Agrégateur de flux

A press conference was organized in Brussels in front of the European Parliament by a coalition of International and European organizations as well as human rights and women’s rights advocates to shed the light on the humanitarian crisis in Sudan which is one of the biggest crises of our times and to call on the international community to act now to stop the war and implement a peace plan in the region.

The press conference stressed the fact that the use of chemical weapons by the Sudanese Armed forces against civilians must stop now and that foreign support of the Islamist army must end, particularly by Egypt.

Ramon Rahangmetan Co-Founder of circle of Sustainable Europe, mentioned that “The use of chemical weapons is not only a war crime, it is a moral red line that defines whether humanity still governs.”. He highlighted that the use of chemical weapons by the Sudanese government was determined by US department of State, independent journalists of France 24 and reports from humanitarian organizations and that we should demand accountability and strengthen sanctions against enablers.

Amina Nsenga ,author and women’s rights advocate, mentioned the threat that women and children go through in Sudan and the suffering of civilians under this conflict which is unfortunately not highlighted in the media. Sudanese women are victims of rape, physical and psychological traumas and they are completely excluded from decision-making. The EU leaders must act now to protect women and girls and protect their mental health and well-being.

Journalists and human rights defenders pointed out that after the Arab spring, Sudan fought for freedom and democracy and hoped for a better future for young people and women. However, the rise of Muslim Brotherhood to power destroyed the dream of the Sudanese people of a free and a democratic society. It is regrettable that Egypt which has been fighting against Muslim Brotherhood is now supporting Islamists in Sudan which is contradictory and hypocritical. Islamists should be eliminated everywhere and there is a need to protect the lives of Sudanese people as well as their fundamental freedoms and rights.

Jamil Maqsoud, head of the UKPNP reminded that the world should stand by women and girls fighting against oppression and dictatorship as well as extremism which is the case in Pakistan and Afghanistan as well as Sudan.

 Women rights activists highlighted the need to end violence against women and girls and stop using rape as a war weapon as well as starvation as a tool of pressure on civilians which the SAF uses constantly by blocking humanitarian aid and calls on international community to act to facilitate humanitarian aid which is blocked by countries which support the Sudanese army.

Representatives from Bangladesh, Iran, and Afghanistan in Europe mentioned the need to support secular voices and women’s rights in conflict zones and particularly in Sudan as well as stop Islamist extremism which threatens peace and security not only in the Middle East, Africa and South Asia but also worldwide.

 

In an era when global alliances are shifting faster than treaties can keep up, the relationship among Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Pakistan has become a rare example of strategic continuity. Born from cultural kinship and historical friendship, the “Three Brothers” partnership has gradually evolved from emotional solidarity into a working platform of political coordination. Yet its newest dimension — parliamentary cooperation — also invites a closer look at how ideals, institutions, and interests intersect across three very different political systems.   The parliamentary meeting in Islamabad in October 2025 marked a symbolic milestone but also a practical test. For years, cooperation among the three states had been driven by presidents, generals, and ministers. The adoption of the Islamabad Declaration extended that cooperation into the legislative sphere, aiming to translate diplomatic intent into law and oversight. It was less a revolutionary step than a cautious institutionalization of a friendship that already had strong foundations. Each parliament promised to promote joint initiatives in defense, trade, energy, and culture, but the real measure of success will lie in sustained implementation rather than declarations.   To make parliamentary oversight truly effective, the Islamabad framework now envisions several concrete mechanisms: joint parliamentary monitoring committees, annual progress reviews, and performance benchmarks aligned with national development goals. These tools are designed to ensure that resolutions on trade, education, and defense cooperation produce verifiable results—such as the growth of trilateral trade volumes, the establishment of educational exchange programs, and transparent reporting to a standing trilateral parliamentary secretariat. Such benchmarks convert symbolic alignment into measurable governance, making institutionalization not only aspirational but operational.   The roots of this trilateral bond run deep. During the 44-Day Patriotic War, Turkey and Pakistan supported Azerbaijan’s defense of sovereignty and territorial integrity, aligning their voices at international forums. Since then, cooperation has matured beyond wartime solidarity. Votes at the UN, consultations on security, and shared positions on international law now reflect an evolving alignment based on principle. As President Ilham Aliyev once noted, these nations “stand together for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and justice.” That sense of justice continues to frame their partnership, though it operates within the realities of modern geopolitics.   Those realities are complex. The three countries approach the world from distinct strategic positions: Turkey balances its NATO commitments with regional autonomy; Pakistan navigates a fragile relationship with India and periodic tensions with Western partners; Azerbaijan maintains a delicate equilibrium among Russia, Iran, and the West. Their “brotherhood” provides political comfort but not automatic policy alignment. Economic competition, defense-procurement limits, and external pressures all shape what is possible. The real strength of the alliance lies in coordination despite differences, not in the absence of them.   The economic and structural asymmetry among the three also matters. Turkey’s industrial base and diversified economy give it natural leadership capacity. Azerbaijan’s energy wealth provides leverage and connectivity, while Pakistan’s size and strategic location bring demographic weight but also fiscal fragility. Far from undermining the partnership, these imbalances define its realism: each country contributes a distinct asset—technology, energy, or human capital—that complements the others.   Parliamentary diplomacy, though modest in influence compared with executive authority, has a role to play. In states where foreign policy remains executive-driven, legislatures can still build continuity, exchange expertise, and support legal frameworks for long-term projects. Through oversight tools such as budget reviews, inter-parliamentary working groups, and thematic hearings, lawmakers can track the implementation of trilateral projects and recommend adjustments. The success of parliamentary engagement can thus be evaluated through concrete indicators — including the number of joint resolutions enacted, cooperative educational programs launched, or defense-industrial initiatives monitored through shared reporting.   External reactions to this trilateral format are mixed, and any honest analysis must acknowledge them. India views Pakistan’s participation with suspicion; Iran and Russia, both central actors in the region, watch cautiously as transport and energy corridors develop that may bypass their traditional routes. Western partners, including the EU and the US, see opportunities in expanded connectivity but remain alert to new geopolitical groupings that might complicate their own regional initiatives. The success of the “Three Brothers” therefore depends on diplomacy that is inclusive rather than exclusionary — cooperation that complements rather than competes with wider networks such as the OIC, ECO, or SCO.   Historically, the bond among the three has not always been linear. Periods of close solidarity have alternated with moments of limited coordination, shaped by domestic change and shifting power balances. The post-2020 environment—after Azerbaijan’s restoration of control over its territories—offered new momentum. The meetings in Lachin and Islamabad symbolize a transition from symbolic friendship to structured engagement, yet the continuity of that process will depend on how deeply societies, not just states, remain involved.   Looking forward, the sustainability of this brotherhood will hinge on institutional depth. Permanent parliamentary commissions, youth exchanges, and academic cooperation could anchor it beyond the political cycles of each country. Engaging women legislators and civil organizations would broaden its base and translate strategic narratives into social understanding. Success, ultimately, should be measured by outcomes — tangible increases in cross-border trade, defense cooperation, and legislative harmonization — tracked annually by the trilateral secretariat. In this sense, parliamentary diplomacy is not the engine of foreign policy but the conscience of it — a reminder that alliances endure only when citizens recognize their value.   Ultimately, the partnership among Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Pakistan is best understood not as an exclusive bloc but as a case study in adaptive regionalism. It shows how nations with distinct alignments can find convergence through shared history, pragmatic interests, and respect for sovereignty. Its success will not be measured by rhetoric but by its ability to navigate friction, expand trade, and contribute to stability from the Caucasus to South Asia. The “Three Brothers” story, now entering a new institutional chapter, reflects the enduring truth of modern diplomacy: real friendship is tested not by comfort, but by complexity.

