Africa

By Jomo Kwame Sundaram and Kuhaneetha Bai Kalaicelvan
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Dec 16 2025 (IPS)

The new US National Security Strategy (NSS) repositions the superpower’s role in the world. Hence, foreign policy will be mainly driven by considerations of ‘making America great again’ (MAGA).

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Changing course
The new NSS no longer presumes US world leadership and alliances based on values. It breaks with earlier post-Cold War foreign policy, upsetting those committed to its sovereigntist unipolar world.

Quietly released on December 4, it is certainly not an easily forgettable update of long-established positions, cloaked in obscure bureaucratic and diplomatic parlance.

Mainly drafted under the leadership of ‘neo-con’ Secretary of State and National Security Adviser Marco Rubio, it is already seen as the most significant document of Trump 2.0.

It asserts, “The days of the United States propping up the entire world order like Atlas are over.” Instead, foreign policy should now prioritise advancing US interests.

New priorities
The NSS implies the US will no longer be the world’s policeman. Instead, it will exercise power selectively, prioritising transactional rather than strategic considerations.

It emphasises economic strength as key to national security, rebuilding industrial capacity, securing supply chains and ensuring the US never relies on others for critical materials.

K Kuhaneetha Bai

Even if the Supreme Court overrules the President’s tariffs, the US has already secured many concessions from governments fearful of their likely adverse impacts.

The NSS is ostensibly based on MAGA considerations involving immigration control, hemispheric dominance, and cultural ethno-chauvinism.

Mainstream commentators complain it lacks the supposedly enlightened values underlying foreign policy in the US-dominated world order after the Second World War.

They complain the new NSS is narrow in focus, redefining interests, and sharing power. Its stance and tone are said to be more 19th-century than 21st-century.

Besides pragmatic imperatives, mixed messages may be due to unsatisfactory compromises among rival factions in Trump’s administration.

MAGA foreign policy
Long-term observers see the NSS as unprecedented and blatantly ideological.

White supremacist ideology influences not only national cultural politics but also foreign policy. The NSS unapologetically promotes Judaeo-Christian chauvinism despite the constitutional separation of church from state.

MAGA’s ‘America First’ priority is evident throughout. Border security is crucial as immigration is deemed the primary national security concern.

For Samuel Huntington, immigration threatens the US by making it less WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant).

The NSS blames social and economic breakdown on immigration. Inflows into the Western Hemisphere, not just the US, must be urgently stopped by all available means.

Ironically, the US has long been a nation of immigrants, with relatively more immigrants than any European country. Its non-white numbers are almost equal to whites.

Trump’s neocolonial interpretation of the 1823 Monroe Doctrine emphasises the Americas as the new foreign policy priority.

Foreign rivals must not be allowed to acquire strategic assets, ports, mines, or infrastructure in Latin America and the Caribbean, mainly to keep China out.

Trump’s NSS prioritises the Western Hemisphere, with Asia second. Africa receives three paragraphs, primarily for its minerals.

Europe is downgraded to third, due to its ostensible immigration-induced civilizational decline. Surprisingly, the NSS urges halting North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) expansion.

China near peer!
The NSS policy on China is widely viewed as unexpectedly restrained. China remains a priority, but is no longer its primary antagonist; it is now a peer competitor.

Now, the US must rebalance its economic relationship with China based on mutually beneficial reciprocity, fairness, and the resurgence of US manufacturing.

The US will continue to work with allies to limit China’s growth and technological progress. However, China is allowed to develop green technologies due to US disinterest.

Meanwhile, US hawks have ensured a military ‘overmatch’ for Taiwan. The NSS emphasises Taiwan’s centrality to Indo-Pacific security and world chip production.

The NSS warns China would gain access to the Second Island Chain if it captured Taiwan, reshaping regional power and threatening vital US trade routes.

With allied support, the US military will seek to contain China within the First Island Chain. However, Taiwan fears US support will wane after TSMC chip production moves to the US.

The NSS expects the ‘Quad’ of the US, Australia, Japan and India to enhance Indo-Pacific security. For Washington, only India can balance China in Asia, and is hence crucial to contain China in the long term.

Regional reordering
The NSS also downgrades the Middle East (ME). Conditions that once made the region important have changed.

The ME’s importance stemmed from its petroleum and Western guilt over Israel. Now, the US has become a significant oil and gas exporter.

Critically, the US strike on Iran in mid-2025 is believed to have set back Tehran’s nuclear programme.

The ME seems unlikely to continue to drive US strategic planning as it has over the last half-century. For the US, the region is now expected to be a major investor.

As US foreign policy is redefined, the world worries. The ME has been downgraded as Latin America has become the new frontline region.

Much has happened in less than a year of Trump 2.0, with little clear or consistent pattern of continuity or change from his first term. But policies have also been quickly reversed or revised.

While the NSS is undoubtedly important and indicative, it would be presumptuous to think it will actually determine policy over the next three years, or even in the very near future.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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A snowy Christmas might be something that fades into a memory in many places if we don't avoid severe climate change. Credit: Shutterstock

By Philippe Benoit
WASHINGTON DC, Dec 15 2025 (IPS)

As each Christmas approaches, one song permeates the airwaves across the United States and elsewhere: White Christmas. According to the Guiness Book of World Records, “White Christmas” is the #1 selling physical single of all times with over 50 million copies sold.

Many know those iconic opening lyrics:

“I’m dreaming of a white Christmas,
Just like the ones I used to know.”

This American holiday classic, written by Irving Berlin and recorded by Bing Crosby in 1942 during the depths of World War II, conveyed in its time the nostalgia of a simpler past and the hope for a better future.

But contexts change and, with them, so can meanings. Today, we face a new and different type of global menace, severe climate change which, according to a recent World Economic Forum report, could result in an additional 14.5 million deaths and $12.5 trillion in economic losses by 2050.

What might soon stand out most about the lyrics of White Christmas is the nostalgia for an earlier period when there was actually snow on the ground in late December, an experience which is now projected to become rarer in many regions because of climate change.

Obviously, not this December 2025 in the United States which is living through the blistering cold of a polar vortex. But other parts of the globe are seeing their warmest December in decades amidst what is set to be the world’s second hottest year on record as atmospheric carbon dioxide concentrations driven by greenhouse gas emissions track upwards, altering our climate.

And while there may be Christmas snow on the ground in 2026 or 2027 or 2028, that would, according to current climate predictions, become rarer and rarer over the medium to longer term. A snowy Christmas might be something that fades into a memory in many places if we don’t avoid severe climate change.

As a result, the song White Christmas presently conveys a new message. Those lyrics originally written to invoke a feeling of nostalgia and hope should now be read more literally. “I am dreaming of a white Christmas, just like the ones I used to know” is a warning about the need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to avoid the aberrations and destruction that severe climate change would cause.

White Christmas, this holiday classic from the past, should today be heard as a clarion call for climate change action.

Philippe Benoit is managing director at Global Infrastructure Advisory Services 2050 specializing in climate change.

Written by Clare Ferguson with Sara Raja.

One of the European Parliament’s most important priorities is to ensure all EU policy promotes respect for people’s fundamental freedoms and human rights. Parliament has therefore awarded its Sakharov Prize to individuals and organisations making a remarkable effort to protect human rights and fundamental freedoms since 1988. Previous laureates include Nelson Mandela, Alexei Navalny and Malala Yousafzai.

This year, the Parliament awards its Sakharov Prize to individuals who show great personal courage in defending these freedoms and rights: Andrzej Poczobut of Belarus and Mzia Amaglobeli of Georgia, journalists who have fought for democracy in their respective countries. Both have been imprisoned for standing up for freedom of expression and democratic values. The Sakharov Prize award ceremony takes place during Parliament’s December plenary session.

The award is named in honour of Andrei Sakharov, the eminent Soviet nuclear physicist, dissident, human rights advocate and recipient of the 1975 Nobel Peace Prize. Indeed, several of the laureates have gone on to win the Nobel Peace Prize –including María Corina Machado, Denis Mukwege and Nadia Murad.

Parliament’s political groups and individual Members (at least 40) nominate the candidates at a joint meeting of the Foreign Affairs Committee, the Development Committee and the Human Rights Subcommittee each September. The Parliament publishes a shortlist of three candidates in October and the Conference of Presidents selects the winner. Parliament then awards the prize at a plenary session at the end of the year. The prize confers an endowment of €50 000 on the winner, and the Sakharov network supports laureates in their efforts to defend their cause. When awarding the Prize, Parliament, through the voice of its President, usually calls for jailed laureates’ release from prison. Parliament also uses all the means in its parliamentary diplomacy toolbox to protect laureates from state repression and to keep human rights defenders’ struggle in the spotlight.

The Sakharov Prize therefore has a long history, featuring many distinguished names in the struggle to protect human rights and freedoms for all. Since 2014, the European Parliamentary Research Service produces a paper on the laureates of each prize, the human rights situation and the Parliament’s position. These papers are available in several EU languages:

A concerning deterioration in the human rights situation In Venezuela and election irregularities under the Maduro regime led to María Corina Machado, leader of Venezuela’s democratic forces, and President-elect Edmundo González Urrutia winning the 2024 Sakharov Prize. The second time the prize has been awarded to Venezuela’s democratic opposition activists (the first time was in 2017), they represent all Venezuelans both inside and outside the country who are fighting to restore freedom and democracy.

In 2023, following the murder of Jina Mahsa Amini’s by Iran’s security forces for her refusal to wear a hijab, and repression of women’s rights protesters in Iran, Parliament awarded the 2023 Sakharov Prize to Jina Mahsa Amini and the Woman, Life, Freedom Movement in Iran in support of the protesters’ aspirations for a free, stable, inclusive and democratic country.

The brave people of Ukraine have fought hard and sacrificed a great deal to protect their country from Russia’s aggression. A number of individuals and organisations were awarded the 2022 Sakharov Prize in recognition of their resistance to Russian attack.

Political repression was already intensifying in Russia in 2021. To honour his courageous defence of human rights and democratic freedoms despite severe personal risk and his imprisonment for his anti‑corruption activism and criticism of the Kremlin, Parliament awarded the 2021 Sakharov Prize to opposition leader Alexey Navalny. Parliament strongly condemned Navalny’s murder in 2024 and underlined that the Russian Government and Vladimir Putin should personally bear criminal and political responsibility for the death of their most prominent opponent.

Following contested presidential election in Belarus and a severe crackdown on peaceful protests, Parliament awarded the 2020 Sakharov Prize to the democratic opposition in Belarus, represented by the Coordination Council, in tribute to their courage and determination to resist repression and advance democratic freedoms.

In 2019, in response to escalating repression against Uyghur minorities and civil society activists in China, the Parliament awarded the 2019 Sakharov Prize to Uyghur economics professor Ilham Tohti, in recognition of his advocacy for ethnic minority rights and peaceful dialogue. Tohti remains in prison in China, serving a life sentence.

Parliament awarded the 2018 Sakharov Prize to Ukrainian filmmaker Oleg Sentsov, imprisoned on politically motivated charges against the backdrop of Russia’s annexation of Crimea. Parliament aimed to spotlight Sentsov’s plight and underscore broader concerns about political prisoners and human‑rights abuses in Russian‑controlled territories.

Amid a severe erosion of democratic institutions and repression of political freedoms in Venezuela, the European Parliament awarded the 2017 Sakharov Prize to the Democratic Opposition in Venezuela, notably the National Assembly and political prisoners, in support of their struggle for democratic transition, human rights and respect for fundamental freedoms.

The 2016 Sakharov Prize was awarded to Nadia Murad Basee Taha and Lamiya Aji Bashar to highlight the fate of their people, the Yazidis, one of the communities most affected, in proportion to their total population, by the violence committed by ISIL/Da’esh (or ‘Islamic State’), particularly during the conflict in Syria.

Saudi Arabian blogger, Raif Badawi was awarded the 2015 Sakharov Prize following his arrest and sentence to 10 years in prison, 1 000 lashes and a hefty fine for insulting Islam (his site hosted material criticising senior religious figures and a Saudi university). In his writings, Badawi advocates liberal Islam, freedom of thought and expression, and separation of state and religion.

Europe’s top human rights prize was awarded in 2014 to Dr Denis Mukwege, a gynaecologist from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in recognition for his perseverance and courage in his efforts to help rape survivors. A fervent advocate of women’s rights, Dr Mukwege has received many international awards, but has also been the target of death threats, and even a 2012 assassination attempt.

Any AI-generated content in this text has been reviewed by the author.

More information on the Sakharov Prize and the laureates:

• 30 Years of the Sakharov Prize: The European Parliament upholding freedom of thought
• Sakharov’s legacy on the centenary of his birth
• Laureates of the 2025 Sakharov Prize: Andrzej Poczobut and Mzia Amaglobeli, journalists fighting for democracy in Belarus and Georgia
• Sakharov Prize laureates in difficulty: Facing repression for defending human rights
• Laureates of the 2024 Sakharov Prize: María Corina Machado and Edmundo González Urrutia, fighting for democracy in Venezuela
• 2023 Sakharov Prize laureate: Jina Mahsa Amini and the Woman, Life, Freedom Movement in Iran
• 2022 Sakharov Prize laureate: The brave people of Ukraine
• 2021 Sakharov Prize laureate: Alexey Navalny
• 2020 Sakharov Prize laureate: The democratic opposition in Belarus
• 2019 Sakharov Prize laureate: Ilham Tohti
• Oleg Sentsov: The 2018 Sakharov Prize laureate
• The 2017 Sakharov Prize
• The Yazidis: An ongoing genocide
• The 2015 Sakharov Prize
• Sakharov Prize 2014: Tending the scars of sexual violence in DRCEuropean Parliament Sakharov Prize

Currently, more than half of all countries and areas worldwide have a fertility rate below the replacement level of 2.1 births per woman. Credit: Shutterstock

By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, Dec 15 2025 (IPS)

Will low fertility rates return to the replacement level of 2.1 births per woman any time soon? A simple answer to this vital demographic question is: unlikely.

A detailed answer about future fertility rates involves the complex interaction of various economic, social, developmental, cultural, and personal factors that influence fertility levels.

Among those factors are economic insecurity, financial pressures, marriage rates, childbearing ages, child mortality levels, contraceptive use, higher education, labor force participation, lifestyle choices, personal goals, concerns about the future, and finding a suitable spouse or partner for family life.

During the recent past, the world’s fertility rate declined significantly from 5.3 births per woman in 1963 to 2.3 births in 2023.

Currently, more than half of all countries and areas worldwide have a fertility rate below the replacement level of 2.1 births per woman. Among these low fertility countries are the world’s ten largest national economies (Figure 1).

 

Source: United Nations.

 

In contrast to countries with low fertility rates, sub-Saharan African countries have high fertility rates. Together these countries account for about one-third of the world’s current annual births, with that proportion projected to increase to nearly 40% by the mid-century.

Currently, two dozen countries in sub-Saharan Africa have fertility rates of 4 or more births per woman, with half of them having rates of 5 or more births per woman. Some of these countries, such as Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Somalia, have the world’s highest fertility rates at about 6 births per woman (Figure 2).

 

Source: United Nations.

 

In countries with low fertility, many young adults choose to prioritize economic security over starting a family. This shift in priorities reflects the financial burden that comes with household expenses, such as housing, food, transportation, childcare, and education.

The average annual costs of raising a child can vary significantly from country to country because of differences in income, family structures, living expenses, and government subsidies. However, couples generally perceive raising children as a challenging and costly endeavor, given the expenses associated with housing, food, childcare, and education.

Besides the increasing age at which couples are choosing to marry, there has been a global decline in early childbearing. In more developed regions and in many less developed countries, such as China and India, the mean age of childbearing has risen by approximately three years since 1995.

Decreases in teenage pregnancies have also played a role in contributing to low fertility rates in many countries. For example, between 1994 and 2024, the worldwide adolescent birth rate declined from 74 to 38 births per 1,000 females aged 15 to 19 years.

Considering recent global trends and significant economic, social, developmental, cultural, and personal factors, it appears unlikely that today’s low fertility rates will return to the replacement level any time soon

In addition to delaying childbearing, many women are having fewer babies, with a significant number choosing not to have children at all. Although figures vary by region and generation, childlessness levels are rising, with approximately 40% or more of women by age 30 in developed countries remaining childless.

Using contraceptive methods is another significant contributor to low fertility rates. Various contraceptive options are available to prevent unintended pregnancy, including temporary or reversible and permanent methods. Worldwide, about half of women of reproductive age in 2022 were estimated to be using contraceptives, with 90% of them using a modern contraceptive method.

Higher education and increased female labor force participation are two additional factors contributing to low fertility rates. These factors raise the opportunity costs of childbearing, encourage delayed marriage and childbearing, and shift personal life priorities to career and personal development.

Over the past fifty years, the enrollment of women in higher education has increased worldwide. Women currently make up the majority of higher education students in 114 countries, while men out-number women in 57 countries. With respect to earning a bachelor’s degree, women have reached parity with men.

In many low fertility countries, there has a notable rise in the number of women joining the workforce. This trend is clear in more developed nations, where the percentage of economically active women has seen a significant increase in recent times. For instance, in Spain, the proportion of women in the labor force has more than doubled over the last fifty years, growing from around one in four to over half.

Another major factor contributing to low fertility rates is the significant global declines in infant and child mortality. Over the past fifty years, the global infant mortality rate has decreased from approximately 90 deaths per 1,000 births to 27 deaths and the mortality rate of children under age 5 has decreased from 132 deaths per 1,000 live births to 36 deaths.

Because of low fertility rates, many countries are experiencing more deaths than births, resulting in negative rates of population growth. These sustained negative rates of population growth are leading to population decline and demographic ageing.

The governments of many low fertility countries are implementing pro-natalist policies, incentives, and programs to increase birth rates. While these policies and programs may have some success in increasing low fertility rates slightly, historical data show that once a fertility rate drops below the replacement level, particularly to 1.5 births per woman or less, it remains low.

Population projections for countries with low fertility rates do not expect a return to the replacement level in the near future.

The world’s fertility rate is expected to continue declining throughout the 21st century. By 2100, the global fertility rate is projected to be below the replacement level at 1.8 births per woman.

The country population projections made by national governments and international organizations assume that fertility rates will remain below the replacement level. Consequently, many countries are projected to experience population decline by the mid-century (Figure 3).

 

Source: United Nations.

 

In 50 countries and areas, immigration is expected to help reduce the projected population decline caused by low fertility rates. However, without international migration, some countries, like Canada, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States, are also projected to see a decrease in population by 2050.

While many countries are experiencing a demographic struggle over international migration, the proportions of immigrants in these countries are reaching record highs. In the European Union, for example, the proportion of the foreign-born population is about 14%, a significant increase from 10% in 2010.

Similarly, in the United States, the foreign-born proportion is at a record high of nearly 16%, several times greater than the low of 5% in 1970. Additionally, in Canada, the foreign-born proportion has risen to a record high of close to a quarter of its population, surpassing the previous record of 22% in 1921. Australia also has a significant foreign-born population, especially recently from India and China, reaching close to a third of its population, substantially higher than the 24% in 2004.

Along with population declines, coupled in many instances with increased immigration, countries are also experiencing demographic ageing. The once youthful populations of the recent past are now being replaced by much older populations with increasing proportions of these individuals in retirement. Once again, as with population decline, the projected populations of many countries by the middle of the century would be older without international migration (Figure 4).

 

Source: United Nations.

 

In summary, considering recent global trends and significant economic, social, developmental, cultural, and personal factors, it appears unlikely that today’s low fertility rates will return to the replacement level any time soon.

As a result, ongoing low fertility rates are leading to population decline, demographic ageing, and, in many instances, the politically contentious issue of increased levels of the foreign-born population. Instead of hoping for a return to the demographics of the recent past, countries need to recognize the probable future demographics and confront the many challenges that arise from them.

Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer, a former director of the United Nations Population Division, and author of many publications on population matters.

Benin arrive at the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco looking to turn 2026 World Cup qualification heartbreak into a memorable continental campaign.

By Reylynne Dela Paz
MANILA, Philippines, Dec 15 2025 (IPS)

A global crackdown on civic freedoms is intensifying – and women are on the frontlines of the attack. CIVICUS’s 2025 People Power Under Attack report analyses the extent to which freedoms of association, expression and peaceful assembly are being respected or violated. The report reveals that people in 83 countries now live in conditions where their freedoms are routinely denied, compared to 67 in 2020. In 2020, 13 per cent of the world’s population lived in countries where civic freedoms were broadly respected; now it’s more like 7 per cent. Among the most documented violations in 2025 were detention of human rights defenders, journalists and protesters, and women human rights defenders (WHRDs) were among the most affected.

