European Union

It’s time to take your good old Max Weber out of the shelf again. His definitions of sources of authority are as pertinent as they have ever been. What did he write about ‘charisma’ again? ‘The exemplary character of an individual person’, ‘endowed with specifically exceptional qualities’, and by whom ‘new normative patterns are revealed’ to his/her ‘recognisers’.

In a country whose citizens are completely exhausted by what I dubbed already last autumn the ‘election marathon’, Emmanuel Macron’s charisma and promise of renewal has been the only unbroken mobilising force that made people walk to the polling stations yesterday. More than half of them decided it was no longer worth it. Even the reliable old rule according to which high abstention invariably benefits the extremes is made obsolete by En marche!

It was the Fifth Republic’s logic in full splendour: charismatic authority precedes what Weber named ‘rational-legal authority’. The only election that really counts is the excessively personalised choice of the new President, who is then bestowed with a parliament whose only reason of being seems to be the docile confirmation of the new monarch’s wishes. The one sentence that was to be heard across the entire country over the last five weeks was a compliant ‘We need to give the new president a majority’ or, in its simpler version: ‘Give him a chance’. Which, subliminally, corresponds almost to an anxious ‘Give ourselves a (last) chance’.

It’s ‘de Gaulle 2.0’ or ‘1958 reloaded’! Made possible by the 2001 calendar reform that changed the sequence of votes, placing the legislative elections in mid-June, one month after the presidential vote. The original intention had been to avoid systematic dissolutions of parliament (like the ones decided by Mitterrand in 1981 and 1988). But the Macron effect boils down to the dissolution of the entire party spectrum!

At first sight, the month between the entry of the new President and the first round of the legislative elections does not seem a long time. But that is to underestimate the sheer awe that follows the enthronement of the new monarch. While the time is too short for messing anything up or making major strategic mistakes, there is more than enough time to take a firm grip on the symbolic attributes of power, dress up in the gown of greatness at international summits, set up a promising new team that gets to work, launch first reforms and announce an agenda. In other words: simply act as if the follow-up elections were a pure formality and treat all other parties as if they already were ‘the opposition’.

As a result, the very same party leaders who had been serious contenders for supreme reign just a few weeks ago, are reduced to humbly asking citizens ‘not to give the President too much power’. Not exactly the most mobilising campaign manifesto. And a counter-productive one with that, especially when uttered by those who over the two previous mandates precisely had ‘too much power’ and did nothing substantial with it.

Those among the French who found the energy to overcome election fatigue and actually went to vote yesterday have decided that Emmanuel Macron was to have as much power as possible. In each single one of the seven districts of our nicely mainstream Western Département of Maine-et-Loire, the En marche! candidate finished first and will no doubt end up elected next Sunday. The large majority of them totally unknown some weeks ago: a retired senior emergency nurse, a 35-year old female infantry officer, a 36-year old mechanics engineer, to name but three examples of all those newcomers who never had run an election campaign in their lives. They all benefited from the Charisma bonus.

The joyful Macron revolution, staged in strange simultaneousness to the UK’s sad self-demolition, raises some not so joyful questions. Is that then what we are left with in our 2017 late modernity: does the functioning of democracy really depend on the emergence of a charismatic leader who surfs on his ‘specifically exceptional qualities’, as Weber had it, and obtains full rational-legal authority in the wake of his surge? Does it really all depend on leadership or the absence of it? On the (quite accidental) availability of outstanding talent and human resources? On good luck?

Emmanuel Macron and his government will be very closely observed for the manner in which they will push their labour market reform against the opposition that is likely to form in the streets rather than in Parliament; they will be tested on their credibility when it comes to the new political ethics they promised; they will be scrutinised by their peers on the European scene. What I am most curious to see, however, is whether he will keep his promise to reform the electoral code and introduce proportional voting against the deeply engrained French aversion to governmental instability and coalition building. Reforming, for the sake of just representation of political minorities (including unpleasant extremes), the very system that provided him with an unprecedented majority – now that would, in Weberian phrasing, certainly ‘reveal new normative patterns’ in French politics. And a new and different kind of charisma.

This is post # 24 on the French 2017 election marathon.
All previous posts can be found here.

