the debate moves beyond technical fixes and acknowledges the political trade-offs inherent in transformation.

Stephen Browne is a visiting lecturer at universities in the UK, Switzerland and India. He spent more than 30 years in the UN development system and has published many books and articles on the UN and foreign assistance.
Frederik Matthys is Senior Advisor at Tomorrow Is Possible with a focus on sustainable development, international cooperation and multilateral reform.
Detlef Palm worked for UNICEF for 30 years in country offices and at headquarters. He served as the focal point for programme policy, an auditor and a representative.

This discussion paper advances a new vision for the United Nations (UN)’s development function at a moment when the organisation is facing profound pressures and persistent scepticism about its relevance. Although a consensus exists that reform is overdue, past initiatives have been too incremental, focusing on coordination and efficiency without addressing deeper institutional and political pathologies. The result is a UN development system that has grown financially large but is losing political significance. It is increasingly shaped by donor earmarking, entrenched patronage and a project delivery model that bears little resemblance to how national development actually occurs.
Our vision marks a significant departure from the UN’s historical role as an aid channel predicated on the North-South divide. Instead, the UN’s future relevance lies in leveraging its universal legitimacy, normative authority and convening power.
We argue for a UN development system that:
1. Acts as a trusted knowledge facilitator: providing high-level and technical advice, supporting peer exchange and helping governments navigate complex policy trade-offs in ways that are independent, politically informed and normatively grounded.
2. Engages in public advocacy that matters: elevating norms, correcting misinformation and shaping national debates in line with globally agreed standards, with sensitivity to national contexts.
3. Applies universality in practice: moving beyond the outdated distinction between donor and recipient to engage with all member states – including middle- and high-income countries – through global monitoring and peer accountability.
4. Serves as an actor of last resort in fragile settings: providing operational support only where national governments cannot or will not act, with strict sunset clauses and safeguards against unintentional harm.
This reconceptualisation is not primarily about money. It implies a financially smaller but politically stronger UN development system that is less dependent on donors and more relevant to today’s multipolar world. The real benchmark for success is not the volume of aid provided but the quality of advice, advocacy and resulting cooperation.
Reaching this vision will be difficult. The UN’s development apparatus is shaped by vested interests, path dependency and political inertia. Yet, opportunities for change exist. The collapse of traditional aid financing, the insistence of middle-income countries on equitable partnerships and fatigue with the current project-heavy model all point towards the need for a new approach. The Secretary-General’s UN80 Initiative offers a platform for bold ideas, but only if the debate moves beyond technical fixes and acknowledges the political trade-offs inherent in transformation.

Stephen Browne is a visiting lecturer at universities in the UK, Switzerland and India. He spent more than 30 years in the UN development system and has published many books and articles on the UN and foreign assistance.
Frederik Matthys is Senior Advisor at Tomorrow Is Possible with a focus on sustainable development, international cooperation and multilateral reform.
Detlef Palm worked for UNICEF for 30 years in country offices and at headquarters. He served as the focal point for programme policy, an auditor and a representative.

This discussion paper advances a new vision for the United Nations (UN)’s development function at a moment when the organisation is facing profound pressures and persistent scepticism about its relevance. Although a consensus exists that reform is overdue, past initiatives have been too incremental, focusing on coordination and efficiency without addressing deeper institutional and political pathologies. The result is a UN development system that has grown financially large but is losing political significance. It is increasingly shaped by donor earmarking, entrenched patronage and a project delivery model that bears little resemblance to how national development actually occurs.
Our vision marks a significant departure from the UN’s historical role as an aid channel predicated on the North-South divide. Instead, the UN’s future relevance lies in leveraging its universal legitimacy, normative authority and convening power.
We argue for a UN development system that:
1. Acts as a trusted knowledge facilitator: providing high-level and technical advice, supporting peer exchange and helping governments navigate complex policy trade-offs in ways that are independent, politically informed and normatively grounded.
2. Engages in public advocacy that matters: elevating norms, correcting misinformation and shaping national debates in line with globally agreed standards, with sensitivity to national contexts.
3. Applies universality in practice: moving beyond the outdated distinction between donor and recipient to engage with all member states – including middle- and high-income countries – through global monitoring and peer accountability.
4. Serves as an actor of last resort in fragile settings: providing operational support only where national governments cannot or will not act, with strict sunset clauses and safeguards against unintentional harm.
This reconceptualisation is not primarily about money. It implies a financially smaller but politically stronger UN development system that is less dependent on donors and more relevant to today’s multipolar world. The real benchmark for success is not the volume of aid provided but the quality of advice, advocacy and resulting cooperation.
Reaching this vision will be difficult. The UN’s development apparatus is shaped by vested interests, path dependency and political inertia. Yet, opportunities for change exist. The collapse of traditional aid financing, the insistence of middle-income countries on equitable partnerships and fatigue with the current project-heavy model all point towards the need for a new approach. The Secretary-General’s UN80 Initiative offers a platform for bold ideas, but only if the debate moves beyond technical fixes and acknowledges the political trade-offs inherent in transformation.

Stephen Browne is a visiting lecturer at universities in the UK, Switzerland and India. He spent more than 30 years in the UN development system and has published many books and articles on the UN and foreign assistance.
Frederik Matthys is Senior Advisor at Tomorrow Is Possible with a focus on sustainable development, international cooperation and multilateral reform.
Detlef Palm worked for UNICEF for 30 years in country offices and at headquarters. He served as the focal point for programme policy, an auditor and a representative.

Parliament will decide its position on simpler sustainability requirements ahead of talks with EU governments at the next plenary session in Brussels on 13 November.
Committee on Legal Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Parliament will decide its position on simpler sustainability requirements ahead of talks with EU governments at the next plenary session in Brussels on 13 November.
Committee on Legal Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Parliament will decide its position on simpler sustainability requirements ahead of talks with EU governments at the next plenary session in Brussels on 13 November.
Committee on Legal Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Die Situation werfe einen Schatten auf unsere Beziehungen, sagte EU-Handelskommissar Maroš Šefčovič. „Deshalb ist eine rasche Lösung entscheidend.“

Une enquête d’Euractiv a révélé des échanges tendus entre les membres de la commission des Affaires juridiques (JURI) du Parlement européen et un haut magistrat belge, laissant présager une confrontation sur le rôle que devrait jouer la justice belge dans le contrôle des institutions démocratiques de l’UE.

The post ENQUÊTE : bras de fer entre le Parlement européen et la justice belge au sujet d’enquêtes pour corruption appeared first on Euractiv FR.

A HorizontPéntek10 webinársorozat az NKFIH Horizont Európa NCP csapat heti rendezvénye, melyen a Horizont Európa keretprogram érdekes témáiról, aktuális felhívásairól nyújtunk áttekintést, gyakorlati ismereteket minden héten.

Mike Tyson was a hit with boxing fans in Kinshasa after embracing his African roots as part of ongoing celebrations for the iconic Rumble in the Jungle.

Die beiden in Belarus und Georgien inhaftierten Journalisten werden mit dem Sacharow-Preis für geistige Freiheit 2025 ausgezeichnet, der am 16. Dezember im Parlament verliehen wird.
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Entwicklungsausschuss

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

Die beiden in Belarus und Georgien inhaftierten Journalisten werden mit dem Sacharow-Preis für geistige Freiheit 2025 ausgezeichnet, der am 16. Dezember im Parlament verliehen wird.
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Entwicklungsausschuss

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP