Diplomacy & Crisis News

H. L. Mencken, the late American journalist, famously wrote that “Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard.” Following Donald Trump’s victory in yesterday’s election, the average person will soon learn what Mencken meant. If Mr. Trump implements the economic program that he outlined on the campaign trail, our economy will be in for some very rough sledding over the next four years.

Let’s start with Mr. Trump’s budget policy, which will put our public debt on a truly unsustainable path. If there is one thing Mr. Trump promised on the campaign trail, it was a slew of tax cuts. Among other things, he promised to extend the 2017 Tax Cut and Jobs Act, reduce the corporate tax rate from 21 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate taxes on Social Security benefits. With possible Republican control of both houses of Congress, Mr. Trump will have little difficulty in securing passage of his aggressive tax cut program.

Even before Mr. Trump’s electoral victory, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) was warning that the country was on a dangerously unsustainable public debt path. On present policies, the budget deficit was expected to remain at around 6 percent of GDP for many years to come. At the same time, by 2034, the public debt to GDP ratio was projected to exceed 120 percent of GDP. That would put our government’s debt at a higher level in relation to income than was the case immediately after the Second World War.

Mr. Trump’s budget proposals would make an already dangerous public debt situation considerably worse. According to the Committee for a Responsible Budget, over the decade ahead, Mr. Trump’s tax cut proposals would add $ 7.75 trillion to the national debt. That would take the public debt-to-GDP ratio to an unprecedented 143 percent by 2035.

One of our economic vulnerabilities is that foreign governments, including the Chinese central bank, own a large part of our debt and help finance our large budget deficits. This raises the real possibility that we could see the return of the bond vigilantes and experience a dollar crisis. Unless we soon correct our profligate ways, at some point, we must expect bondholders to demand higher interest rates on their bond holdings to compensate them for the risk of a renewed inflation surge. Higher interest rates, in turn, would add further pressure to the government’s budget and make our public finances all the more unsustainable.

Another central plank of Mr. Trump’s economic plan would be to resort to import tariffs on a massive scale. He would levy a 60 percent tariff on all imports from China and a 10–20 percent tariff on all imports from the rest of our trade partners. The purported purpose of these tariffs was to bring manufacturing jobs home and to reduce the trade deficit. Never mind that the expected ballooning of the budget deficit would almost certainly result in a widening of our trade deficit. It would do so as a result of our saving level falling even more short of our investment level than it did before.

One of the major drawbacks of massive resort to tariffs is that they will substantially raise import prices. That will hit the common man hard in the pocket and will add to inflation. According to the Peterson Institute of International Economics, Mr. Trump’s tariff proposal will cost a typical US household in the middle-income distribution around $2,600 a year.

Another major drawback of an “America First” program is that it could tip an already weak Chinese and European economy into recession. It could also invite trade policy retaliation by China and Europe in the form of higher tariffs on American imports. That, in turn, could take us down the economically destructive beggar-thy-neighbor policies of the 1930s.

As if all of this were not enough reason for concern about our economic outlook, Mr. Trump has promised to deport up to 11 million undocumented immigrants. If such a program were implemented, it would almost certainly put upward pressure on food prices and cause production disruptions in those industries employing large numbers of immigrant workers.

The best we can hope for economically in a second Trump administration is that Mr. Trump walks back many of the economic proposals he made on the campaign trail. If not, we should brace ourselves for the eventual return of the bond vigilantes, a flight from the US dollar, and some very rough economic sledding ahead.

Desmond Lachman is a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and was a deputy director in the International Monetary Fund’s Policy Development and Review Department and the chief emerging-market economic strategist at Salomon Smith Barney.

Image: Creative Commons. 

In a stunning political comeback, former president Donald Trump routed Vice President Kamala Harris in Tuesday's presidential election to reclaim the White House.

What does his victory signal for the future of U.S. democracy? And how will a second Trump administration reshape U.S. foreign policy on Ukraine and Taiwan?

In this episode, Jacob Heilbrunn speaks with Harry J. Kazianis, executive editor of The National Interest and Senior Director for National Security Affairs at the Center for the National Interest.

Kazianis previously served as part of the foreign policy team for Senator Ted Cruz's 2016 presidential campaign and worked for the conservative Heritage Foundation.

Image Credit: Creative Commons. 

Won't Happen: The A-10 Warthog, renowned for its resilience and heavy ground-attack capabilities, is now being phased out by the U.S. Air Force, with discussions of sending remaining airframes to Ukraine. Armed with a powerful GAU-8/A Avenger Gatling gun, the A-10 was built for close air support, featuring titanium armor that shields pilots against armor-piercing rounds.

-While the Warthog’s robust firepower makes it an effective ground support asset, it wasn't designed for aircraft carrier operations.

-Significant structural modifications, including the addition of a tailhook and adaptations for carrier landings, would be required to make it suitable for carrier-based missions.

Months back, the Air Force dispatched a squadron of A-10 Warthogs to escort an American nuclear ballistic missile submarine near the Strait of Juan de Fuca. 

The legendary A-10 has been instrumental to the service’s aerial tactics for years, but the platform is now headed towards retirement as the Air Force turns to more modern platforms. Some U.S. lawmakers have suggested that Ukraine could be a recipient of the fleet’s remaining A-10 airframes. But the future of this famous platform remains up in the air.

Could A-10 Warthogs be useful aboard aircraft carriers?

The U.S. became more focused on developing tactical aircraft designed to deliver nuclear weapons after the Second World War. As the Cold War got underway, the Air Force gave low priority to new ground-attack platforms. 

While the McDonnell Douglas F-101 Voodoo and the Republic F-105 Thunderchief came about during this era, a more sophisticated ground-attack airframe was not conceptualized, leaving the aging Douglas A-1 Skyraider as the service’s primary attack airframe when the Vietnam War broke out. Although this platform was capable for its era, its key shortcomings led to the destruction of 266 Skyraiders during the conflict.

The A-10 was designed to solve the U.S. military’s ground-attack issues. Fairchild Republic designed the twin-turbofan, subsonic platform in the early 1970s. It immediately earned the nickname “titanium bathtub” from the titanium-reinforced armor all around its cockpit. Thanks to this added protection, the crew can survive direct hits from high-explosive projectiles and armor-piercing rounds at very close ranges.

Perhaps the Warthog’s most critical capability is its hefty armament load. The hydraulically driven GAU-8/A Avenger Gatling gun positioned under the nose of the aircraft can fire at a rate of 3,900 rounds per minute.

As explained by Military.com, “The Avenger fires a mix of 30 mm electrically primed PGU-13/B High Explosive Incendiary (HEI) rounds and PGU-14/B Armor Piercing Incendiary (API) rounds. While the HEI rounds provide the Avenger the ability to destroy light skinned vehicles, the weapon’s real punch is delivered by the API rounds, each of which incorporates over half a pound of super-dense Depleted Uranium.” 

As detailed by Airforce Technology, the A-10 can deliver weapons including “the LDGP Mk82 226kg, 900kg Mk-84 series low/high drag bombs, 226kg general-purpose bombs, BLU-1 and BLU-27/B Rockeye II cluster bombs, cluster bomb unit CBU-52/71, combined effects munitions, and mine dispensing munitions.”

Despite the A-10’s noteworthy capabilities, the platform was never built for carrier landings. Due to the narrowness of carrier runways and the A-10’s lack of a tailhook, among other considerations, it would take a significant overhaul to create a Warthog variant capable of this feat. 

Maya Carlin, National Security Writer with The National Interest, is an analyst with the Center for Security Policy and a former Anna Sobol Levy Fellow at IDC Herzliya in Israel. She has by-lines in many publications, including The National Interest, Jerusalem Post, and Times of Israel. You can follow her on Twitter: @MayaCarlin. 

All images are Creative Commons. 

Totally Obsolete? As fifth-generation fighters become more prominent, fourth-generation jets like the Eurofighter Typhoon are gradually phased out in advanced air forces. Despite its lack of stealth, the Eurofighter remains relevant for roles like quick reaction alerts and air policing due to its superior range, low operational costs, and high performance at low altitudes.

-The UK plans to keep the Typhoon operational until 2040, considering its cost-effectiveness compared to newer jets like the F-35.

-Though continuously upgraded, the Eurofighter lacks stealth capabilities, limiting its future in contested airspace but ensuring its utility in non-stealth-dependent missions for years to come.

The fourth generation of fighter aircraft is becoming less relevant. Third-world countries will likely keep flying fourth-generation aircraft for the next few decades. But air forces in Europe, North America, Northeast Asia, and the Middle East are actively procuring fifth-generation aircraft and even working to develop sixth-generation technology. 

The result will be the gradual phase out of fourth-generation, Cold War-era fighters. Could the Eurofighter Typhoon be on the chopping block?

The Eurofighter has been a celebrated staple of the Royal Air Force for 20 years. A multirole fighter capable of performing a variety of different mission profiles, the Eurofighter has earned the respect of the aviation community. Despite the onset of fifth-generation fighters, the non-stealth Eurofighter seems to have carved out a role performing quick reaction alerts and air policing missions. Some pundits even insist the Typhoon is better at these missions than more advanced, modern fighters.

According to their argument, the Eurofighter has superior range, lower costs, and better performance at low altitudes. As the Eurofighter becomes outdated and the technology becomes less sensitive, there are fewer concerns over losing an aircraft. The RAF is comfortable sending a Eurofighter into contested spaces at low altitudes without fear that their most advanced technology will be shot down and sold to the Chinese or Russians. 

The Eurofighter has been continuously updated throughout the years. The airframe has up-to-date avionics, electronics, and defense systems. Of course, the upgrades have been costly, begging the question, would it just be cheaper to get a brand-new aircraft?

The RAF plans to keep the Eurofighter in its rotation at least for the near future – cost being a factor, naturally.

“The F-35, especially, the F-35B, is much more expensive to operate than the Typhoon,” Air Force Technology reported. “The Eurofighter doesn’t have a low-observable coating to maintain, but also because its supply chain is very much UK managed, and the UK has more ownership and leverage.”

Expect the Eurofighter to stick around until 2040 or later.

The most distinct feature of the Eurofighter is the delta-wing paired with canards. You don’t seethis configuration all that often. Constructed from lightweight materials, the Eurofighter’s airframe consists of over 80 percent composite materials and has an estimated lifespan of 6,000 flight hours.

Powering the Eurofighter are two Eurojet EJ200 engines capable of generating 20,230 pounds of thrust with the afterburners kicked in. The EJ200 is an impressive engine, offering the Eurojet a high thrust-to-weight ratio, supercruise, fuel efficiency, and low costs.

The Eurofighter’s lack of stealth technology makes the airframe increasingly anachronistic. The non-stealth set-up still works for the quick reaction missions, as discussed, but the jet would have a hard time surviving in contested airspace. 

Harrison Kass is a defense and national security writer with over 1,000 total pieces on issues involving global affairs. An attorney, pilot, guitarist, and minor pro hockey player, Harrison joined the US Air Force as a Pilot Trainee but was medically discharged. Harrison holds a BA from Lake Forest College, a JD from the University of Oregon, and an MA from New York University. Harrison listens to Dokken.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock. 

What You Need to Know: The USS Bismarck Sea was the last U.S. aircraft carrier lost in battle, sunk by a dual Japanese kamikaze attack during the Battle of Iwo Jima on February 21, 1945. The attacks caused extensive fires, fueled by damaged torpedoes and explosive ordnance, that spread uncontrollably across the ship.

-Ordered to abandon ship, surviving crew members leapt into the cold, rough waters, where they endured further loss due to Japanese strafing.

-Of the 923 sailors onboard, 318 perished. Survivors witnessed the historic raising of the American flag on Mount Suribachi, a symbolic event amidst the tragic loss.

The USS Bismarck Sea was the last American carrier ever sunk in battle. The year was 1945. Today, eighty years later, losing a carrier would be difficult for most Americans to fathom. Such a drastic military loss would exceed anything that has happened in the lifetimes of the vast majority of the population. Granted, carriers are bigger and more populated today than during World War II; the loss would be more significant. 

But the notion sticks: the life of a carrier today is incomprehensible and unacceptable, whereas, during World War II, the loss was not especially remarkable.

The American public’s tolerance for military loss has lowered significantly in the years since the USS Bismarck Sea sank during the Battle of Iwo Jima. That’s a good thing, I would argue. Americans are less willing to put their citizen's lives on the line. The results of that tolerance reduction on U.S. foreign policy have been detrimental, however; America seems to have developed a tendency of employing half-measures in foreign conflicts, as a method of preserving life, a noble intention, yet, arguably, a nation should either commit, or not commit, to foreign conflict. 

In America’s case, the half-measures tact has not produced desirable results. To be clear, in most instances, not committing likely would have been the prudent choice.

Today, an American supercarrier carries upwards of five thousand sailors. So, the sinking of a single carrier would possibly result in a pinpoint casualty event comparable to the entire Iraq War (4,431 KIA). The American public does not have the political will for such a loss.

The Bismarck Sea sank during a different time when the American public’s tolerance for loss was near peak. The Bismarck Sea sailed with 923 sailors. When she sank, after suffering a dual Japanese kamikaze attack, 318 sailors were lost. Here’s what happened.

On the night of February 21, 1945, while the Bismarck Sea was participating in the Battle of Iwo Jima, a Japanese aircraft, “crashed into the ship abeam of the after elevator.” The impact was significant. “The crash knocked four torpedoes on to the hangar deck, parted the elevator cables, and damaged the after-fire main.

The initial fire would likely have been manageable. But the glow of the fire, in the dark of night, attracted more Japanese kamikaze fighters. A second plane crashed into the Bismarck Sea “just forward of the elevator well, killing or mortally wounding the entire fire-fighting party.” The second kamikaze aircraft ignited another explosion, which “buckled bulkheads and collapsed the decks in the ammunition clipping rooms, adding fuel to the fire.” 

The fire spread. Aircraft and their fuel and their ordnance were consumed, only adding to the blaze. Ordnance began exploding. The captain ordered the sailors to abandon the ship. The entire surviving crew jumped into the water and watched as the Bismarck Sea exploded and burned for two hours before finally sinking.

“Rough seas, cold water, and Japanese strafing cost the lives of many members of the [Bismarck Sea’s] crew.” Three hundred and eighteen sailors were lost. The survivors were plucked from the water and transported just off the coast of Iwo Jima, where they were able to see the American flag raised on Mount Suribachi. 

Harrison Kass is a defense and national security writer with over 1,000 total pieces on issues involving global affairs. An attorney, pilot, guitarist, and minor pro hockey player, Harrison joined the U.S. Air Force as a Pilot Trainee but was medically discharged. Harrison holds a BA from Lake Forest College, a JD from the University of Oregon, and an MA from New York University. Harrison listens to Dokken.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock.

What You Need to Know: As Russia’s military gains ground, Ukraine is requesting Tomahawk cruise missiles to counter the Russian advance. The Tomahawk, with a range of 250-1,550 miles, could provide Ukraine with critical long-range strike capabilities.

-However, the weapon's full potential would depend on Western approval for strikes within Russian territory—a move that the U.S. and NATO are hesitant to endorse due to fears of nuclear escalation.

-Ukrainian President Zelensky also expressed frustration over media leaks regarding the Tomahawk request, highlighting Kyiv’s reliance on confidentiality to maintain strategic advantage in the conflict.

The conflict in Ukraine isn’t going very well for the Ukrainian military.

The Russian military has been achieving slow but gradual gains in certain parts of the contact line. Kyiv can’t match the level of attrition Moscow promotes with its human-wave attacks that average more than 1,000 casualties per day.

To counter the Russian momentum, Ukraine seeks further military assistance from the West. Specifically, it wants the powerful Tomahawk cruise missile.

The Tomahawk Land Attack Missile (TLAM) is a long range, all-weather cruise missile. As its full name suggests, the Tomahawk is used to take out ground targets. With a range of 250 to 1,550 miles (depending on the version), the Tomahawk is a powerful munition that could literally change the course of the war to Ukraine’s favor. The three most advanced versions of the Tomahawk (Block III, IV, and V) can penetrate Russia air defenses. Each of these versions of the Tomahawk brings different capabilities, including direct hit and cluster munitions.

The U.S. Navy and Royal Navy are the two main operators of the Tomahawk, launching the cruise missile from surface combatants and submarines.

However, the level of effectiveness of Ukrainian Tomahawks would hinge on whether the United States and NATO give Kyiv the green light to use Western weaponry against military targets within Russia. The Ukrainian military has plenty of weapon systems to attack targets inside occupied Ukrainian territory. So, the Tomahawk would only provide marginal gains to the Ukrainian forces. However, there are hundreds of military targets inside Russia and close to the border with Ukraine that are pivotal to the Russia invasion force and their destruction would seriously frustrate Russian offensive operations.

Currently, the U.S. and NATO decline to give such permission because of the fear of a nuclear escalation from Moscow—Russian President Vladimir Putin recently amended his country’s nuclear doctrine to perceive assistance by nuclear powers to third country to attack Russia as a nuclear threat.

For the Tomahawk to be as effective as possible, the White House would have to overcome its current reservations and give Ukraine the weapons to fight the war and win. As the conflict nears its three-year anniversary, it is paramount to end the bloodshed.

But there is another element of the discussions to give Ukraine Tomahawk cruise missiles or, indeed, other advanced weapon systems: confidentiality. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was rather displeased when he was asked by journalists about the possibility of Ukraine receiving Tomahawks in future tranches of Western security assistance.

"You see what is happening in the media now. They said that Ukraine wants or wanted to get a lot of Tomahawk missiles and so on. But this was confidential information between Ukraine and the White House. How to understand these messages? It means that there is nothing confidential between the partners,” the Ukrainian President said.

One of Ukraine’s strongest weapons is secrecy. Kyiv has managed great tactical, operational, and even strategic results when it has maintained a veil of secrecy.

Stavros Atlamazoglou is a seasoned defense journalist specializing in special operations and a Hellenic Army veteran (national service with the 575th Marine Battalion and Army HQ). He holds a BA from the Johns Hopkins University and an MA from the Johns Hopkins’ School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). His work has been featured in Business Insider, Sandboxx, and SOFREP.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock. 

What You Need to Know: In response to escalating tensions with Russia, the U.S. Air Force has deployed several B-52 Stratofortress bombers to Europe as part of a routine bomber task force rotation.

-The move underscores America’s commitment to NATO and sends a strategic message to Moscow. Recently, the B-52s also deployed to the Middle East amid Israeli-Iranian hostilities. Designed in the 1950s, the B-52 remains vital due to its 9,000-mile range and capacity to carry 70,000 lbs of munitions.

-The Air Force plans to keep the B-52 in service alongside the stealthier B-21 Raider, extending its role well into the 2050s.

-The U.S. Air Force is sending more strategic bombers to Europe as tensions with Russia continue to rise.

Several B-52 Stratofortress strategic bombers are heading to Europe as part of a bomber task force rotation.

The Air Force deployed several B-52 strategic bombers to Europe, thus sending a message to Russia that America was standing by its allies and partners.

To be sure, the Air Force only said that the strategic bombers were going to Europe to “train and operate alongside NATO Allies and partners for several weeks demonstrating the U.S. commitment to global security and stability.” But the message to the Kremlin is clear: the Air Force has a long arm and can reach out and touch Russia if necessary.

The deployment of the B-52s follows in the wake of another rotation of strategic bombers. A few days ago, the Air Force also deployed six B-52 bombers to the Middle East as Israel and Iran continue to exchange insults and missiles.

To be sure, deploying B-52 strategic bombers to Europe isn’t something new or uncommon. In May, the Air Force sent B-52s to the United Kingdom and Romania for several days as part of rotational deployments. And more recently, in September, the Air Force sent B-52s to Poland for a short show of force (Poland is one of NATO’s bulwarks against Russia).

One of the most important aircraft in the Air Force’s fleet, the B-52 is a long-range strategic bomber. The bomber can carry both conventional and nuclear munitions and specializes in strategic attack, close air support, air interdiction, offensive counter-air, and maritime operations. 

The latest version of the aircraft, the B-52H, can pack 70,000 lbs of munitions and can fly without air refueling for 9,000 miles. This combination of munition capacity and range/loiter time makes the B-52 a great option for commander. In terms of munitions, the B-52 bomber can pack a wide range of weapon systems, including laser-guided bombs, conventional bombs, air-launched cruise missiles, GPS-guide bombs, and even mines.

Despite its age (it was designed in the 1950s), the Air Force plans on keeping the B-52 on the active roster for many more years. Indeed, the Air Force envisions a future bomber fleets with two types of aircraft: the B-21 Raider stealth bomber and the B-52 Stratofortress. The B-21 Raider will be tasked with deep-penetration missions against the most difficult targets in non-permissive environments. And the B-52 Stratofortress will be responsible for all the other missions, as well as near-peer targets after the B-21 Raider and other stealth assets have neutralized their air defenses.

Currently, the Air Force has 55 B-52s in active service and another 15 in reserve. Through a series of structural and technological modernizations, the Air Force plans on operating the strategic bomber well into the 2050s, thus making it probably the only aircraft in history that will have flown for a century.

Stavros Atlamazoglou is a seasoned defense journalist specializing in special operations and a Hellenic Army veteran (national service with the 575th Marine Battalion and Army HQ). He holds a BA from the Johns Hopkins University and an MA from the Johns Hopkins’ School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). His work has been featured in Business Insider, Sandboxx, and SOFREP.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock. 

Totally Obsolete?: The F-15 Eagle, a fourth-generation fighter first introduced in the 1970s, has been America’s premier air superiority jet, securing 34 of the USAF's 37 kills over the past four decades. With a speed of Mach 2.5, a range of up to 3,450 miles with external tanks, and versatile weaponry, the F-15 has shown resilience despite age.

-Originally meant for retirement, Congress now mandates its continued use through the F-15EX Eagle II, designed as a "fourth-generation plus" model to address cost concerns and capability gaps.

-Yet, critics argue it's time to transition fully to fifth-generation platforms like the F-22 and F-35.

For 40 years, the world’s premier fourth-generation supersonic air superiority fighter has been the F-15 Eagle. First having flown in 1972, the F-15 has seen multiple iterations of its model and serves in countless militaries around the world. The F-15 was designed to overcome what had become advanced Soviet air defenses. These birds had far greater maneuverability, speed, range, avionics, and weapons systems than what had preceded it in the third-generation warplane (think the F-4 Phantom). 

Over the last 40 years, of the United States Air Force’s 37 kills, the F-15 has been responsible for 34 of them. These planes, thanks to their electronic countermeasures, speed, and maneuverability, are extremely hard to kill—despite the fact that there are today far more advanced, fifth-generation warplanes flying the unfriendly skies. 

Originally produced by McDonnell-Douglas, the legendary warplane is today built by Boeing. Depending on the variant, two Pratt & Whitney F-100-PW-220 turbofan engines, producing a thrust of 23,450 pounds, or two Pratt & Whitney F100-PW-229 turbofan engines with afterburners, producing 29,000 pounds of thrust power these fighter jets. 

The F-15 can reach a speed of Mach 2.5 and has a range of 2,878 miles. This range can, of course, be drastically extended with the assistance of mid-air refueling tankers. An F-15 can be outfitted with three external tanks, meaning that its range can be boosted to 3,450 miles. These birds have a ceiling of 60,000 feet. 

In terms of armaments, the F-15 is truly lethal (there’s a reason these birds account for 34 out of 37 of the Air Force’s kills over the last 40 years). There is an internally mounted M61A1 20 mm six-barrel cannon. Four AIM-9 sidewinder missiles with an additional four AIM-120 AMRAAM’s can be placed on this fighter. The F-15 can even fire an anti-satellite weapon that will destroy targets in low-Earth orbit. 

These planes were supposed to be retired and replaced by the fifth-generation warplanes that have been flying for the last 30 years. Due to budgetary concerns and, in the case of the F-22A Raptor, manufacturing issues, the military has had to rely on the F-15 far longer than it had planned. Things have gotten so bad with replacing the F-15 with the costly and complex fifth-generation warplanes that Congress won’t let the Air Force retire its F-15 fleet as the USAF had originally planned.

What’s more, an entirely new variant of the F-15 has been ordered and built—the F-15EX Eagle II. This plane is considered a “fourth-generation plus” bird. Although less capable than the F-35 Lighting II or the F-22A Raptor, the US government has opted to build these systems. The F-15EX Eagle II is essentially a fast missiletruck. As for whether these birds can truly dance with a fifth-generation warplane, that is a matter up for intense debate among aviation circles. Oddly, the reason for Congress pushing for the creation of a new variant of the F-15 was to keep costs down while preventing critical strategic gaps from forming in tour Air Force. 

Yet, the F-15EX Eagle II is onerously expensive. And it is not as advanced as either the F-35 or F-22. 

Therefore, the F-15 is past its expiration date. 

The US should not be wasting anymore time or money on these birds. Instead, the military should be working hard to restore the F-22 production line while ensuring that the F-35 can fly safely and reliably. The F-15 has had a great run. But time is passing these birds down. They might be helpful in certain situations, but generally speaking, America must move on from them now. 

Brandon J. Weichert, a National Interest national security analyst, is a former Congressional staffer and geopolitical analyst who is a contributor at The Washington Times, the Asia Times, and The-Pipeline. He is the author of Winning Space: How America Remains a Superpower, Biohacked: China’s Race to Control Life, and The Shadow War: Iran’s Quest for Supremacy. His next book, A Disaster of Our Own Making: How the West Lost Ukraine, is due October 22 from Encounter Books. Weichert can be followed via Twitter @WeTheBrandon.

All images are Creative Commons or Shutterstock. 

From the Vault

Russia Freaked Out: Why the U.S. Navy 'Unretired' the Iowa-Class Battleships

Battleship vs. Battlecruiser: Iowa-Class vs. Russia's Kirov-Class (Who Wins?)

What You Need to Know: The SR-72, known as the "Son of Blackbird," is poised to succeed the SR-71 Blackbird, one of the fastest surveillance planes of the Cold War era. With hypersonic speeds, the SR-72 aims to penetrate near-peer rivals' defenses, such as China's advanced anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) bubbles.

-Unlike stealth planes, the SR-72’s speed could outpace detection systems, delivering critical strikes and returning safely. Potential weaponization of the SR-72 would counteract Chinese advancements in radar and hypersonic weaponry, helping the U.S. maintain aerial superiority.

-If developed, this hypersonic aircraft would place America back at the forefront of military aviation technology.

America is likely building “The Son of Blackbird,” officially labeled the “SR-72.” For those who might not have been around at the time, the SR-71 “Blackbird” was the supersonic surveillance bird that broke almost every flying record known to Man in its service record. These UFO-looking planes were themselves the successor craft to another, legendary plane, the U-2.

The logic behind the SR-72 was that the US military needed to gain accurate surveillance of sensitive Soviet military installations. The U-2 was helpful. But, by the time the SR-71 had come online, the Soviets had perfected anti-aircraft weapons to such a point that the U-2 was at risk of being shot down.

Hence, Washington devised the SR-71 which could theoretically outfly any Soviet anti-aircraft system as well as most Soviet warplanes that might have been deployed to intercept the Blackbird. 

The SR-71, however, was retired. 

The Cold War came to an end and Washington no longer prioritized its mission the way it once did. With the rise of near-peer competitors in the 21st century, though, that’s changing. America needs to get its next-generation birds going—now. 

Yet, they should probably be much more than just surveillance birds. After all, drones and satellites can do those missions much more effectively and likely safer than can manned birds. 

Still, the notion of creating a next-generation hypersonic bird, like the SR-72, is the right path. And now that the Air Force is ruminating about the notion of making the proposed SR-72 weapons-capable, we have an entirely new dynamic being crafted.

Indeed, if these birds are given a full weapons package—and as long as those armaments do not negate the hypersonic capabilities of the SR-72—the Air Force would theoretically be able to penetrate whatever sophisticated anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) defensive bubbles near-peer rivals, like China, may establish in contested regions. 

Chinese advances in stealth detection technology have reached such a point that the American commitment to stealth capabilities might end up being useless. New innovations like artificial intelligence (AI) or even the next-level quantum radar could theoretically make stealth planes completely visible to Chinese anti-aircraft systems long before those birds ever got within range of potential Chinese targets. 

But a truly hypersonic attack aircraft, like the proposed SR-72, might not need to rely upon stealth as much as other American planes do. They could simply outfly whatever systems a near-peer rival, like China, has crafted, deliver its payload, and continue to safety without ever having its proverbial hair mussed. Indeed, hypersonic weapons and aircraft are the wave of the future. 

Even the Chinese and Russians acknowledge this. The militaries of both of those near-peer rivals have already embraced hypersonic weapons and have leapfrogged the Americans in this key technological area.

A hypersonic, somewhat stealthy plane, like the SR-72 places the Americans back in the running. What’s more, the concept is really cool. It was already, somewhat, popularized by the 2022 hit film Top Gun: Maverick.In that film, Tom Cruise’s ace pilot takes an SR-72-like plane into combat with lethal results for America’s enemies. In fact, the mock-up made by the film’s producers (with the help of Lockheed engineers) was so realistic that China’s military re-tasked one of its surveillance satellites to monitor the fake bird, thinking it was real. 

Clearly, Beijing is wigged out by the prospects of a real-life SR-72—especially if it were designed to be a long-range strike aircraft. The Air Force should make that a reality. Even if it has to cut other programs, like the wasteful Next-Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) program. 

Brandon J. Weichert, a National Interest national security analyst, is a former Congressional staffer and geopolitical analyst who is a contributor at The Washington Times, the Asia Times, and The-Pipeline. He is the author of Winning Space: How America Remains a Superpower, Biohacked: China’s Race to Control Life, and The Shadow War: Iran’s Quest for Supremacy. His next book, A Disaster of Our Own Making: How the West Lost Ukraine, is due October 22 from Encounter Books. Weichert can be followed via Twitter @WeTheBrandon.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock are of SR-71. 

From the Vault

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What You Need to Know: The defection of Soviet pilot Viktor Belenko in 1976 revealed critical insights into the capabilities of the feared MiG-25 Foxbat, which he flew to Japan. The U.S. and Japanese engineers found the Foxbat’s performance vastly overestimated.

-Though fast, the MiG-25 was heavy, fuel-inefficient, and limited in altitude and airspeed without risking engine failure. Originally designed to intercept high-flying bombers, it was unfit for modern low-level strategies. Belenko’s defection influenced U.S. aircraft development, reinforcing the importance of the F-15 Eagle.

-The revelation of the MiG-25’s limitations downgraded its myth and led the Soviet Union to begin exporting the Foxbat.

As the war in Ukraine grinds on, it’s not without its share of drama. At the end of the summer in 2023, Ukrainian intelligence revealed that a Russian aviator piloting a Mi-8 had defected with his craft. Several months in the making, the escape culminated in a daring flight into Ukraine.

As the pilot described it: “I realized that I was near the border. I relayed my location. I said: ‘Let’s try it; I’m not far away.’ And, having made a final decision, I flew at an extremely low altitude in radio silence mode. No one understood what was going on with me at all.”

While this defection doesn’t carry as much weight  as the say, an Su-37 or MiG-25- the Mi-8 has been in service for five decades, and a single utility helicopter is unlikely to turn the tide of the war - it is still a remarkable feat for the Ukrainian intelligence service, the GUR. It also brings to mind other pilots’ defections, such as when Soviet Lieutenant Viktor Belenko flew his MiG-25 Foxbat to Japan. 

At the time of his defection, 1976, Belenko was stationed at Chuguyevka Air Base in the Soviet Far East as part of the Air Defense Forces, a branch separate from the Soviet Air Force and arguably more prestigious. At the time, conditions at the air base were dismal, with poor facilities and morale. Belenko attempted to raise the issues with superiors but was essentially laughed off. Compounding his problem, his wife had grown tired of life as a military spouse and filed for divorce. Disillusioned with the Soviet system, Belenko decided to defect. 

Upon making his decision, Belenkosimply had to wait until he was scheduled for a routine sortie out East with a full tank of gas. He thoughtfully brought along the training manual for the Foxbat, something that was strictly prohibited. As the flight concluded and his wingmen headed home, Belenko turned and headed for Japanese airspace while gradually descending. As he closed in on the islands, he entered a precipitous dive, building airspeed to escape his pursuing squadronmates.

Nearing the Japanese airspace, he began popping up to reveal his position on the radar and prevent the Japanese Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) from shooting him down. Cloudy weather and limitations of the F-4E Phantoms operated by the JSDF prevented them from locating Belenko to provide an escort. 

The same weather also worked against Belenko as he attempted to locate Chitose Air Base, the only airfield shown on his map of Hokkaido. Expecting to be escorted by JSDF fighters if he was unable to find it, he was dismayed to find himself alone.

Compounding his problems, the Foxbat guzzled fuel at an alarming rate, and he only had just enough to make the trip even with a full load. Lacking the proper navigational aids and frequencies, he eventually located the civilian Hakodate Airport.

As he lined his aircraft up for landing, Belenko faced one final challenge: a departing 727 jetliner. Quick reflexes prevented a tragic conclusion to the story however, he now found himself out of position to land and flying dangerously fast, particularly considering the 6,500-foot-long runway was too short for the Foxbat.

Despite deploying his drogue parachute and stamping on the brakes - hard enough to cause the nosewheel tire to explode - he ran nearly 800 feet off the runway. When the dust had settled and he shut the plan down, he had only 30 seconds of fuel remaining. 

Japanese and American engineers were quick to jump on the opportunity to examine the MiG-25.

While the Japanese government refused to allow anyone to fly the aircraft fearing reprisals from the Soviet Union, engineers were able to tear it apart and see just what they were facing. 

This opportunity proved crucial as the Foxbat had until now been the boogeyman of the skies.

First flying in 1964, it proceeded to set several speed and altitude records, some of which still stand today. U.S. and Western nations were highly concerned about its perceived abilities and feared it could even compete with the mythical SR-71 Blackbird

In response, the U.S. Air Force (USAF) radically revised its requirements for the F-X program currently in development. Initially conceived to counter the air-to-air imbalance over Vietnam in which fast, maneuverable MiG-21s had proven to match, and even the best American aircraft, the arrival of the Foxbat caused the USAF to greatly increase the capabilities required for the F-X program.

The resultant aircraft was the F-15 Eagle, one of the best air superiority fighters ever designed. Over its prestigious career, it has claimed 104 shootdowns with no Eagles lost in return. 