The post France 2017: The Charisma Bonus appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

For many years, ‘the values of the European Union’ represented a beacon of fairness and social progress, with a powerful influence on neighbouring countries and even further afield.

But things started to change with the financial crisis in 2008. In some member states the eurozone’s ‘economic governance’ regulators began to impose punitive measures that by-passed democratic authorities, and the process of upward economic and social convergence stopped in the newer member states.

The results are well-known: growing anger and hostility towards the EU across Europe, giving rise to an illusory desire to ‘take back control’ at national level – culminating in the Brexit debacle.

In the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC), we have been warning of this spreading malaise for years. People are fed up with seeing their living and working conditions in freefall, coupled with a sense that decision-makers are not listening. Back in the days of Jacques Delors, European Commission president from 1985 to 1995, if social Europe stood for one thing it was hope.

We demanded proof that the EU was doing something for workers and their families. So, when Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker announced plans for a ‘European Pillar of Social Rights’ in September 2015, we welcomed the initiative – and waited to see what it would mean.

The Commission finally announced its package of measures in April 2017.

Many of the proposals were long overdue, and in line with our long-standing demands. But overall the Social Pillar was not as ambitious and concrete as trade unions wanted.

“The Social Pillar certainly does not encompass everything trade unions want, but it must not be strangled at birth”

We must now reinforce the momentum towards genuine upward convergence, making concrete improvements for working people in Europe. Much depends on the Commission, but not everything: member states must play their role by refraining from objecting in the name of subsidiarity, and instead build together a stronger European social model.

On content, the draft legislation on paid parental, paternity and carers’ leave is very positive and much-needed, although it is regrettable that it does not yet improve protection against dismissal for mothers returning from maternity leave. The lack of willingness of some employers to negotiate should not stop the Commission from taking the legislative initiative. Trade unions would be supportive.

With more and more Europeans forced into precarious and low-quality jobs, the ETUC also supports the introduction of standards to protect self-employed and atypical workers.

In its Spring Economic Forecast, the Commission recognised that divergences between member states’ economies are still much too wide, allowing social dumping to threaten jobs and undermine wages. Too many people are making do with part-time work when they actually need a full-time job. They are getting by in the gig economy or on zero-hour contracts.

We welcome the planned revision of the Written Statement Directive obliging employers to inform workers of their contractual rights; and the proposal for Access to Social Protection for All will be crucial in securing the right to a decent standard of living for everyone in Europe.

The Social Pillar is a strong signal, but still faces formidable obstacles. Many of the proposed measures will need to be applied by national governments. And we have already seen employers’ reactions embodied in BusinessEurope’s ill-judged hostility to stronger parental rights. Employment Commissioner Marianne Thyssen herself estimated that enabling more women to join the labour market could save the EU up to €370bn a year, making an important contribution to growth.

The Social Pillar certainly does not encompass everything trade unions want, but it must not be strangled at birth, and we will fight to make it stronger and see it grow to maturity. We are ready to engage in consultation on these proposals, since social dialogue will be crucial to their success, and we invite all employers’ organisations to join us.

“The EU is much maligned, yet remains a unique and remarkable model of international cooperation”

The pillar must apply across the whole of the EU. Any move to restrict it to the eurozone or a small group of ‘the willing’ would worsen existing inequalities. Indeed, the Commission has confirmed that the formal proclamation of the pillar at the end of the year will implicate all 28 member states, since the United Kingdom will still be part of the EU.

In mid-May, as part of her general election campaign, British Prime Minister Theresa May announced that a Tory government would introduce a raft of new rights for workers. Could it be that she recognises the potential backlash if workers in post-Brexit Britain found themselves left behind and denied the benefits promised across 27 member states?

There is not a moment to lose. The election of pro-EU President Emmanuel Macron in France has given Europe some breathing space, by avoiding the risk of further defections from the Union for the time being.

But the Commission must act rapidly on its pledge to enforce existing European social legislation and rights, and indicate how it means to implement the Social Pillar and more generally the social dimension of Europe. The EU is still in danger of reaching a tipping point which would put continued support from Europeans out of reach.

In the meantime the EU is on the road to economic recovery, and growth is on the rise. Workers must also benefit, yet all the evidence shows that inequalities are growing. That is why the ETUC has launched a major campaign for investment for quality-job creation and for #ourpayrise across the EU, demanding that workers’ salaries also recover their value.