Alors que son influence est dénoncée ou rejetée dans nombre de pays africains francophones, la France conserve des liens étroits avec la Côte d'Ivoire de M. Alassane Ouattara. Briguant un quatrième mandat présidentiel, dont la constitutionnalité est sujette à caution, ce dernier peut compter sur le (...) / Côte d'Ivoire, France - 2025/10

La Commission a annoncé vendredi 24 octobre que Meta (Facebook, Instagram) et TikTok avaient enfreint plusieurs dispositions du règlement sur les services numériques (DSA), notamment celles garantissant l’accès des chercheurs aux données publiques de leurs plateformes.

The post Meta et TikTok accusés d’avoir enfreint les règles européennes d’accès aux données pour les chercheurs appeared first on Euractiv FR.

What, if anything, has changed for Tokyo’s Israel policy since Hamas’ October 7, 2023 attack? 

As the country’s takeout market has swelled, so have the numbers of unregulated, unsanitary restaurants

L'Allemagne est à la fois le premier producteur de viande d'Europe et le plus grand marché pour les aliments d'origine végétale.

The post Régime végétalien : le vote des eurodéputés sur l’interdiction des mentions « hamburger » et « saucisse » crée la polémique en Allemagne appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Far from a bilateral crisis, the border clashes have implications for the region and world.

The expansion of the Women's Africa Cup of Nations is a "great boost" to teams that have never qualified for the finals, says Malawi captain Tabitha Chawinga.

As Washington redefines engagement and Moscow reclaims relevance, Central Asia is quietly mastering the politics of poise.

Beijing appears to have realized that sustainable peace in Afghanistan will require more effort than it can spare.

Laut der EU-Kommission sind beide Plattformen den Vorgaben des Digital Services Act zum Datenzugang für Forschende nicht ausreichend nachgekommen.

The country’s primary conservative party – the Liberal Party – is struggling to find resonance among the stability-minded Australian population.

Une vidéo deepfake montrant la candidate à la présidentielle irlandaise Catherine Connolly annonçant son retrait de la course électorale a été largement diffusée sur Facebook avant d’être démentie. L’affaire a mis en lumière les failles dans la régulation européenne des contenus générés par IA.

The post Présidentielle irlandaise : un deepfake relance le débat sur la lutte contre la désinformation liée à l’IA appeared first on Euractiv FR.

There were hopes of a Modi-Trump meeting at Kuala Lumpur. That will not happen now.

The Cybercrime Convention will further entrench control and surveillance over peaceful expression of dissent online beyond the borders of repressive states. 

Delegations

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Die 27 Staats- und Regierungschefs einigten sich darauf, bis Jahresende die Bildung von Koalitionen abzuschließen, die Europas militärische Defizite angehen sollen. Erste Projekte sollen Anfang 2026 starten.

Les dirigeants de l’UE ont franchi une étape importante jeudi 23 octobre pour combler les lacunes militaires de l’Europe, tout en laissant en suspens les questions de gouvernance, de financement et de mise en œuvre, qui devront être réglées dans les prochains mois.

The post Les dirigeants de l’UE fixent un cap pour combler leurs lacunes militaires : rendez-vous en 2026 appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Les restrictions à l’exportation de terres rares imposées par la Chine ont suscité un regain d’engagement diplomatique entre Bruxelles et Tokyo.

The post Pour contrer la puissance chinoise, l’UE s’inspire de l’expérience japonaise appeared first on Euractiv FR.