Belenko’s delivery of a MiG-25 to American specialists proved that the F-15 was, in fact, incredibly overengineered against its opponent. Lacking titanium, the Foxbat was a stainless steel construction, meaning it was very heavy. A fully fueled MiG-25 weighed 64,000 pounds, by contrast, the U.S. Navy’s F-18 only weighs 48,000 pounds in the same state.

Furthermore, its vaunted airspeed and altitude records were mostly flukes. Its true service ceiling was not 89,000 but 79,000 feet, and then for two minutes and without a full load of missiles. Its Mach 3.2 airspeed was actually only Mach 2.83, any higher, and the engines would come apart. 

To add insult to injury, tactics and strategy had already moved beyond the Foxbat’s capabilities. Initially conceived to shoot down American strategic bombers flying high toward their targets, the Foxbat was designed to counter a threat that no longer existed. By the early 1960s, American planners understood the dangers of Soviet surface-to-air systems and recognized the futility of flying bombers directly into Soviet territory. New doctrine dictated low-level ingress below radar coverage. The Foxbat’s highly inefficient engine and already short range made it impractical for this mission. Additionally, it lacked a look-down shoot-down radar capable of tracking targets flying low to the ground. 

Following the dissection of the MiG-25, American planners breathed a sigh of relief, realizing they were facing a paper tiger. Following 60 days of inspection, the aircraft was disassembled, boxed up, and shipped back to the Soviet Union, which billed Japan $10 million for damage to the aircraft. In return, Japan sent a bill of $40,000 for damage to the airfield and shipping fees.=

Lieutenant Belenko was granted asylum in the U.S. and, following an extensive debrief with the Air Force and CIA, went on to be a contractor and businessman. The defection of Belenko revealed the inadequacies of the MiG-25 to the West and removed the veil of secrecy surrounding the aircraft, allowing the Soviet Union to begin export. It saw combat in the Middle East during the Iran-Iraq war and Israeli conflicts with Syria and Lebanon.

Maya Carlin is an analyst with the Center for Security Policy and a former Anna Sobol Levy Fellow at IDC Herzliya in Israel. She has by-lines in many publications, including The National Interest, Jerusalem Post, and Times of Israel. You can follow her on Twitter: @MayaCarlin. 

All images are Creative Commons. 

What You Need to Know: The Soviet-era MiG-23 "Flogger," designed as an affordable, swing-wing alternative to the MiG-21, ultimately fell short of its intended role as a formidable air superiority fighter.

-Though technically advanced at its 1970 debut—with variable wing geometry, improved radar, and BVR capabilities—the MiG-23 suffered from reliability issues, short engine life, and limited combat success.

-It was often bested in combat by Western aircraft, most notably by Israeli and U.S. jets, which outmaneuvered and outperformed it in several conflicts. Despite its poor record, 5,000 Floggers were produced, and the fighter remains in limited use with countries like Syria and North Korea.

The MiG-23 is one awful fighter, and the U.S. Air Force thankfully has no fighter jet that can match its terrible history. Pity the poor MiG-23 "Flogger" jet fighter. Built to replace the older – as in 1955 vintage – MiG-21 Fishbed, and intended to contend with America's F-4 Phantom, the MiG-23 instead became the proverbial "redheaded stepchild" of Soviet-designed fighters.

Instead of living up to its NATO codename "Flogger" in actual aerial combat, the plane far more often ended up on the receiving end of the proverbial floggings.

On paper, the MiG-23 didn't seem like such a bad aircraft when it was developed. In fact, its variable “swing” wing geometry and advanced radar and fire control systems made it a fairly advanced aircraft when it was first introduced in 1970 and began entering operational service in 1971.

Of particular note to its pilots was a beyond-visual-range (BVR) intercept capability from more powerful onboard sensors. In addition, the fighter had robust landing gear that enabled it to operate from short, remote runways.  

However, the Soviets purposely designed the Flogger as a lower-cost export fighter and therefore didn't build into it the sort of effort and quality control that would be expected for a fighter jet intended primarily for defending the precious "Rodina” (Motherland) itself.

The Soviet arms industry certainly had no shortage of customers for the MiG-23, as it was purchased by not only every member nation of the Warsaw Pact but by a veritable laundry list of official Communist allies as well as ostensible Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) states around the globe.  This customer list included Algeria, Cuba, India, North Korea, and Syria.

The phrase "penny wise, pound foolish” comes to mind; the plane was reported to be difficult to fly and expensive to maintain, while its engines had a short service life. And then there was the warbird's combat record. As noted by Senior Editor Peter Suciu:

“There is no ambiguity here: the MiG-23 boasts a long, well-documented, and deeply embarrassing service record. The full extent of its failures is too great to recount in detail, but here are a few highlights. Over a dozen Syrian MiG-23 jet fighters were shot down by Israeli F-15s and F-16s throughout the Arab-Israeli Wars. Iraqi MiG-23 jet fighters also fared even more poorly against Iran during the Iran-Iraq War, reportedly suffering upwards of fifty losses against Iranian F-14s, F-5s, and F-4s. Libyan MiG-23s were routinely outperformed by Egyptian MiG-21 jet fighters during the Libyan-Egyptian War, and two of these fighters were destroyed by two U.S. F-14 Tomcats during the 1989 Tobruk skirmish.”

During Operation Desert Storm in 1991, one lucky Iraqi Air Force (IqAF) MiG-23 pilot managed at least a token bit of success when he damaged an F-111 Aardvark with an R-24T missile as the American fighter-bomber was on a bombing run.

The Aardvark still managed to return safely to base, and this partial victory was slim comfort for the IqAF in light of the seven Floggers they lost to F-15Cs in air-to-air combat.  

Despite these design flaws and a poor combat record alike, the MiG-23 has soldiered on.  The Russians built 5,000 Floggers of all types between 1967 and 1985, and the Russian Air Force kept them in service until 1999.

Meanwhile, it still remains in the aerial arsenals of Angola, Ethiopia, North Korea, and Syria.

Specifications (MiG-23MS)

Crew: One (Pilot)

Length: 54.7 feet (16.7 meters)

Wingspan: 45.6 feet (13.9 meters) fully spread; 25.26 feet (7.7 meters) fully swept

Height: 15.81 feet (4.82 meters) 

Empty weight: 10.2 tons 

Maximum takeoff weight: 17.8 tons

Armament: One twin-barreled 23mm GSh-23L cannon; six air-to-air missiles (mixture of infrared-homing close-range, AA-2 “Atoll” or AA-8 “Aphid”, and medium-range AA-7 “Apex” missiles)

Engine: One Tumansky R-29-300 turbojet of approx. 27,500 lbs (12,473 kg) thrust

Maximum speed: Approx. Mach 2.4 (1,553 mph/2,499 kph)

Wing sweep settings: 16, 45, and 72 degrees; adjustable in flight

Christian D. Orr is a former Air Force officer, Federal law enforcement officer, and private military contractor (with assignments worked in Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Kosovo, Japan, Germany, and the Pentagon).  Chris holds a B.A. in International Relations from the University of Southern California (USC) and an M.A. in Intelligence Studies (concentration in Terrorism Studies) from American Military University (AMU).  He has also been published in The Daily Torch and The Journal of Intelligence and Cyber Security.

Image Credit: Creative Commons. 

With his triumph against Vice President Kamala Harris, Donald Trump is being likened to Grover Cleveland, the first Democrat elected after the Civil War who won non-consecutive terms in 1884 and 1892. But Trump’s election also bears comparison to another president—Ronald Reagan. When Reagan was elected in 1980 against Jimmy Carter, liberal elites were dumbfounded. Reagan entered Washington promising to overturn the bureaucracy and restore American greatness after the dolorous Carter-Mondale era. It was thunder on the right.

But there the similarities end. Trump has reinvented the conservative movement in his own strongman image by breaking with the verities of the Reagan era. The old Republican establishment is out. The young populists are in.

With JD Vance at his side, Trump will more than likely staff his administration with a new generation of conservatives intent on carrying out his mandate to topple the Deep State at home and retrench abroad. These are not the cautious technocrats of the Biden era. They have a vision and a plan. Writing in Foreign Affairs, for example, Sumantra Maitra calls for the creation of a “dormant NATO” in which America would “remove its ground forces from Europe in order to shift the burden of defending the continent away from Washington and toward the region’s own governments.” Elbridge Colby, a defense department official in Trump’s first term, is propounding a Trump doctrine--a shift from an emphasis on Europe to countering China’s quest for suzerainty over the South China Sea. Then there is William Ruger, Trump’s nominee for ambassador to Afghanistan, who avers that “voters were given a choice, made more stark by Harris-Cheney embrace, and they chose greater realism over left-right elite liberal internationalism.”

For Trump himself a second term represents an opportunity to enact his longstanding dream of upending America’s alliances. There will be few voices in the Senate to oppose him. Mitch McConnell is a spent force whom Trump, during one of his final rallies, ridiculed for dutifully supporting him. Mitt Romney is retiring.