The clock is ticking. The EU is much maligned, yet remains a unique and remarkable model of international cooperation. It is well worth saving, but that can only be done if it puts social rights at its heart.

IMAGE CREDIT: CC/Flickr – DG EMPL

The post The last chance for social Europe? appeared first on Europe’s World.

The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Early this month I had the fortune to attend the biannual conference of the European Studies Association (EUSA) in Miami. As always, and as it could not be otherwise, I attended as many panels on the European Monetary Union as I could. I also discussed the future of the Euro with a number of colleagues over dinners, lunches and breakfasts. Yes, I admit it, I am a Euro freak. But there are not so many opportunities to discuss this topic with American or America-based scholars, so one needs to make the most of it.

One of the things that I noticed from the previous EUSA conference two years ago in Boston is that the mood on the Euro has changed.

Our Anglo-American colleagues are less gloomy on the single currency, although they are still quite sceptical. Matthias Matthijs is one of them. He showed figures indicating how trust in the democratic system has collapsed over the past years in the Mediterranean countries and claimed that this was due to the Euro straightjacket and the imposition of austerity by Brussels.

Those who follow my publications (or my Twitter account) know that this causality does not convince me. Rather, my sense is that disenchantment with democracy in these countries has more to do with internal factors, mainly corruption and the lack of meritocracy and job opportunities for the young. This is at least the case in Spain, and it is likely to be valid also for Portugal and Greece. In Italy the story might be closer to what Matthijs describes. But yet again, here I believe this is more due to the fact that Italian leaders blame the Euro, Germany and Brussels for Italy’s ills instead of tackling the real problems of their country.

As a matter of fact, the comparison between Italy and Spain demonstrates that the Euro is not an anti-growth device, as sometimes argued. The external circumstances are roughly the same for both countries. Both are in the monetary union and both are told by Brussels that they need to reduce their deficits to shrink their public debt. Both have benefited from the ultra-loose monetary policy of the European Central Bank and the drop of oil prices. But Spain is growing for the third year in a row at more than 3%, while Italy is stuck below 1%. This in itself shows that the Euro does not impede high growth rates. The Baltic countries and Ireland are other examples that contradict this thesis.

Not many have noticed but the fact is that in 2016 the Eurozone had a higher growth rate than the US! This explains why the overall sentiment in the Old Continent, but also in the US has shifted. Those US based scholars that predicted a Euro break-up at the previous EUSA conference in Boston in 2015, admit now that they had underestimated the political will prevalent both in the South and the North of the monetary union to stick together. A sentiment that has only increased after the Brexit vote and the arrival of Donald Trump to the White House.

As Daniela Schwarzer from the German foreign-policy think-tank DGAP explained in a roundtable we had on why the Euro is still so popular, if one looks at the economic side of EMU, one can flirt with the idea of a break-up, but once you analyse the historical and political trajectory of the single currency, then the possibility of an implosion becomes less likely.

Waltraud Schelke, Matthias Matthijs, Vivien Schmidt, Kathleen McNamara and Erik Jones in a panel on the legitimacy deficit of the EU.

However, this does not mean that the Euro is a robust and consolidated construction yet. The good thing about the EUSA conferences is that there are always representatives from the European Central Bank and this year there were some from the ESM (the European Stability Mechanism). Some of them (certainly not all) were complacent, saying that EMU only needs a couple of minor reforms to be sustainably. This is too overoptimistic. There is a reason why Emmanuel Macron is asking for a Eurozone budget to increase investments, a finance minister, and a Eurozone parliament. As I have explained elsewhere, monetary unions do not survive without political unions to underpin them and the earlier European leaders understand that, the better.

Of course, this also means that the analysis on the future of the euro at EUSA conferences will continue to be divided between those who believe that fiscal and political integration is feasible, and likely, and those who don’t. And it happens that the former tend to live and work inside the Eurozone , and the latter look at it from the outside. Only time will tell whether the “insiders” base their analysis on wishful thinking or whether they are closer to the truth than the “outsiders”.

The post Change of mood on the Euro. Even at EUSA 2017! appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

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The EU has forged constructive political dialogue with members of the Cooperation Council for Arab States of the Gulf (GCC). These countries are Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and the UAE. The Cooperation Agreement, which was concluded in 1988, forms the basis for the relationship that aims at: strengthening the stability in the strategically important region; facilitating the political and economic relations; broadening economic and technical cooperation; further broadening cooperation on energy, industry, trade and services, agriculture, fisheries, investment, science, technology and environment. Cooperation between universities, business and the media also form part of the EU-GCC agenda.

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ADDENDUM to the report on the 2016 Commission Report on Kosovo
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Ulrike Lunacek

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Monday 12 June 2017
12.00 Meeting with Prime Minister of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Zoran Zaev

Friday 16 June 2017
11.00 Meeting with President of Germany Frank-Walter Steinmeier

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Informal Ministerial Meeting of Ministers responsible for Cohesion Policy has the purpose of engaging EU Ministers in an informal discussion on the future of Cohesion Policy to see how Cohesion Policy can be improved to achieve its objectives and to meet the expectations of its citizens. The meeting takes place on 9 June 2017 in Valletta.

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Plenary session and committee meetings in Strasbourg

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

The 33rd plenary session of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly (JPA) will take place in St. Julian’s, Malta, from 19 to 21 June 2017.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

The 33rd plenary session of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly (JPA) will take place in St. Julian’s, Malta, from 19 to 21 June 2017.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

AMENDMENTS - Conclusion of the Partnership Agreement on Relations and Cooperation between the EU and its Member States, of the one part, and New Zealand, of the other part
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Theresa May triggered Article 50 in March. One month later, she called a general election. Last night, it all went wrong.

A shock result upturned British politics and turned the prime minister’s embryonic plans for Brexit into disarray. Having asked the electorate for a strong mandate to negotiate Britain’s departure from the EU, Ms May got a chastening answer: her Conservative party has lost its majority in parliament.

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Place:  European Convention Centre Luxembourg (ECCL)
Chair: Clint Camilleri, Parliamentary Secretary for Agriculture, Fisheries and Animal Rights of Malta

All times are approximate and subject to change

+/- 08.30
Arrivals
VIP entrance ECCL

+/-  08.45
Doorstep by Clint Camilleri

+/- 10.00
Beginning of the meeting (Roundtable TV/Photo opportunity)
Adoption of the agenda
Adoption of non-legislative A items

 AGRICULTURE

+/-  10.10
Organic production and labelling of organic products (public session)
 +/-  12.10
Any other business
- WTO agriculture negotiations
- Negotiations between the EU and Mercosur

 +/-  14.40
Press conference (live streaming)

 +/-  15.10
Market situation
 +/-  16.40
Any other business
- AU-EU Agriculture Ministerial Conference
- European Soya Declaration
-  Emergency preparedness  for plant and animal health 
+/-  18.00
Any other business
- Veterinary medicinal products  (public session)
- Meat fraud in Brazil

 +/-   19.40
Press conference (live streaming)

Dear Prime Minister,

On behalf of the European Council, I would like to congratulate you on your reappointment as Prime Minister.

Our shared responsibility and urgent task now is to conduct the negotiations on the UK's withdrawal from the European Union in the best possible spirit, securing the least disruptive outcome for our citizens, businesses and countries after March 2019. The timeframe set by Article 50 of the Treaty leaves us with no time to lose. I am fully committed to maintaining regular and close contact at our level to facilitate the work of our negotiators.

I also look forward to welcoming you to the European Council later this month where we will discuss counter-terrorism, security and defence, trade and the Paris Agreement amongst other issues.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Opinion on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council setting up a Union regime for the control of exports, transfer, brokering, technical assistance and transit of dual-use items (recast)
Opinion on a Space Strategy for Europe
Towards an EU strategy for international cultural relations
Council decision on the conclusion of a Framework Agreement between the European Union and Kosovo on the general principles for the participation of Kosovo in Union programmes
Opinion on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing a Union Resettlement Framework and amending Regulation (EU) No 516/2014 of the European Parliament and the Council
European Parliament recommendation to the Council concerning the 72nd session of the United Nations General Assembly
Report on addressing human rights violations in the context of war crimes, and crimes against humanity, including genocide
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Entry into office of a new Member at the General Court of the European Union

Length of video : 176'
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Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

REPORT on private security companies
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Hilde Vautmans

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP