A Rohingya family is relocated by boat from a flooded refugee camp in Cox's Bazar on July 6 while men fish nearby. Credit: Mohammed Zonaid
By Mohammed Zonaid
COX’S BAZAR, Bangladesh, Jul 10 2026 (IPS)
Landslides and flooding triggered by heavy monsoon rains swept through the world’s most densely populated concentration of refugee camps this week, killing at least 14 Rohingya refugees, most of them women and girls.
Three girls and their teacher were killed in an Islamic learning center hit by a landslide on July 8. At least 10 more refugees were killed in separate landslides in six camps.
Thousands of families in the camps in Cox’s Bazar, southeast Bangladesh, have been relocated to safer places, mostly at learning centers. Hundreds of ‘homes’ – tarpaulin and bamboo shelters – have been destroyed and flooded.
Tragically such disasters are commonplace, especially in the cyclone and monsoon season. The deaths have also prompted the predictable response by aid agencies to call for more funding.
But beyond the immediate effort of rescuing survivors, what is now really needed is an urgent focus on how the money available is actually spent – as revealed in the alarming findings of an audit by the UN Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS).
OIOS Report 2025/084 raises serious concerns over UNHCR’s Rohingya response in Bangladesh in project planning, procurement, monitoring and effective use of humanitarian resources.
Mohammed Ahsom, 22, points to the site of a landslide where he rescued a child and helped to recover bodies in a Cox’s Bazar camp for Rohingya refugees on July 6. Credit: Mohammed Zonaid
As reported recently by the Bangladeshi newspaper New Age, millions of dollars were spent on infrastructure that remained unused; projects overlapped; procurement processes lacked sufficient oversight, and several programs failed to achieve intended objectives.
All this at a time when humanitarian aid is shrinking even while thousands more stateless Moslem Rohingya displaced by ongoing conflict in neighbouring Myanmar continue to arrive, joining a mass exodus of some 700,000 Rohingya who fled a brutal crackdown by the Myanmar military in Rakhine State in 2017.
Among the findings of the audit, a specialized hospital in Ukhiya costing US$1.5 million was built but remained unused. A 20-bed inpatient facility in Bhasan Char, with $140,000 of solar equipment and a $74,301 X-ray machine was also unused. In addition $18,000 was spent on honour boards, $23,000 on staff uniforms, and $27,000 on producing a documentary. The audit highlighted these expenditures as unnecessary while humanitarian needs remained urgent.
Perhaps most shocking, UNHCR spent $182,028 on cutlery (spoons, forks, knives etc) that refugees largely do not use because we traditionally eat with our hands. I have lived in one of the Cox’s Bazar refugee camps since 2017 and never found such things distributed to us.
In contrast, food assistance for most Rohingya refugees has been reduced from $12 to $7 per person per month— the cost of a couple of cups of coffee in many countries where those humanitarian staff are based and making decisions on cuts in food rations.
Informal learning centers that once provided at least a bit of education have in many cases become empty playgrounds. Hospitals built with millions of dollars often provide only basic, low-cost medicines such as paracetamol and omeprazole. A personal example — last year I had to buy Antozal nasal medication for my daughter from a local pharmacy after we waited hours in line to see two highly paid doctors. Later when we went with the prescription, we were told the drugs were not available because of funding cuts.
The audit also found that UN partners spent $4.2 million on shelter materials that UNHCR had already procured. Solar and energy projects costing $194,000, and medicines and medical equipment amounting to $800,000, were also duplicated because of faulty procurement.
The audit noted that eight years into the Rohingya crisis, 67 percent of funding had been spent on immediate humanitarian relief, while only 17 percent was allocated to empowerment and long-term solutions.
As yet UNHCR has not responded to questions by the media over the audit – not for the first time. UNHCR has often been criticized for responding only during major emergencies, such as large fires in the camps that attract international attention and are seen as moments to justify appeals for more funding spent on sustaining UN staff, their salaries and organizational costs.
Major international human rights organizations and international news outlets also show little interest.
Since the Myanmar military and allied Buddhist militia launched the killings and mass displacement of the mostly stateless Rohingya minority in August 2017, the international community has provided more than $5 billion in aid funding. The latest appeal by the Joint Response Plan (JPR) for 2026 is for $710 million.
Yet if you visit the refugee camps today you will find that there is still no formal education system, medical services remain inadequate, and durable shelters have not been built.
Refugees exist in shelters in hilly areas mostly denuded of trees and prone to catastrophic floods and landslides. Around 200,000 newly arrived refugees since 2024 have not been provided with shelter and live in extremely vulnerable conditions.
So my question is simple: Where did the billions of dollars go?
This is not just about the Rohingya in Cox’s Bazar. The JRP for the Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis is led by the government of Bangladesh, the UNHCR and IOM and includes scores of UN agencies and international and national NGOs.
Each year the JRP is supposed to allocate some 20 to 30 percent of its funding to benefit Bangladeshi host communities.
However, many local residents living even within the camp perimeter have never received a bag of rice or an LPG cylinder. Their children have not benefited from livelihood or skills training programs. Many are not even aware that funding has been allocated for host communities.
The time has come to establish independent Quality Assurance and Financial Audit Committees for Rohingya camp operations. These committees should include representatives from relevant UN bodies, the government of Bangladesh, donor countries, independent human rights organizations, and the Rohingya diaspora. Their role would be to ensure that every project is genuinely needed by Rohingya refugees and Bangladeshi host communities, and that they are properly implemented.
Humanitarian assistance should go to the people it is meant to serve—not become a system that primarily sustains thousands of jobs and does not provide for proper independent oversight.
Aid organizations should not be able to evade responsibility, as in these recent disasters, by blaming deaths on lack of funding.
Transparency, accountability, independent oversight and measurable impact must become the foundation of the Rohingya humanitarian response for as long as we Rohingya are not able to return to Myanmar with our rights, safety and dignity.
Mohammed Zonaid is an award-winning Rohingya journalist and photographer, in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.
IPS UN Bureau
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Satellite image of the Strait of Hormuz. Credit WikiMedia
By Maximilian Malawista
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 10 2026 (IPS)
Renewed attacks on commercial vessels in the Strait of Hormuz have intensified concerns over global energy markets along with supply chain disruptions, as the United Nations calls for an end to escalating hostilities within the Persian Gulf.
According to the International Maritime Organization (IMO), three merchant vessels were reportedly struck amid new attacks, prompting IMO Secretary-General Arsenio Dominguez to condemn the violence and urge “maximum restraint and de-escalation”.
“No seafarer should have to risk their life simply for doing their job,” Dominguez said, warning flag states, ship owners and operators against exposing their crews to unnecessary danger by transiting through the Strait.”
Approximately 6,000 seafarers still remain stranded aboard hundreds of vessels. The Strait used to handle around 130 transits daily, now seeing around 30 transits as of July 10th daily, according to the Strait of Hormuz Tracker.
The disruptions have lasted more than 100 days, placing continuous pressure on global energy markets and countries dependent on imports from the Gulf. The UN Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) warned that market volatility, elevated prices, and localized supply disruptions could continue for months.
“We can expect prices and price volatility to remain high and supply disruptions – especially in local markets – to continue for the months ahead,” said UNECE’s Dario Liguti, Director of Energy, Housing & Land Management Division (UNECE).
Liguti mentioned that although a global shortage of fuel and fertilizers have been avoided, the effects of this year’s disruption will still be felt “even if the situation normalizes rapidly”. Liguti also stressed that strategic oil reserves are at their lowest levels in decades.
For global supply chains, continued instability could increase transportation and insurance costs, along with complicating shipping schedules and further extending shipping delays. The Strait of Hormuz Tracker records a war-risk premium increase of 53.3 times normal rates, jumping from 0.15 percent to 8 percent. Currently 120 tankers, 90 bulk carriers, and 90 other ships are waiting to transit, raising production and transportation costs across industries, extending its damage far beyond countries directly dependent on Gulf energy exports.
The latest attacks come as diplomatic efforts to end the conflict have struggled to gain traction. Responding to renewed hostilities in the Strait, during a UN press briefing the Secretary-General’s Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric called for an immediate return to negotiations.
“This tit-for-tat needs to stop,” Dujarric said. “A return to diplomacy is urgently needed for the sake of stability in the region, for the sake of global stability.”
The renewed violence has also raised questions over the future of the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) intended to put a cease on the conflict for at least sixty days. Accord Referring to the agreement, U.S. President Donald Trump said “As far as I’m concerned, it’s over.”
UN Secretary-General António Guterres has reiterated the UN’s readiness to aid diplomatic efforts. His personal envoy to the conflict in the Middle East, Jean Arnault, remains in contact with relevant parties, while the IMO continues to address maritime security within the Strait.
As the attacks continue, and diplomatic efforts remain uncertain, prolonged disruptions to one of the world’s most strategic waterways risks further destabilizing energy markets and global supply chains, which have faced months of disruptions. Continued instability will only worsen the effect, as Liguti reiterates
“If the instability does continue, we should get ready for another rise in prices and a larger-scale raw material shortage”.
IPS UN Bureau Report
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La semaine dernière, je me suis rendu à Pékin pour participer au 14ᵉ World Peace Forum organisé par la Tsinghua University, un grand rendez-vous géopolitique ouvert par le vice-président chinois, Han Zheng. Pendant deux jours et demi, une soixantaine d’experts étrangers ont pu débattre des enjeux mondiaux.
Dans son discours d’ouverture, le vice-président chinois a insisté sur quatre priorités : le soutien aux Nations unies, la défense du multilatéralisme, la gouvernance économique mondiale et la régulation de l’intelligence artificielle. Des positions qui s’inscrivent systématiquement en contrepoint de celles des États-Unis, notamment sous l’ère Trump.
Les débats ont également porté sur le rôle de l’ordre international, souvent perçu comme un outil du monde occidental pour imposer ses règles. La question de Gaza et de la Cisjordanie a été soulevée comme exemple de double standard, tout comme la guerre en Ukraine, où la Chine, sans abandonner Poutine, appelle à un cessez-le-feu immédiat et à des négociations.
En toile de fond, une question centrale a émergé : la Chine sera-t-elle le nouveau centre du monde ? Entre triomphalisme modéré et critique des erreurs américaines, Pékin semble convaincu que le temps joue en sa faveur.
Mon analyse dans cette vidéo.
L’article Le monde vu par Pékin – juillet 2026 est apparu en premier sur IRIS.
Le premier anniversaire d’un pontificat constitue rarement un moment charnière dans l’histoire de l’Église catholique. Les premiers mois d’un nouveau pape sont généralement consacrés à la mise en place des équipes, à l’affirmation d’un style de gouvernement et à la définition des grandes orientations pastorales. L’élection de Robert Francis Prevost, devenu Léon XIV le 8 mai 2025, semblait s’inscrire dans cette logique. Dès ses premières interventions, le nouveau souverain pontife a placé son ministère sous le signe de l’unité, de la paix et du dialogue. Dans un contexte international marqué par le retour des conflits armés, la montée des nationalismes, la polarisation des sociétés démocratiques et la crise des institutions multilatérales, il a multiplié les appels à reconstruire les liens sociaux, à dépasser les logiques d’affrontement et à promouvoir une culture de la rencontre. À peine un an plus tard, ce discours sur la réconciliation se trouve confronté à une première crise au sein même de l’institution qu’il préside. Le 1er juillet 2026, la Fraternité sacerdotale Saint-Pie X (FSSPX) a procédé à la consécration de plusieurs évêques sans mandat pontifical. Malgré les avertissements répétés du Saint-Siège, les démarches entreprises par le Dicastère pour la Doctrine de la Foi et une intervention personnelle du pape quelques jours avant les consécrations, la Fraternité a maintenu sa décision. Le Saint-Siège a alors constaté les excommunications prévues par le droit canonique et qualifié la rupture de schisme. Pour la première fois depuis plusieurs décennies, un pontificat débute par une crise ouverte de communion interne qui touche directement la question de l’autorité pontificale. En réalité, l’événement dépasse largement le cadre d’un différend disciplinaire ou liturgique. Il constitue un révélateur des profondes recompositions qui traversent aujourd’hui le catholicisme. Derrière les débats sur la célébration de la messe, l’interprétation du concile Vatican II ou les modalités d’exercice de la primauté du souverain pontife, se dessinent des interrogations beaucoup plus fondamentales sur la manière dont une institution religieuse mondiale gouverne ses diversités, régule ses dissidences et construit son unité dans un contexte de mondialisation, de pluralisation culturelle et de fragmentation idéologique.
L’article Le schisme de la Fraternité Saint-Pie X et les fractures contemporaines du catholicisme est apparu en premier sur IRIS.