Nor is this all. Trump’s hand is strengthened by the fact that he repudiated the party machine during the campaign. In running for reelection, scorned the seasoned party professionals who claimed that he should mute his strident statements and relied on outside PACs to mobilize his supporters. Elon Musk, who lavishly supported his run, will occupy a prominent role in his administration.

Disheartened Democrats are already debating the reasons for Harris’ loss. One explanation is that Trump didn’t win so much as Harris lost. Jonathan Chait declared that “The American public has not embraced Trump. The decisive bloc of voters always evinced deep misgivings about Trump’s character and rhetoric, even if they didn’t fully recall all his crimes and offenses (who could?). Trump didn’t win by making people love or even accept him. He won because the electorate rejected the Biden-Harris administration.”

But this risks underestimating the magnetic attraction that Trump seems to exert upon his followers and supporters. John F. Harris’ explanation in Politico may be more plausible: “For a significant portion of his supporters, he didn’t win in 2016 in spite of his notorious remark to Access Hollywood about grabbing women by their private parts, or in 2024 in spite of his election denialism. He won in some measure because of these things — and the indignation they inspired.”

Daniel McCarthy in the New York Times takes it one step further, elevating Trump’s election to “a public vote of no confidence in the leaders and institutions that have shaped American life since the end of the Cold War 35 years ago.”

But that is a purely negative verdict. The question for Trump, as McCarthy acknowledges, is whether he can deliver more than destruction in Washington. Speaking in West Palm Beach, Trump announced that he would usher in a new “golden age for America.” 

Jacob Heilbrunn is editor of The National Interest and is a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center. He has written on both foreign and domestic issues for numerous publications, including The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, Foreign Affairs, Reuters, Washington Monthly, and The Weekly Standard. He has also written for German publications such as Cicero, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, and Der Tagesspiegel. In 2008, his book They Knew They Were Right: the Rise of the Neocons was published by Doubleday. It was named one of the one hundred notable books of the year by The New York Times. He is the author of America Last: The Right’s Century-Long Romance with Foreign Dictators.

Image Credit: Creative Commons. 

What You Need to Know: Iran’s recent direct missile barrage against Israel marks a shift from its usual proxy warfare, signaling Tehran's expanding missile capabilities. According to CSIS, Iran's arsenal includes thousands of ballistic and cruise missiles, with ranges that could easily reach Israel.

-Most troubling, however, is Iran’s advancing space program, potentially doubling as a front for ICBM development. With solid-fuel technology and missile expertise potentially bolstered by cooperation with Russia, Iran appears to be closing in on a viable ICBM and nuclear delivery capability.

-These advancements highlight an urgent threat for U.S. and Israeli defense officials as tensions in the Middle East persist.

Iran’s recent barrages targeting the Jewish state indicate that the regime is inching toward acquiring the technology needed to field an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM). In April, Tehran engaged in direct warfare with Israel for the first time when it launched more than 300 projectiles in an escalatory fashion. The Islamic Republic typically utilizes its region-wide proxy groups to launch similar attacks since it is positioned further from Israel. 

However, Tehran’s ability to carry out such a barrage is exemplary of its growing weapons arsenal.

According to a 2021 report published by the Missile Threat Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Iran possesses thousands of ballistic and cruise missiles with a variety of capabilities and ranges. Tehran’s stockpile of cruise missiles is the most deadly, as they can fly at several times the speed of sound and can reach Israeli territory from Iran in under fifteen minutes. 

The most threatening missiles built by Iran are the Sekkil, Kheibar, and Haj Qasem models. The Sekkil is a medium-range weapon capable of carrying a payload of 700 kg and reaching targets up to 1,550 miles away. The Kheibar and Haj Qasem have ranges of 1,240 and 870 miles respectively.

While Tehran currently does not field an ICBM, a weapon that can reach targets of more than 3,400 miles, experts believe that its space program could quicken the development of these lethal missiles. Since space launch vehicles and carrier rockets are generally identical to the technology and components required to launch an ICBM, Tehran is potentially using its space program to get closer to fielding these missile types. 

According to the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, “Iran’s space program has long served as a cover for developing and testing components for an ICBM. With Iran sending missiles to Russia for use against Ukraine, Russia may well be reciprocating by supplying Iran with the tools and knowledge necessary to grow its space launch program. Paired with Iran’s recent acceleration in enriched uranium production, this space launch capability inches the country closer to fielding a nuclear weapon that can threaten the U.S. homeland.”

The turning point in Iran’s quest to acquire ICBM technology occurred in 2020 when the regime launched its first successful military satellite (Noor-1), carried by its domestically built Qased three-stage space launch vehicle. This notable launch displayed a solid-fuel capability that had the potential to elevate the country’s future missile designs.

Building up its weapons programs across the board is a top priority for the Islamic Republic as Iran is the largest proliferator in the region. Once Tehran achieves its nuclear breakout time, it will undoubtedly pour its resources into building a capable delivery system for the weapon- an ICBM. 

The ongoing war in the Middle East between Israel, Iran, and its proxy groups does not appear to be simmering down anytime soon. With this in mind, Iran’s efforts to build up its weapons programs should be a top concern to U.S. and Israeli officials alike.

Maya Carlin, National Security Writer with The National Interest, is an analyst with the Center for Security Policy and a former Anna Sobol Levy Fellow at IDC Herzliya in Israel. She has by-lines in many publications, including The National Interest, Jerusalem Post, and Times of Israel. You can follow her on Twitter: @MayaCarlin. 

 Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock.

Wage War: The USS North Carolina was America’s first “fast battleship,” designed for both speed and strength. Launched in 1937, she could reach 28 knots, allowing her to escort carriers while retaining battleship-level armor and firepower.

-Armed with nine 16-inch guns and substantial anti-aircraft defenses, she served extensively in the Pacific Theater, participating in major battles like Iwo Jima and Okinawa.

-After the war, plans to convert her for modern uses were scrapped, and she was eventually saved from demolition by James Craig’s fundraising efforts.

-Today, the USS North Carolina serves as a museum ship in Wilmington, preserving her legacy.

The battleship was the preeminent warship class of the early twentieth century. And typically, when people think of battleship attributes, firepower is front of mind. But one class of battleship wasn’t built so much with an emphasis on firepower, but with an emphasis on speed: the North Carolina class.

The USS North Carolina was the lead ship of the North Carolina class, which happened to be the U.S. Navy’s first-ever “fast battleship.” The term fast battleship is applied to a class of ships that was fast enough to perform tasks like escorting aircraft carriers, but did not make sacrifices to armor or armament (like a battlecruiser may have), and hence could engage with a battleship as a peer.

The North Carolina was laid down in 1937, before the Japanese had trained their eyes on Pearl Harbor. Commissioned in April 1941, while the United States was still at peace, the North Carolina would be hastened into action following the Japanese surprise attack.

The boat was fast, capable of reaching 28 knots. For propulsion, the North Carolina relied on eight Babcock & Wilcox boilers, which could generate 121,000 horsepower. Fully loaded, the vessel displaced over 45,000 tons. The North Carolina measured 728-feet long with a 108-foot beam and a thirty-two-foot draft.

And while the North Carolina was built for speed, she was still expected to hold her own with respect to firepower. Accordingly, she was outfitted with nine 16-inch Mark 6 guns; twenty 5-inch dual-purpose guns; sixteen anti-aircraft guns; and eighteen .50-caliber machine guns. To withstand an onslaught from rival battleships, the North Carolina was outfitted with armor measuring 16 inches thick along the gun turret and 12 inches thick along the belt.

The North Carolina spent the majority of World War II in the Pacific Theater. For much of the war, the North Carolina was used for her speed, to screen for aircraft carriers; as a carrier screen, the North Carolina saw action early, in the Battle of the Eastern Solomons, and later at the Gilberts, Marshalls, Mariana, and Palau Islands. The North Carolina also participated in the Battle of the Philippine Sea, the Battle of Iwo Jima, and the Battle of Okinawa.

During the war, the North Carolina was used extgensively. She was damaged, too, surviving a torpedo strike from a Japanese submarine, and surviving Typhoon Cobra, an epic storm that sank three American vessels and killed nearly 800 sailors.

After the war, the North Carolina was decommissioned. Originally, the Navy had hoped to convert the ship for other purposes; some hoped to make the North Carolina even faster, or to convert her into a helicopter carrier. Conversion projects were eventually abandoned, however. Yet, the North Carolina would remain in the navy’s registry for over a decade, before finally being struck in 1960.

The North Carolina was set to be scrapped. But a man from North Carolina, James Craig, initiated a campaign to postpone the scrapping, and then raise the quarter of a million dollars necessary to prepare the vessel for display as a museum ship. Thanks to Craig’s efforts, you can still visit the North Carolina today, in Wilmington, North Carolina.

Harrison Kass is a defense and national security writer with over 1,000 total pieces on issues involving global affairs. An attorney, pilot, guitarist, and minor pro hockey player, Harrison joined the US Air Force as a Pilot Trainee but was medically discharged. Harrison holds a BA from Lake Forest College, a JD from the University of Oregon, and an MA from New York University. Harrison listens to Dokken.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock.

What You Need to Know: According to Moscow, Ukraine’s intelligence service attempted to sabotage Russia’s only aircraft carrier, Admiral Kuznetsov, in March by recruiting a crewmember to set incendiary devices on board. However, the plot failed when the crewmember reported the attempt to Russia’s FSB, which then turned him into a double agent, gathering intelligence on Ukrainian operations.

-The incident underscores the symbolic importance of the dilapidated Kuznetsov for Russia despite its outdated status, prompting Ukraine’s focus on the carrier as a target.

-Russia later deployed the Kuznetsov's crew to the Ukraine front, though the ship itself remains in drydock, likely far from true operational capability.

Russia’s only aircraft carrier, the ancient Admiral Kuznetsov, has languished in port for years. But even before it was permanently consigned to floating in the safety of its homeport, the Admiral K was a global laughingstock; an awful sign to the world that Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union and its defeat in the Cold War by the United States was no longer a great power. 

Despite the fact that the Admiral Kuznetsov is a perennial reminder of the bad old days in Russia’s recent history, Moscow keeps the boat afloat. Because of its symbolic importance, though, it recently became a target of Ukrainian intelligence.

According to the public arm of Russia’s shadowy intelligence service, the FSB, the Russian security services foiled a plot by Ukraine’s military intelligence service to attack the Admiral Kuznetsov while it was in port. The FSB Public Relations Center claimed that way back in March of this year, the Ukrainian intelligence service attempted to recruit a crewmember of the Admiral Kuznetsov.

Under “psychological pressure” and financial inducements, the lowly Admiral K crewmember was promised rapid exfiltration from Russia by Ukraine to Finland if that crewmember set off incendiary devices onboard the dilapidated Russian boat.

The crewmember apparently alerted the Russian security services as soon as that individual was contacted with the offer from Ukrainian intelligence. Again, according to Russian government sources, the FSB then turned the targeted Admiral Kuznetsov crewmember into a double agent, who pretended to work for the Ukrainian intelligence service while soaking up all the information on other Russian-based Ukrainian operatives and operations. 

Ultimately, this Admiral Kuznetsov crewmember working for the FSB supposedly gleaned from his Ukrainian handler that the “entire operation was personally supervised by the head of the Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, Kyrylo Budanov.” 

Needless to say, the attack did not occur as Ukraine had planned. But this incident highlights two things: first, despite it being a global embarrassment, the Admiral Kuznetsov continues to be a symbol of Russian power projection, which is why the Ukrainians wasted so much precious time and resources trying to sabotage the glorified garbage scowl. 

Second, Ukraine continues to prove that it is both desperate to strike at Russian symbols of power and that, in its desperation, it is making major mistakes. Who knows what other, more important, intelligence the Russians were able to learn from this complex FSB operation. 

Anyway, the operation from the Ukrainian perspective was a failure.

Even though the crewmembers of the Admiral Kuznetsov apparently alerted the Russian security services as soon as he was contacted by the Ukrainian intelligence operative, Moscow still decided to send the crew of the ship to the frontlines in Ukraine shortly after that incident. The intelligence operation wrapped up around July of this year.

And the Admiral Kuznetsov has been removed from its port to a drydock facility. The Russian government insists the Admiral K will be restored to full operational capability and will be sent back to leech Mazut fuel across the world’s High Seas next year.

That is doubtful. What’s not doubted, though, is the special place that the Admiral K holds in the hearts of Russia’s leadership. That symbolic importance makes it a target even as it is kept far away from the world’s hotspots. It would seem this awful carrier brings out the worst in everyone. 

Eventually, Moscow will have to end this miserable ship’s existence.

Brandon J. Weichert, a National Interest national security analyst, is a former Congressional staffer and geopolitical analyst who is a contributor at The Washington Times, the Asia Times, and The-Pipeline. He is the author of Winning Space: How America Remains a Superpower, Biohacked: China’s Race to Control Life, and The Shadow War: Iran’s Quest for Supremacy. His next book, A Disaster of Our Own Making: How the West Lost Ukraine, is available for purchase wherever books are sold. Weichert can be followed via Twitter @WeTheBrandon.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock.

What You Need to Know: China’s quest to field a stealth fighter that rivals the U.S. F-35 faces setbacks due to material science challenges, particularly in developing advanced Radar Absorbent Material (RAM).

-As former U.S. Navy Operations Specialist Eric Wicklund explains, while replicating the F-35’s stealthy design may be possible, reproducing the F-35’s RAM capabilities remains elusive. Wicklund compares China’s situation to reverse-engineering Damascus steel without understanding the underlying process.

-This gap leaves Chinese stealth fighters less effective in evading radar. Meanwhile, the F-35’s advanced avionics, sensor fusion, and electronic warfare systems ensure it maintains an edge in situational awareness and networked capabilities.

Months back, Quora user Eric Wicklund, a former U.S. Navy Operations Specialist, explained why the Chinese cannot yet field a true competitor to the F-35. 

“Just producing a stealthy-looking shape is only one part of many different aspects of stealth,” Wicklund began. “Even internal structures, and how they’re configured, matter.” One respect where China is deficient, Wicklund argues, is in materials science, and this shortfall has impacted Beijing’s ability to develop effective Radar Absorbent Material (RAM), which can absorb or scatter up to 80% of incoming radar waves.

According to Wicklund, stealing a stealth shape from a computer is simple enough, but developing cutting-edge RAM is a more difficult task. “I could hand the Chinese a chunk of RAM,” Wicklund wrote, “they could analyze it, and realize it is genuine, but the problem is in reverse-engineering it. They know what it is, but wouldn’t know how to make it.”

Wicklund explained that giving American RAM technology to the Chinese would be like giving a Damascus steel blade to an Egyptian swordmaker. The Egyptian would recognize the superior quality of the blade but would not be able to reverse-engineer the thing. That’s the problem the Chinese are currently facing with RAM technology.

Wicklund equated China’s trouble with RAM to their recent troubles developing the WS-15 jet engine. For years, the Chinese struggled to create fan blades that could withstand the heat generated within a jet engine. Finally, China’s material science caught up to the task, and the WS-15 has since entered production. “RAM is going to be another difficult stepping stone, and until they master it, China’s stealth fighters will be outmatched by the F-35.” 

The U.S. is currently the only nation capable of developing and producing an aircraft as sophisticated as either the F-35 or the F-22.

Designed for air superiority and strike missions, the F-35 is also equipped to perform electronic warfare and ISR functions. The most notable features of the F-35 are the advanced avionics and sensor fusion, which grant the pilot an unmatched level of situational awareness.

Curiously, the F-35 was not designed to be as kinetically capable or as maneuverable as the F-22 fifth-generation fighter. While the F-35 can keep up with fourth-generation aircraft, the airframe was designed with stealth and sensor fusion as priorities, rather than maneuverability.

Key sensors aboard the F-35 include the Northrop Grumman AN/APG-81 active electronically scanned array radar; the BAE Systems AN/ASQ-239 Barracuda electronic warfare system; the Northrop Grumman/Raytheon AN/AAQ-37 Electro-optical Distributed Aperture System; Lockheed Martin’s AN/AAQ-40 Electro-Optical Targeting System; and the Northrop Grumman AN/ASQ-242 Communications, Navigation, and Identification suite.

The sum of all of the advanced systems is an aircraft with better situational awareness, better command-and-control capabilities, and better network-centric capabilities than any aircraft in production. 

Harrison Kass is a defense and national security writer with over 1,000 total pieces on issues involving global affairs. An attorney, pilot, guitarist, and minor pro hockey player, Harrison joined the US Air Force as a Pilot Trainee but was medically discharged. Harrison holds a BA from Lake Forest College, a JD from the University of Oregon, and an MA from New York University. Harrison listens to Dokken.

Image Credit: Creative Commons. 

What You Need to Know: Poland is rapidly strengthening its position as a major tank power within NATO, set to receive its first M1A2 Abrams SEP V3 MBTs and additional armored support by late 2024. This follows a $6 billion purchase agreement, with Abrams tanks currently en route and Polish soldiers trained for their maintenance.

-Concurrently, Poland is receiving K2 Black Panther MBTs and K9A1 howitzers from South Korea, marking a historic multi-billion dollar deal that includes potential for domestic production under license.

-These advanced tanks will fortify Poland’s defense posture, reinforcing NATO’s eastern front against growing threats from Russia.

NATO member Poland is on track to receive its first M1A2 Abrams with the SEP V3 update before the end of 2024, and ahead of schedule. Warsaw received approval to purchase 250 of the Abrams from the U.S. State Department in February 2022. Soon after the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) delivered the required certification notification to Congress, altering lawmakers of the terms of the $6 billion deal.

In addition to the main battle tanks (MBTs), Poland will receive 26 M88A2 Hercules Combat Recovery vehicles, 17 M1110 joint assault bridges, 250 counter IED systems, 276 M2 .50 caliber machine guns, and assorted other small arms and ordnance – as well as other equipment, spares, training, and logistics personnel services.

The M1A2 Abrams SEP V3 MBTs are now being "transported by sea" and "are anticipated to arrive in Poland within weeks, though GDLS has withheld specific delivery dates and the number of units being shipped, citing security considerations," Army Recognition reported.

The announcement that the tanks will arrive soon comes just weeks after the first 25 Polish soldiers completed their nine-week training in maintaining the M1A2 SEPV3 Abrams tank at the newly built Army Pre-position Stocks-2 (APS-2) facility in Powidz, Poland. It is located in Powidz about 250 miles from the Ukrainian border – is a state-of-the-art depot that includes 650,000 square feet of humidity-controlled warehouse space that can be used for storage and maintenance of a variety of armored vehicles.

The M1A2s are the only MBTs set to arrive in Poland in the coming weeks, as Defence 24 reported that a shipment of K2 Black Panther tanks, along with K9A1 self-propelled howitzers, was "spotted at the Masan port in South Korea."

Those armored vehicles are part of the 69 South Korean MBTs and 124 self-propelled guns that Warsaw purchased from Seoul in another multi-billion dollar deal.

"Poland is expected to have 84 K2GF tanks and 132 K9A1 howitzers," Defence 24 added, noting previously acquired vehicles.

"More #K2BlackPanther tanks for #Poland! Seven K2s of the 9th batch were spotted loading at Masan port on October 25th. With this, #HyundaiRotem has completed the delivery of 56 K2GFs a month ahead of schedule this year, with 96 more expected next year. #FastDelivery #K2GF," South Korean open-source military analyst Hwarang announced in a post on X, the social media platform formerly known as Twitter. The K2 MBTs could be seen being loaded on freighters bound for Poland.

Poland will continue to receive the U.S. and South Korean MBTs and other vehicles through next year and likely beyond, but Warsaw's dependence on Washington and Seoul could diminish as Poland and South Korea are set to sign a deal in the coming weeks that could see the Eastern Europe nation produce the K2 under license.

The K2 Black Panther MBT was developed utilizing indigenous technology, and the initial prototype was unveiled in 2007, while production commenced for the first 100 K2 tanks in 2014. It is considered one of the most advanced MBTs in the world, outclassing any tanks in service with North Korea or even China or Russia.

Though it was designed to counter North Korea, the K2 Black Panther might be enough to deter the "Russian bear" and protect NATO's eastern flank.

Peter Suciu is a Michigan-based writer. He has contributed to more than four dozen magazines, newspapers, and websites with over 3,200 published pieces over a twenty-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a Contributing Writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock.

The Israeli Knesset’s recent decision to ban the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) from Israeli territory has been met with fierce backlash from Israel’s critics, with the United Nations suggesting the decision sets a “dangerous precedent.” However, the only “dangerous precedent” here is UNRWA’s use of the guise of “humanitarian assistance” to obscure material support for terrorism. 

Failing to hold UNRWA accountable for its actions, including its support for the brutal slaughter of Israeli civilians carried out by some UNRWA officials, puts global humanitarian aid at risk by calling into question the motives and operations of true aid organizations. Accordingly, the United States should follow Israel’s lead and defund the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA).

This August, nine UNRWA staffers were fired after an investigation by the UN’s internal inspector general (OIOS) discovered they had participated in the violent October 7 terrorist attack. On one hand, UNRWA should be commended for finally publicly admitting it employed terrorists responsible for the largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust. But the kudos should end there. For the entirety of its existence, UNRWA has funded Palestinian terrorism in Gaza, the West Bank, and Jordan. UNRWA’s antisemitic curriculum has brainwashed generations of Palestinians, encouraged a perpetual Palestinian victimhood mentality, and manipulated the international community into funding its perverse ideology.

UNRWA’s announcement of its staffers’ involvement in terrorism should not have been surprising. For years, American officials and civil society organizations have sounded the alarm, attempting to raise awareness of the perpetually dysfunctional organization. Despite America’s $7.3 billion in taxpayer-funded contributions since the program was founded, these calls for oversight fell on deaf ears. It was only the Trump administration, led by U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, that decided to take seriously the antisemitic bias, radicalization, and terrorist support within UNRWA. After a significant and thoughtful review, the administration ultimately decided to withdraw all American taxpayer support.

As one could imagine, the decision to pull funding was met with swift condemnation. Disgraced former Commissioner General Pierre Krahenbuhl, who subsequently resigned from UNRWA amid allegations of misconduct, at the time warned the Middle East would explode, the schools would close, and the Palestinians would have nowhere to go. 

Of course, this did not happen. When President Trump suspended funding to UNRWA, neighboring countries stepped in to cover the cost. There was no explosion of violence, no mass canceling of schools or camps. Instead, there was, for the first time, responsible stewardship of U.S. taxpayer contributions to an endemically corrupt organization. Furthermore, the Trump administration’s review turned up damning information about the program’s work—from the storage of weapons in UNRWA facilities to the firing of rockets from UNRWA schools to the racist propaganda and glorification of “martyrdom” in UNRWA textbooks.

Despite this evidence, when President Biden took office, he irresponsibly moved to resume funding to UNRWA—contributing a total of nearly $1.2 billion over the last three years alone. There was no budget shortfall that necessitated this action, and certainly, with a national debt of $32 trillion at the time, we could have used it here at home. How much American taxpayer support did Biden inadvertently siphon over to Hamas through the decision to refund? How many Americans’ hard-earned cash was unwittingly used to construct terror tunnels and provide other in-kind contributions to a designated terrorist entity?

UNRWA’s involvement with Hamas is a deeply serious issue that cannot be papered over. If the UN is serious about its role as a global institution, it must take the following actions.

First, accountability requires taking responsibility, and that starts at the top. Phillippe Lazzarini, the Commissioner General of UNRWA, oversees an organization in which there are reports that up to 10 percent of his staff have links to militant organizations. Both he and his hiring managers should immediately tender their resignation. There is simply no latitude that should be granted for regularly employing terrorists.

Second, the allegations against UNRWA employees are not simply dismissible offenses—they include involvement in terrorist attacks that resulted in numerous cases of rape and the murder of over 1,200 civilians. No sane country would consider “firing” an appropriate punishment for actions that aided and contributed to the murder of its citizens. Israel deserves justice, and the nine individuals determined by the OIOS investigation should immediately be turned over to Israeli authorities to face a fair trial.

Third, the OIOS must also officially publish—at least to its contributing donors—the entire results of its investigation as well as its process, showing the evidence it has both for those supposedly exonerated as well as those it has found have credible proof of involvement. Unfortunately, when your agency funnels money to terrorist organizations and employs murderers and rapists, you have no reasonable expectation that people should just trust your process.

Finally, UNRWA should conduct an assessment of how much donor aid was siphoned off to support terror tunnels, which could be as high as $1 billion. These funds should be publicly calculated and returned to donor nations whose citizens do not want their hard-earned dollars to be spent on developing underground terrorist networks. If they do not, the United States should consider designating UNRWA as a sponsor of terrorism. Certainly, if any other individual, company, or state funneled $1 billion of in-kind contributions to a designated terrorist group, that would merit this distinction. After all, the now-defunct Holy Land Foundation, which funneled $12 million—just over 1 percent of the amount UNRWA allegedly funneled to Hamas—was subsequently labeled a foreign terrorist organization, with its leaders found guilty of providing material support to terrorist organizations.

Notably, none of these solutions addresses long-standing concerns about antisemitism and radicalism promoted by UNRWA. None of these solutions addresses UNRWA’s continuous and erroneous expansion of the definition of “refugee” in a manner inconsistent with that defined for any other refugee population, thereby directly imperiling peace between Israelis and Palestinians. But should the UN want to be taken seriously in any other context and if they want to ensure nefarious actors do not use “humanitarian aid” as a screen for terrorism, they have a narrowing window to demonstrate long overdue improvements in accountability and transparency. In the meantime, the U.S. government cannot fund UNRWA. As the last decades of UNRWA’s history have shown us, UNRWA will never hold itself accountable. 

Carrie Filipetti is a former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State and former Senior Advisor to Ambassador Nikki Haley at the U.S. Mission to the UN.

Image: Chuck Kennedy / U.S. Department of State / Flickr.