Reylynne Dela Paz

Women human rights defenders in the spotlight

WHRDs are women and girls, in all their diversity, working on any human rights issue, and those who promote women’s and girls’ rights and gender justice. They include people in civil society who might not self-identify as human rights defenders and those who work in fields such as environmental activism, humanitarian response, journalism and peacebuilding.

WHRDs are at a higher risk of being discriminated against and abused not only for what they do, but also because of who they are. By virtue of their gender identity, they challenge societal norms and patriarchal structures. The 2025 People Power Under Attack report, for example, documents numerous examples of online intimidation and threats against women journalists, both because of their journalistic work and because they’re women.

Attacks against women and girls in general and WHRDs in particular are increasingly being fuelled by rising authoritarian rule, fundamentalism and populism. Governments, politicians and non-state groups are taking more confident and strident anti-rights actions, fuelling an environment where repression and violence against WHRDs is not only possible but celebrated.

Anti-rights networks, led by populist politicians and fundamentalist religious groups, are engaging in coordinated, sustained and increasingly influential work to stigmatise campaigns for women’s rights and gender justice and those involved in them. They spread the idea that gender justice and those who strive for it threaten children’s welfare, families, religious beliefs, national security and traditional and cultural norms. They’re manipulating public narratives and weaponising disinformation to gain public support.

This has given rise to decreased support for HIV prevention projects, queer movements, sexual, reproductive health and rights initiatives, women’s and girls’ participation in decision-making spaces and any human rights effort led by women, including those on climate and environmental justice, disability, Indigenous rights and peace and security.

CIVICUS’s Stand As My Witness Campaign, which calls for the release of unjustly detained human rights defenders, shows how brutal the current context is for WHRDs. It documents stories of violent arrests, inhumane treatment and other cruel actions against women who have dedicated their lives to pursuing justice and resisting repressive governments. WHRDs Pakhshan Azizi, Sharifeh Mohammadi and Verisheh Moradi are facing death sentences in Iran. Narges Mohammadi, an Iranian human rights activist and journalist who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2023, has also been imprisoned repeatedly for her work.

Other WHRDs who have been arbitrarily arrested include Chow Hang-Tung from Hong Kong, who advocated for the protection and promotion of labour rights and the rights of persecuted human rights defenders in mainland China, Marfa Rabkova, coordinator of Viasna Center for Human Rights’ network of volunteers in Belarus, Kenia Hernandez, coordinator of Zapata Vive, a peasant movement that defends land rights in Mexico, and Hoda Abdel Moneim, a human rights lawyer from Egypt.

I know a mother who helped farmers learn about their rights but was falsely accused of illegally possessing firearms. She was dragged from her house carrying her newborn child. I recall an old woman who has spent her days helping empower Indigenous people but who was harshly arrested and denied medical treatment while in jail, a trans woman who joined a protest and was arrested for no other reason than being a trans protester, and a girl activist who was harassed online for sharing her thoughts against child marriage.

Beyond commemoration

These few painful stories represent only a fraction of reality. The problem is systemic. The world is dominated by cowardly rulers who draw confidence and power from dominant systems of patriarchy and support from anti-rights networks. The restriction of freedoms online and offline make it more difficult and dangerous to hold those in power accountable.

The intensifying repression of civic space, as documented in People Power Under Attack, demands coordinated and sustained action to defend and support the work of activists, human rights defenders and journalists. Increasing threats against WHRDs demand a proactive response to dismantle the gender discriminatory norms and patriarchal rules that underpin and enable human rights violations.

There’s a great need for intersectional protection mechanisms and gender transformative responses from national, regional and international human rights institutions. It’s time for policies that protect human rights defenders but also recognise the distinct needs and lived experiences of WHRDs in all their diversity.

Multilateral institutions should hold member states to account for the international commitments they have made. Regional and global intergovernmental institutions should invest in closely monitoring the situation of WHRDs and in protecting them, and hold perpetrators accountable for abuses. There should be increased investment and coordinated efforts to promote gender justice as part of human rights and respond to the disinformation and false narratives being spread online by governments and the private sector.

The Sustainable Development Goals, backed by all states when they were agreed in 2015, recognise gender equality as a fundamental part of achieving sustainable development, yet little effort has gone into ensuring the people who strive for this are safe and able to work. Women and girls play a vital role in the pursuit of peace and justice, but they increasingly suffer. They don’t need to be merely recognised and remembered: they need to be protected and supported in the face of growing attacks.

Reylynne Dela Paz is Advocacy Lead at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation.

 

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Alicia Villamizar presents the findings of the Second Academic Report on Climate Change. Credit: Margaret López/IPS

By Margaret López
CARACAS, Dec 15 2025 (IPS)

A group of 55 researchers gathered and analyzed 1,260 bibliographic references to compile the Second Academic Report on Climate Change in Venezuela. Their final conclusion is that more local studies are still needed to record the direct impacts across different Venezuelan regions and, in particular, to provide data to design the adaptation plans necessary to address climate change.

“Vulnerability varies greatly across the country. If an adaptation policy is to be defined, it cannot be a one-size-fits-all approach. Adaptation is tailor-made, which is why local data is so important,” warned Alicia Villamizar, general coordinator of the research carried out by the Academy of Physical, Mathematical and Natural Sciences (Acfiman), in an interview with IPS.

The review of scientific papers, university research, books, global reports, and specialized databases on the impacts of climate change took four full years.

This research involved professionals from 25 different institutions, including the Universidad Central de Venezuela (UCV) and Universidad Simón Bolívar (USB). It was presented at the Palace of Academies in early December.

The researchers highlighted the lack of historical and recent data on changes in temperature, precipitation, and sea level rise at the local level, three key elements for understanding climate change in the country.

They also reported the lack of scientific studies on the risk assessment of heat waves, droughts, and forest fires for different climate scenarios in Venezuela. Nor did they identify any recent research on the genetic improvement of crops to safeguard the country’s food security following changes in national temperature.

Corals Affected by High Temperatures

Among the findings of the report that are noteworthy is that Venezuela’s average temperature increased by 0.22°C per decade between 1980 and 2015.

The southern part of Lake Maracaibo (Zulia), the Paraguaná Peninsula (Falcón), and the western plains (Apure, Barinas, and Portuguesa), all located in western Venezuela, were the areas most affected by this temperature increase, which provides evidence of climate change.

Estrella Villamizar, coordinator of the first chapter of the report and researcher at the Institute of Zoology and Tropical Ecology at the UCV, highlighted the impact that this temperature increase had on Venezuelan coral reefs.

“There is not a single coral reef that has not been affected,” said Estrella Villamizar, a specialist in the study of marine ecosystems, during the public presentation of the results in Caracas.

Higher sea temperatures are another factor that has allowed the rapid expansion of the soft coral Unomia stolonifera in Venezuelan waters. This invasive species arrived from the Indian Ocean to the coasts of Anzoátegui and Sucre in eastern Venezuela and also to the waters of Aragua in the center of the country.

It is estimated that half of the seabed of Mochima National Park (Anzoátegui) is already covered with this soft coral, according to a report by the civil association Unomia Project.

The death of native corals in this area is a consequence of the colonization of this invasive species, which has been favored by climate change conditions. The rapid expansion of Unomia stolonifera also affects starfish, sponges, and marine worms.

More Economic Risks

The research also highlighted that climate change contributed to a reduction of between 0.97 percent and 1.30 percent in the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) between 2010 and 2020, partly due to rising temperatures and increased rainfall.

Venezuela faced, for example, more than 20 flooding events between 2000 and 2019. The most direct consequences of these floods resulted in economic losses valued at more than USD 1 billion.

The GDP projection, in fact, is that Venezuela will lose another 10 points by 2030, due to rising sea levels that threaten port infrastructure, fishing activities, and tourism.

“The substantial value of this Second Academic Report is that it offers invaluable information for those who make decisions on city and national issues,” said agricultural engineer Joaquín Benítez, who participated in the project as a researcher on the sustainable development chapter, in an interview with IPS.

The main challenge with climate change in Venezuela, not surprisingly, is to get more attention from the government. The country still does not have a national law on climate change, a national climate strategy, or a national plan for climate change mitigation and adaptation.

That is why Alicia Villamizar repeated during the presentation that her goal is for this scientific report “not to remain confined to academia,” but rather to serve as a catalyst for more local scientific research and to strengthen the institutional muscle in charge of directing climate adaptation in Venezuela.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Digitalization is transforming how we learn, work and participate in civic life. UNDP is supporting countries seeking to ensure that digital systems empower people and uphold their rights. Credit: UNDP Trinidad and Tobago

By Daria Asmolova, Arindrajit Basu and Roqaya Dhaif
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 15 2025 (IPS)

Within a generation, digital systems have changed much of how we learn, work and participate in civic life, especially in more connected regions. This shift is unfolding at different speeds in developing countries, but the direction of travel is unmistakable.

The question countries face today isn’t whether digital development should happen, but how to ensure that digital systems empower individuals and communities, upholding everyone’s rights.

As countries deepen their digital transitions, ensuring that rights protections keep pace becomes a shared challenge. UNDP’s Digital Rights Dashboard (DRD) is designed to help clarify that landscape and serves as an essential first step toward deeper inquiry and action on protecting human rights in a digital world.

Why the Digital Rights Dashboard?

UNDP’s Digital Development Compass and Digital Readiness Assessment already help countries understand where they stand in their digital journey. Yet one critical dimension needed sharper focus: how countries are set up to protect human rights in the digital space.

The DRD fills that gap by examining four essential rights online: freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of assembly and association, equality and non-discrimination, and privacy. It also explores cross-cutting factors like connectivity and rule of law, the foundations that make all online rights possible.

The DRD provides a structured framework for assessing the policies, regulations, and enabling environments that shape digital rights across over 140 countries. It does not rank or evaluate countries. Instead, it serves as a catalyst for dialogue among governments, civil society, international organizations, and development partners to identify gaps and work together on solutions.

The DRD follows the methodology of the Digital Development Compass, one requirement of which is data coverage of at least 135 countries, the most challenging constraint. Comprehensive data on digital rights remains limited, making it difficult to fully capture how well environments are structured to protect rights in practice.

To address this fragmentation of data, we developed the Digital Rights Foundations database as an additional data source for the DRD. Another challenge is that legal and policy frameworks do not always reflect realities on the ground.

For example, the existence of a data protection law or hate speech regulation does not guarantee enforcement; laws may be unevenly applied, and important processes such as public consultations and participatory policy design often fall outside what indicators can capture.
For these reasons, we recommend using the DRD as an entry point, a tool that highlights where deeper national analysis and dialogue are needed, rather than a definitive assessment of digital rights protections.

What we learned from five pilot countries

To test its practical application and assess how well it could guide rights-based digital development conversations in diverse contexts, UNDP piloted the DRD in Colombia, Lebanon, Mauritania, North Macedonia, and Samoa. The findings illustrate the importance of country-driven digital rights dialogues.

Colombia—strong frameworks, evolving needs

The DRD reflects that Colombia has ratified key international conventions and established legislation to protect digital rights, including a data protection law. Yet consultations revealed areas where legislation—such as intelligence-related surveillance—could be further aligned with international human rights standards.

A strong multi-stakeholder approach to rights-based digital development emerged as a promising pathway. For example, civil society efforts to counter hate speech and UNDP’s support to digitalize justice services demonstrate how digital tools can strengthen equality and safety, particularly in conflict-affected regions.

Samoa—building rights into digitalization from the start

While still in the early stages of its rights-based digital development journey, Samoa is proactively engaging stakeholders to shape inclusive data governance and cybersecurity policies. Samoa is also integrating technology into its programmes to protect human rights, including the right to equality and non-discrimination.

Partnerships with organizations like the Samoa Victim’s Support Group, supported by UNDP, show how digital platforms (helplines, secure communication channels) can advance the right to equality and non-discrimination by protecting the rights of vulnerable groups, particularly women and survivors of domestic violence.

Lebanon—protecting digital rights amid crisis

Lebanon’s experience highlights the difficulties of upholding digital rights during conflict, where disruptions to connectivity and freedom of expression are impacted. Yet, safeguarding the foundations of digital rights can also bolster resilience to crisis, as it enables individuals and communities to maximize the opportunities of the digital space.

UNDP collaborated with the National Anti-Corruption Committee to implement its recent legislation on access to information by incorporating digital tools. This illustrates how transparency and the right to information, core elements of freedom of expression, can strengthen accountability even in fragile settings.

Moving forward: a starting point for collective action

Across all five pilot countries, one lesson was clear: rights-based digital development strengthens institutions, empowers communities, and builds trust in digital systems. The DRD has limitations, and more robust data will be needed as the field evolves, but it creates a shared understanding of where protections are strong and where gaps persist.

The pilots also show that countries and stakeholders do not need perfect metrics before taking action. By combining the DRD’s insights with national expertise, human rights reporting, and civil society perspectives, governments can begin shaping digital development that respects and protects human rights both online and offline.

Daria Asmolova is Digital Specialist, UNDP; Arindrajit Basu is Digital Rights Researcher, UNDP; &
Roqaya Dhaif is Human Rights Policy Specialist, UNDP

Source: UNDP

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A two-decade old legal judgement should mean they are benefitting but they say they remain poor.

A two-decade old legal judgement should mean they are benefitting but they say they remain poor.

As some Somali migrants fear what might happen next, the BBC speaks to one deportee in Mogadishu.

As some Somali migrants fear what might happen next, the BBC speaks to one deportee in Mogadishu.

The recent Washington Accord was hailed as "historic" by the US president but the fighting continues.

Nigeria's biggest city is known for its vibrant arts scene, nightlife and creativity, but street art is relatively unknown.

A Coronelt túlélő angol hajók a csata után azonnal visszaindultak Falkland felé, mivel teljesen nyilvánvaló volt, ha a chilei vizeken maradnak, ők sem kerülhetik el a Good Hope és a Monmouth sorsát. Miután sikerült leráznia üldözőit, a Glasgow nyugat felé egy nagy kanyart megtéve déli irányba fordult, és három napon át húsz csomó feletti sebességgel haladva egyenesen a Magellán-szoroshoz hajózott. A cirkáló itt várta be a Canopust, mely a tőle telhető legnagyobb, kilenccsomós sebességgel kínlódta el magát a szorosig. A Canopus közben kétszer is csak néhány mérfölddel kerülte el a sérült angol hajók után kutató német cirkálókat, akik a rossz időben szerencsére nem vették észre a kivénhedt csatahajót. A Canopus és a Glasgow november hatodikán találkozott a Magellán-szoros bejáratánál, és innen együtt mentek Falklandra. A Canopus hajtóművei útközben kétszer is felmondták a szolgálatot.

Az Otranto, hogy biztosan elkerülje a dél felé haladó német hajókat, a csata után kétszáz mérföldet hajózott nyugat felé, ki a Csendes-óceánra. A segédcirkáló csak ezután fordult délnek, és a Magellán-szorost elkerülve a biztonságosabbnak gondolt Horn-fok körüli utat választva jutott vissza a Falkland-szigetekre.

[...] Bővebben!

Written by Clare Ferguson with Sara Raja.

Members gather on 15 December for the final plenary session of 2025. The agenda reflects ongoing geopolitical tensions, and addresses issues of defence, human rights, trade, energy and the environment. Parliament will also debate the preparation of the European Council meeting of 18‑19 December 2025.

The Sakharov Prize is the EU’s highest tribute to human rights work, recognising those that have made an outstanding contribution to protecting freedom of thought. On Tuesday, President Roberta Metsola is to award the prize to Andrzej Poczobut of Belarus and Mzia Amaglobeli of Georgia, journalists fighting for democracy in their home countries. Both journalists were jailed for defending freedom of expression and democracy.

Amid rising geopolitical pressures, the EU aims to redirect budget resources to defending the EU through the ReArm Europe plan/Readiness 2030 initiative. On Monday, Members are due to consider formal adoption of a provisional agreement amending five regulations on defence funding programmes. The amendments would expand the scope of the Digital Europe Programme (DEP), European Defence Fund (EDF), Connecting Europe Facility (CEF), Strategic Technologies for Europe Platform (STEP) and Horizon Europe. The amendments increase funding for dual-use defence technologies and infrastructure across these programmes, and aim at supporting defence research and development and strengthening European value chains. The agreement extends the EDF to Ukraine, allowing Ukrainian entities to participate in EU collaborative defence research and development.

Military mobility – the ability to quickly and efficiently move troops, weapons and equipment across the EU – is essential for European security and defence and for EU support to Ukraine. On Tuesday, Parliament is scheduled to consider a joint report from the Committee on Security and Defence (SEDE) and Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN) calling for a significantly increased budget for military mobility. The report recognises the urgent need to improve military mobility in the EU, including for fast deployment of troops and military equipment to the EU’s eastern flank.

The rule of law conditionality regulation allows the EU to suspend or reduce funds to Member States that violate the rule of law in a way that directly threatens the Union’s financial interests. Members are concerned that the mechanism has only been triggered once to date, against Hungary in December 2022. On Wednesday, Parliament is due to debate a report assessing the regulation’s implementation. The joint report from the Committees on Budget (BUDG) and Budgetary Control (CONT) calls for improvements to increase transparency through a public portal tracking breaches, a simpler complaint procedure, and a stronger role for parliamentary scrutiny.

Innovation is a top EU priority, and Members are expected to consider a provisional agreement on a compulsory patent licensing scheme on Tuesday. The scheme aims at facilitating rapid use of patents during crises while preserving innovation incentives through patent protection. Parliament’s negotiators have succeeded in excluding crises relating to semiconductors, gas supply security and defence-related products from the scope, as well as maintaining confidentiality of protected knowledge and lowering maximum fines and penalties.

On Monday, Parliament is scheduled to consider a provisional agreement on amendments to the common agricultural policy (CAP). The agreement aims to simplify CAP requirements for farmers, including good agricultural and environmental conditions of land (GAECs), by exempting farms partially certified as organic from certain GAECs and providing farmers with additional support for compliance with some GAECs. It would increase the maximum payment amount for small farmers and include new support for small farm business development. Under the agreement, Member States are advised to avoid conducting more than one on-the-spot check per year on the same farm.

Parliament is due to debate a motion for a resolution from the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) on Tuesday, regarding how the EU intends to follow up on the European Citizens’ Initiative ‘My voice, my choice: for safe and accessible abortion’. The initiative proposes creating an EU-funded, voluntary opt-in system to support EU countries that offer safe and legal abortion services to people from EU countries where access is limited. The FEMM motion for a resolution urges Member States to align their laws with international human rights standards, and highlights the EU’s responsibility to promote sexual and reproductive health and rights more broadly.

Quick links to all our publications for this plenary session:

• Laureates of the 2025 Sakharov Prize: Andrzej Poczobut and Mzia Amaglobeli, journalists fighting for democracy in Belarus and Georgia
• Enhancing EU defence investments
• Implementation of the rule of law conditionality regime
• CAP simplification agreement
• Military mobility
• European Citizens’ Initiative – ‘My voice, my choice: For safe and accessible abortion’
• EU compulsory licensing of patents for crisis management

BBC Sport Africa picks out six players to keep an eye on at the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco from 21 December to 18 January.

A family poses in front of their home rebuilt as part of the Sindh People’s Housing for Flood Affectees (SPHF). At COP30 the project was showcased for its significant successes in empowering women in the rehousing the families of the devastating 2022 floods. Credit: SPHF

By Cecilia Russell
BELÉM, Brazil, Dec 12 2025 (IPS)

By any comparison, the statistics for Sindh People’s Housing for Flood Affectees (SPHF) are phenomenal.

In 2022, photographs from the region showed people treading carefully through waist-deep water with their few belongings grasped firmly above their heads in an attempt to escape the flooding caused by 784 percent more than average monsoon rains.

Tents housed tens of thousands of families as they contemplated an uncertain future, with estimates of 15 million people displaced and more than 1,700 dead.

That’s where the story ends for many international survivors of floods and other climate-related disasters. They need to pick up the pieces themselves. The financing for adaptation and loss and damage is still “running on empty.”

And if there was to be clarity at COP30 in Belém, Brazil, the so-called ‘adaptation COP,’ countries that arrived with clear objectives of leaving the negotiations with a roadmap for adaptation that included grant-based adaptation finance and increased support left disappointed.

The final Mutirão Decision calls for efforts to triple adaptation finance by 2035 (compared to 2025 levels). While this reaffirms the previous Glasgow goal of doubling it by 2025, the new goal was a compromise because the deadline was pushed from 2030 to 2035.

Amy Giliam Thorp, writing for Africa-based think tank Power Shift Africa, summed up the opinion of many analysts who say, although the final decision refers to “efforts to at least triple adaptation finance,” the language is “politically evasive and obscures who is responsible.”

Flashback: A flooded village in Matiari, in the Sindh province of Pakistan. Credit: UNICEF/Asad Zaidi

Yet, COP30 provided an opportunity to showcase the best that adaptation finance, albeit as loans and not grant-based, can achieve.

Let’s get back to those statistics.

Speaking at a swelteringly hot and humid Pakistan hall at COP30 Khalid Mehmood Shaikh, CEO of SPHF, reeled off the achievements of the housing project—it is in the process of constructing 2.1 million multi-hazard-resistant houses, directly benefitting over 15 million people—more than the population of 154 countries.

Currently, the construction of 1.45 million houses is underway, with 650,000 already completed and an additional 50,000 each month.

Photos displayed at the COP side event, Women Leading Climate Action in Sindh through SPHF: The World’s Largest Post-Disaster Housing Reconstruction Program, showed women and their families involved in various stages of building their new homes.

The pictures showcased construction methods that the Asian Development Bank (ADB) calls “multi-hazard resilient” architecture—high plinths to prevent floodwaters from entering homes, as well as windows and ventilation systems that improve air flow and reduce temperatures during heatwaves; the region sometimes experiences temperatures exceeding 45 °C. Additionally, there is a transition from kutcha, which uses natural local materials like mud, straw, and bamboo, to pucca, constructed with modern materials such as brick, cement, steel, and concrete.

Completed homes, colorfully decorated, stand as testimony to a project that creates both shelter and dignity.

Speakers at a COP30 side event, Women Leading Climate Action in Sindh through SPHF: The World’s Largest Post-Disaster Housing Reconstruction Program. Credit: SPHF

The programme, fully managed by the private sector, began with a USD 500 million loan from the World Bank and PKR 50 billion (more than USD 178 million) from the Government of Sindh.

While this wasn’t enough to build the required 2.1 million houses, with a “robust system” of delivery with partners EY, KPMG, and PwC, and utilizing technology for monitoring, the SPHF was able to mobilize a further USD 2 billion from the Asian Development Bank (ADB), Islamic Development Bank (IsDB), and additional support from the World Bank.

Apart from the loans, the project has benefitted women and those considered to be ‘unbanked,’ with 1.5 million bank accounts opened.

One of the achievements they list is the “largest residential asset transfer in the history of Pakistan,” benefitting women.

“About 800,000 women are direct beneficiaries, while the land title for each house is being awarded in women’s names—the largest residential asset transfer in the history of Pakistan,” Shaikh said. “This ensures that those most vulnerable to climate change, including women-headed households, widows, and elderly women, gain long-term security and financial inclusion, embedding justice and resilience into the recovery process.”

The manager of the Climate Change & Environment Division at the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB), Daouda Ben Oumar Ndiaye, said the project reflected the bank’s focus on gender integration, especially for women, widows, and the elderly.

“The scale and transparency of SPHF set a new benchmark for climate adaptation projects worldwide. We are creating synergies in Pakistan, particularly in Sindh, with integrated health and women empowerment projects,” he said.

The director of Climate Change at the Asian Development Bank (ADB), Noelle O’Brien, was impressed by SPHF’s transformative approach—especially as it linked financial inclusion and resilient infrastructure.

“SPHF demonstrates what true resilience in action looks like—placing women at the center of adaptation, finance, and governance. This is the kind of scalable, gender-responsive model the world needs.”
IPS UN Bureau Report

This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.

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Excerpt:

Sindh People’s Housing for Flood Affectees ensures that those most vulnerable to climate change, including women-headed households, widows, and elderly women, gain long-term security and financial inclusion, embedding justice and resilience into the recovery process. — Khalid Mehmood Shaikh, CEO of SPHF

Health workers attend to pregnant and breastfeeding mothers at an outreach visit supported by UNFPA in Loima sub-county. Credit: UNFPA/Luis Tato

By James Nyikal, Margaret Lubaale and Anne-Beatrice Kihara
NAIROBI, Kenya, Dec 12 2025 (IPS)

For women in labour across Kenya, reaching a health facility, finding skilled health workers, and affording care can be a matter of life and death. These challenges are not rare, but daily realities for many families.

Every year on 12 December, the world observes Universal Health Coverage Day, a chance to renew the promise of health for all. But for this promise to be meaningful, it must reach every woman and child, everywhere in Kenya.

Slow Progress in Maternal, Newborn, and Child Health

While Kenya has made gradual gains in maternal, newborn and child health with improved vaccination and increased antenatal care, progress in maternal survival has been painfully slow.

Between 2014 and 2019, the maternal mortality rate dropped by less than two percent, even as investment increased. United Nations data shows that Kenya’s maternal mortality ratio remains one of the highest in East Africa, exceeding those of Ethiopia, Uganda, and Tanzania.

Newborn and child deaths have also declined slightly and are severely constrained by inequities. For example, children born to mothers with only primary education face far higher mortality than those whose mothers have secondary education and beyond.

Persistent inequalities continue to deny children a healthy start in life.

The Urgency of the Maternal, Newborn and Child Health Bill

Kenya’s MNCH services have suffered from fragmented policies, inconsistent county financing, and short-term funding. Devolution has blurred responsibilities between national and county governments, leading to gaps in planning, poor reporting, and weak accountability.

The Maternal, Newborn and Child Health (MNCH) Bill, 2023, proposed by Sen. Beatrice Akinyi Ogolla, presents a vital opportunity to change this trajectory.

The MNCH Bill seeks to establish a clear legal framework guaranteeing the right to maternal, newborn, and child health services. It obliges both national and county governments to respect, protect, and fulfil these rights through enforceable mechanisms.

At its core, the Bill affirms that every woman and child in Kenya, regardless of location or economic status, deserves timely, affordable, respectful, and high-quality care.

It embeds service delivery in the principles of universal access, equity, dignity, availability of essential services, and continuous quality improvement.

How the MNCH Bill Delivers on the Promise of UHC.

1. Guarantees the right to the highest attainable health for all mothers and children.
2. Ensures access to the full continuum of care, including before pregnancy and through childhood
3. Protects marginalised and hard-to-reach communities, such as people living with disabilities or those unable to pay for health services
4. Guarantees respectful, dignified and non-discriminatory care, irrespective of identity, such as age, marital status or social background
5. Strengthens health financing at the county level through mandated country budget allocation for MNCH
6. Improves service availability through infrastructure and supplies such as ambulances, essential medicine and skilled health workers.
7. Institutionalizes accountability and reporting, with both the Cabinet Secretary and County Executives mandated to submit annual reports to Parliament and County Assemblies on services, financing, and gaps
8. Strengthens monitoring, data, and quality assurance through mandated continuous monitoring, maternal and child death surveillance, with enforcement of quality standards.

The MNCH Bill is more than a piece of legislation; it is a lifeline and a turning point for millions of Kenyan families.

By making essential services enforceable rights, strengthening accountability, and securing sustainable domestic financing, the Bill lays the foundation for people-centred Universal Health Coverage.

Political Will and National Commitment

Political leadership is aligning behind reforms for women and children. President Ruto’s involvement with the Global Leaders Network for Women’s, Children’s and Adolescents’ Health and his directive for real-time reporting of maternal and child deaths signal a strong executive commitment.

Cabinet Secretary Hon. Aden Duale’s focus on realizing the Social Health Authority and robust county leadership further demonstrates that Kenya is mobilizing on all fronts.

With government officials, communities, civil society, and health workers rallying together, Kenya stands ready to turn these commitments into action.

Call to Action

As the MNCH Bill reaches its final committee stages, now is a critical moment for public involvement. Citizens are encouraged to contact their Members of Parliament to express support for the Bill.

Advocates, experts, donors, and community members must unite and implement strategies to accelerate the reduction of maternal, newborn, and child mortality.

The passage of the MNCH Bill will show that “health for all” is no longer just a slogan, but a binding national pledge.

Hon. Dr James Nyikal is the Chairperson of National Assembly Health Committee; Dr. Margaret Lubaale is the Executive Director of Health NGO Network (HENNET); and Prof Anne-Beatrice Kihara is the immediate former President of International Federation of Gynaecology and Obstetrics.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Under Taliban restrictions, women’s movement and work have become increasingly constrained across Afghanistan. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, Dec 11 2025 (IPS)

Shabnam, a 26-year-old law graduate, manages her life and work by disguising herself as a boy.  In the middle of a crowded market with the clatter of street sellers and the smell of nearby restaurants, a small, nondescript shop blends into the chaos. Inside, rusty shelves line the walls, empty soda cans hanging on the wall add a touch of color, and an old table covered with a worn-out cloth sits in the corner. To most passersby, the shopkeeper looks like a young man.

Few realize that behind this disguise, a young woman is breathing between fear and hope.

“I never had a childhood,” says the 26-year-old Shabnam. “While other children played in the streets, I was opening the shop.”

“From the age of ten,” Shabnam continues, “I worked part-time alongside my father and continued working part-time as I pursued my studies with his guidance.”

Her father, though, is now elderly and partially paralyzed, and she is the family’s only source of income. Her greatest wish, she says, is for her younger brother to grow and succeed.

 

A shopkeeper who presents as a boy tends to customers, one of the few ways she can safely earn a living under current restrictions. Credit: Learning Together.

A secret held by only a few

Residents from the surrounding neighborhoods know her only as a polite young boy.

Every day, municipal officers collect taxes from shopkeepers, demanding payment whether they have made sales or not. This time, they even handed her a formal warning after the visit.

“Hey boy, pay your taxes!” the tax collector shouted. “Grow your business. Get a small cart and sell in the street”.

Whose shop is this, by the way?” he demands. Scared stiff, the frightened young “man” timidly replies, “It’s my father’s. He’s paralyzed and stays at home.”

“Rent out your shop and pay your taxes from the rent,” thunders the tax collector one more time. “Every shop pays taxes. How much have you sold so far?”

“I’ve earned 75 Afghanis (0.93 Euros),” says Shabnam.

“Come on, that’s not enough. Go get a small cart and work harder; sell vegetables and fruits! Do you understand?”

Two neighboring shopkeepers, close friends of the young woman’s father, are very impressed by the girl’s resilience and determination.

“If this girl didn’t exist, her family would starve,” one says. “But if the Taliban discover that she is a woman disguised as a man, it would put her in danger. Unfortunately, her youngest brother is too small to run a shop.”

This secret is part of the daily life of this poor young woman. Since she dresses in boys’ clothing, fortunately, no one in our neighborhood, who are mostly tenants, recognizes her in the streets. Even her relatives do not come to propose marriage suitors for her, in accordance with Afghan custom, if they knew her real identity. Neighbours gossip around, proclaiming that, “May God never make our family like theirs, a young woman running a shop? No one in our tribe has ever been that shameless.”

 

A constant cloud of fear

Every morning, when she opens the shop door, a heavy fear sits on her chest.

“I have never started a day without dread. When the Taliban pass by the shop, my heart races. I wonder if this will be my last day in the shop,” she says.

Still, she has no choice. If she does not work, her family will not eat. They wait at home every evening for dinner until the shop closes.

“When my mother sees me, her eyes fill with tears. She kisses me and says: ‘You are a brave, strong girl—and a lawyer’! ’Shabnam says.

“My mother wanted to work; she wanted to wash clothes for others, but I didn’t let her. Recently, when I came home, I saw her sewing quilts and mattresses for people. I realized it was my turn to proclaim her a brave and strong woman.”

The little income her mother earns helps cover the costs of her father’s blood pressure medication. The family of five includes two sisters and one brother.

“We often go to bed hungry if we earn less than 100 Afghanis a day. My brother cries himself to sleep, but I try to put on a smiling face even though I cry inside.”

Her words reflect the reality of thousands of Afghan women across Afghanistan.

 

A small dream that feels out of reach

Despite the risks, Shabnam holds onto a modest dream. “One day, I want enough capital to run a women’s business in this shop,” she says with a faint smile.  Instead of burnt chips and fizzy drinks that upset the stomachs of all the shopkeepers, I would sell fresh bolani—a traditional Afghan flatbread, usually stuffed with potatoes, spinach, pumpkin or leeks.

But she has neither the capital nor the security needed to request a loan to purchase the equipment.

The neighbors closely follow Shabnam’s life. They have seen her cry behind the shop shelves; they understand the fatigue that is wearing her down and know that there is no option. “This girl is like my own daughter,” says one of the neighbors. “I always admire her courage. She would not even accept any free offer from me.”

 

Daily life in Kabul, where commerce and routine persist despite mounting pressures on the population. Credit: Learning Together.

A society of silenced women

According to the United Nations, more than 80% of Afghan women have lost their jobs since the Taliban returned to power. Women who once supported their families are now confined to their homes. In this context, a young woman who still dares to keep her shop open is a symbol of quiet defiance. Yet this resistance could end at any moment with a single threat.

Her worst fear is the arrival of the tax collectors. She quietly pays whatever she can afford. There is no way out.

Economic experts warn that removing women from the workforce has pushed countless families into extreme poverty. Shabnam’s story is one small example of a much larger social crisis.

 

The shop is a shelter of hope

For Shabnam, the shop is more than a workplace. It is a refuge where she feels alive. Every soda can she hangs for decoration is a sign of hope. She tries to bring color to the shop even in the midst of poverty and threats.

“A secret of my success is the little disguise that makes everyone think I am a sixteen-year-old boy,” she says. “But these days, I wake up mostly in fear because of taxes. Will I be able to open the shop today? What if the municipal officers come, take everything from me in one moment, and dump it in the street? What if I am unable to buy a small tray or give up my shop for rent? What will they do to me?”

“My story could be the story of thousands of other women, who still fight for bread, for life, and for their dignity,” she reflects

Despite the enormous challenges, Shabnam still harbors the ambition of completing her law studies and becoming the lawyer that she once set out to be.

 

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons