Africa

Africa's "premier diva" has been honoured after more than 40 years in the industry.

The dam on the Blue Nile has caused major tensions with Egypt and Sudan, and raised fears of war.

The two main opposition leaders have split from their parties to contest the next election under a new banner.

His unexpected withdrawal has sparked speculation of a power struggle within the ruling party.

Botswana's Keitumetse Dithebe says the lowest-ranked side at Wafcon 2024 carry belief after reaching the last eight on their debut.

Botswana's Keitumetse Dithebe says the lowest-ranked side at Wafcon 2024 carry belief after reaching the last eight on their debut.

Philemon Yang (centre), President of the seventy-ninth session of the United Nations General Assembly, chairs the 80th plenary meeting of the General Assembly on the theme responsibility to protect and the prevention of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. At left is Secretary-General António Guterres, who delivered a report on "Responsibility to protect: 20 years of commitment to principled and collective action" to the Assembly. Credit: UN Photo/Loey Felipe

By Jennifer Xin-Tsu Lin Levine
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 (IPS)

The UN has been criticized by some member states for overstepping the mandate of its Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine during a debate in the General Assembly.

United Nations member states held another General Assembly meeting to discuss the 20-year-old doctrine Responsibility to Protect, where many powerful members spoke out against the political contract.

On Tuesday, July 1, the General Assembly invited United Nations member states to resume discussion about Responsibility to Protect (R2P), the doctrine meant to prevent crimes against humanity. Previously, many member states spoke in support of the doctrine, calling for countries to reaffirm their commitment to protecting civilians and to respect the rulings of international law. Although some states speaking shared this sentiment, other powerful representatives advocated emphatically against R2P, criticizing its inefficacy and calling for its removal.

The Representative from the Russian Federation was a particularly strong critic of R2P, calling it “an instrument used repeatedly by the collective West to interfere in the internal affairs of states to replace humanitarian intervention.” Russia particularly noted the first use of R2P in 2011 during Libya’s civil war, condemning the West’s “warped interpretation” of the provisions in R2P.

This criticism is not uncommon: experts have argued for years that the UN overstepped its mandate outlined in R2P by authorizing military intervention.

In line with R2P, the Security Council 1973 authorized the protection of civilians “by necessary measures.” This broad statement gave NATO powers the freedom to enter the conflict territory with troops. Russia was among five abstentions for Resolution 1973, alongside China, a fellow permanent member, Brazil, Germany and India.

Calling the UN and NATO’s actions in Libya an “act of aggression against a sovereign state,” Russia went on to criticize the International Criminal Court (ICC), what it called “an instrument of the collective West.” Accusing the ICC of destroying a “once-prosperous Arab country,” Russia condemned R2P, humanitarian intervention and the ICC as neocolonial tools to maintain Western dominance globally.

The Representative from the United States of America also criticized R2P, but for very different reasons. Calling it a dangerous concept that “opens the door to selective, politicized action under the guise of humanitarian concern,” the US called the doctrine “destabilizing” to “the very international order it claims to uphold.”

Noting that intervention in conflict often is not in a state’s individual interest, the US claimed the vague concepts of collective responsibility in the document were not effective in addressing all atrocities. Using examples of China’s treatment of the Uyghur population, the military regime in Myanmar and the current conflict in Sudan, the US said, “Some Member States must do much more to address the risks that lead to atrocities and to put an end to senseless conflicts.”

This comes at a time when UN human rights experts have criticized “the United States’ escalating attacks on the international architecture of human rights, the rule of law, multilateralism, the principles of sovereign equality and self-determination, and vital international agreements on peace and security, climate change, global justice, and international cooperation.” Many states fear America’s growing isolationist practices, while others like Russia worry that they, like other Western states, are too involved in the sovereignty of other states.

The representative reiterated, “The United States will always act in accordance with our national interest and will not subordinate our sovereignty to shifting international norms, and we encourage others to do the same.” Naming R2P as a political commitment rather than a legally binding one, he suggested that each individual state protect its own populations from genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity as the doctrine lays out.

Such influential member states, both of which are permanent members of the Security Council, undoubtedly have significant sway in the UN. However, several smaller states maintained support for R2P while outlining ways it could be improved.

The Representative from Ghana called R2P’s issue a “crisis of confidence” in implementation, arguing that its failures must be addressed by a reiteration of political commitment and a refusal to look away when the truth is inconvenient. Ghana emphasized a responsibility to remember the doctrine’s failures, including Libya, while moving forward to improve it as a more effective tool. He said, “when we preserve the truth of past atrocities, honor the memory of victims and confront denial, we are strengthening the foundations on which R2P stands.”

The future of R2P is unclear. Whether states will join the calls of larger states like the US and Russia, calling for the doctrine’s end, or whether they will, as Ghana said, reaffirm shared humanity with the principle, the decision will undoubtedly affect the normative culture of multilateral action in the face of humanitarian crises.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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• A Growing Gap between Principle and Implementation: 20 Years of Responsibility to Protect

Fish products on sale in a supermarket in Zimbabwe. Credit: Ignatius Banda/IPS

By Ignatius Banda
BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe, Jul 3 2025 (IPS)

A new report has raised concerns about the exclusion of African fish workers from trade protocols between their governments and developed countries, resulting in impoverished communities relying on fishing.

This comes as the impact of Africa’s trade protocols with blocs such as the European Union and the United States is being examined regarding how they are affecting local small-scale fisheries.

Millions of people rely on fisheries in Africa, where the sector provides jobs and nutrition, but there are increasing complaints among fishermen who lack organized representation and researchers who say fishermen have been pushed out of business by rich foreign companies.

In a recent update titled From promises to perils: Small-scale fisheries overlooked in the EU-Gabon, the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements uses the small African nation as an example of how the continent’s fishermen are getting the short end of the stick despite being at the front line of the lucrative sector.

The coalition looks at how Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreements (SFPA) have failed small-scale fishing communities as they “have almost not been involved in these decision-making processes.”

“As Gabon and the European Union (EU) now consider renewing the tuna SFPA, local fisheries remain largely excluded from negotiations and see few benefits from the agreement,” said Beatrice Gorez, coordinator for the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements.

According to the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements, Gabon entered into a trade agreement with the European Union in 2021 and granted European fishing boats the right to harvest tuna within Gabonese waters.

More than 32,000 tons of tuna are hauled from Gabonese waters annually, making the African country the European Union’s second-largest tuna fishing partner.

However, despite these huge numbers, the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements says with the trade protocol set to be reviewed next year, little protection has been put in place for local fishermen.

“The EU reiterated the crucial role of small-scale fisheries for Gabon’s economy and food security. Yet with the current protocol set to expire in 2026, the visits appeared more focused on “identifying future actions to maximize the impact of the protocol,” Gorez said.

The European Union sets aside €2.6 million annually in exchange for access to Gabon’s fisheries, and the funds go towards management of fisheries, combating illegal fishing and the protection of “fragile ecosystems contributing to the good health of stocks and the management of marine protected areas.”

Local fishermen say despite these assurances, local communities have been excluded from the negotiations.

This is confirmed by the Gabonese Federation of Small-Scale Fisheries Actors (FEGAPA), founded in 2023 and now comprising around 20 cooperatives of fishers, fishmongers, and processors. “The fishers were never consulted about the fishing agreement,” said Jean de Dieu Mapaga, President of Gabon’s Federation of Small-Scale Fisheries Actors (FEGAPA).

“It is true that we hear talk of government projects to develop certain fishing centers, but no one has ever explained that these investments are linked to sectoral support funding for small-scale fisheries under the EU-Gabon SFPA,” Mapaga says in the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements report.

Gabon is not the only African country that faces such challenges in the fisheries sector, where international fishing companies have a huge presence and small fishing communities have to compete for catches.

“This pattern is not unique to Gabon. In countries like Liberia, so-called “experimental” fishing has similarly served as a backdoor for accessing high-value resources for which a surplus had not yet been established, Gorez noted.

“Sectoral support from the Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreements must not remain theoretical; it must contribute concretely and transparently to these national efforts—something that, to date, has not been the case,” said Gorez.

The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) says African countries face pressing challenges in the blue economy, including declining fish catches and falling income levels for local fishermen due to overfishing.

“Africa’s blue economy holds untapped economic potential,” Claver Gatete, UNECA executive secretary, told the Africa Regional Forum On Sustainable Development held in Uganda in April this year.

“However, marine degradation, weak governance and underinvestment threaten its sustainability,” Gatete added.

These sentiments highlight the concerns raised by small fishing communities who are demanding a place at the negotiating table between their governments and blocs such as the European Union and the US.

“The Central African region has a historically uncompetitive marine and river transport system, with inadequate infrastructure and sectoral strategies,” UNECA says in a March update that seeks to unlock “the vast potential of blue resources.”

The Food and Agriculture Organization says while global fisheries have surged, Africa’s potential remains untapped.

“Targeted policies, technology transfer, capacity building and responsible investment are crucial to boost sustainable aquaculture where it is most needed, especially in Africa,” FAO noted in a 2024 report on the state of global fisheries.

The World Bank estimates that the fisheries and aquaculture sectors contribute USD24 billion to the African economy while providing employment to over 12 million people.

The Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements says for communities to derive a dividend from the sector, consultations must be inclusive, and this will also go a long way towards addressing illegal fishing.

“Exclusion from decision-making has led to a lack of understanding of local realities,” said Gomez.

 

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Teacher U Aung San standing in the ruins of his classroom, which was destroyed by the March 28 earthquake that left millions across Myanmar in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Credit: UNICEF/Minzayar Oo

By Naomi Myint Breuer
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 (IPS)

“Myanmar cannot become a forgotten crisis,” Jorge Moreira da Silva, Executive Director of the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS), has said. “This country has faced cyclones, war, conflict, violence, climate and now immense suffering.”

Three months after a 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck Myanmar, humanitarian groups warn that the international community is failing to respond. Despite the scale of need, only 36 percent of the USD 275 million requested for the earthquake response has been disbursed. Almost halfway through the year, the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan (HNRP), which guides aid efforts throughout the country, is just 12 percent funded.

Da Silva was speaking at a press briefing on June 24 following his visit to Myanmar. His views reflect those of others involved in bringing humanitarian aid to the country.

“The dangerously low funding for response efforts in Myanmar remains our greatest challenge,” former UN Humanitarian Coordinator Marcoluigi Corsi said in his June 20 outgoing statement.

The ongoing armed conflict and political turmoil following the 2021 military coup are also making humanitarian assistance more difficult to achieve.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk reported in a June 27 briefing to the Human Rights Council that the military’s attacks rose again, despite initial ceasefire announcements after the earthquake.

Since the earthquake, the military has launched more than 600 attacks, 94 percent of which were in areas where a ceasefire had been announced. Over 500 civilians were killed, and 1000 were injured. Türk said that attacks have restricted humanitarian access. WHO reports that 6 attacks have led to 48 health workers killed and 85 injured. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has urged that groups in these areas respect international humanitarian law.

“Every day, we face barriers that prevent or delay assistance from reaching those who need it most,” former UN Humanitarian Coordinator Marcoluigi Corsi said in his outgoing statement on June 20. “I call on all parties to ensure unrestricted humanitarian access—without conditions, without delays.”

The March 28 earthquake killed 3,800 people and injured more than 5,000, according to UN estimates. Tens of thousands were newly displaced, adding to the 3.2 million displaced since the coup. The UN now estimates that 3.5 million people, 6 percent of the population, are displaced, and more than 6 million are in need of urgent assistance.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) Myanmar office estimates that 19.9 million people were in need of humanitarian assistance before the earthquake, and now 2 million more are.

“Myanmar is one of the countries most in need of humanitarian assistance in the Asia-Pacific region,” the ICRC reports.

So far, 61 percent of the target population in need of humanitarian health services have been reached, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). With the monsoon season underway and active fighting restricting humanitarian access, organizations are warning about the urgency of the situation.

“We have faced many crises, including armed conflict and flooding, and now we have again been hit by the earthquake,” Daw Khin Po, who was displaced by the earthquake, told the ICRC.

The ICRC has been working with the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) and local partners to assist over 111,000 people in Mandalay, Sagaing, Bago and Shan State. They have provided clean water, food, tarpaulins, solar streetlights, essential household items, cash and emergency health care, as well as training, agricultural and livestock materials, support for small businesses and risk awareness training. These organizations have also been supporting existing hospitals and community health centers.

“However, the scale of needs is beyond what any single organization can address,” the ICRC reported.

OCHA is currently working to respond to Myanmar’s humanitarian crisis through “coordination, advocacy, policy, information management and humanitarian financing tools and services.”

“Amid these shocks, the security environment continues to deteriorate, people are facing grave protection threats, and coping capacities are stretched to the limit,” the OCHA Myanmar office wrote.

Humanitarian partners assisted around 1.5 million people between January and March 2025, which is 27 percent of the annual target, according to the OCHA Myanmar office. These efforts have targeted internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees, resettled and locally integrated IDPs, and non-displaced stateless people. The office said that local organizations are the “backbone” of the response to the humanitarian situation, especially in areas of conflict.

Without funding, though, Corsi said more people will be at risk as organizations are unable to provide necessary support.

“The world cannot look away. The international community must step up their support,” the ICRC’s head of delegation in Yangon, Arnaud de Baecque, said.

The monsoon season creates further threats to the population, who risk disease, flooding and displacement, and adds more urgency to the situation. WHO is currently working to improve access to clean and potable water, provide health services and prevent disease outbreaks. They are collaborating with the Red Cross, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and the World Food Programme (WFP) to improve water safety systems and disseminate health information.

But WHO reports that people living in makeshift structures due to the earthquake are subject to extreme health risks.

Türk emphasized that the situation in Myanmar must receive continuous attention.

“Amid the turmoil, planning for a future with human rights front and center offers people a sense of hope,” he said. “We owe it to the people of Myanmar to make that hope a reality.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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The principles of the UN Charter are the foundation of the Organization’s work—guiding its mission to promote peace, development, and human rights for all. Credit: UN Photo/Amanda Voisard

By Naïma Abdellaoui
GENEVA, Jul 3 2025 (IPS)

Recent proposals to relocate UN operations to lower-cost duty stations ignore demonstrable economic patterns. Empirical evidence suggests that establishing UN hubs often triggers localized inflation, negating projected savings.

Case Study: UN Presence in Nairobi
While city-wide inflation is driven by national policies, population growth, infrastructure deficits and global shocks, the UN significantly increased rents and land prices in affluent Nairobi neighborhoods, creating enclaves of hyper-inflation for premium goods and services.

While most Nairobians struggle with costs tied to local realities, elites near UN hubs face Paris-level prices. UN operations inherently stimulate demand for premium housing, security, and bilingual services. Projected savings rarely materialize once market adjustments occur.

The Liquidity Crisis: Self-Inflicted and Avoidable
The Secretary-General’s 2023 definitive shift from biennial to annual budgets—contrary to historical practice—exacerbated cash-flow vulnerabilities.

This restructuring ignored the U.S. payment pattern (80% of contributions arrive in Q4), transforming manageable delays into systemic crises.

Result:
– Premature austerity measures (20% staff cuts) targeting high-experience personnel.
– Erosion of institutional capacity in critical areas (peacekeeping, humanitarian law).

Underutilized Charter Provisions: Article 6 and Article 19
The UN Charter provides robust tools to address fiscal noncompliance and political obstruction:

1. Article 19 (Voting Suspension):
Permits revocation of voting rights for members exceeding two years of arrears. This was applied 13 times (e.g., Libya 2021). Yet chronic non- or late-payers (notably the U.S., owing $1.3B) face no enforcement. (Article 19 A Member of the United Nations which is in arrears in the payment of its financial contributions to the Organization shall have no vote in the General Assembly if the amount of its arrears equals or exceeds the amount of the contributions due from it for the preceding two full years. (…))

2. Article 6 (Expulsion):
Allows expulsion of states “persistently violating” Charter principles. Historically unused despite patterns of withholding funds to exert political pressure. (Article 6 A Member of the United Nations which has persistently violated the principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council).

Alternative Reform Pathways
Rather than relocating staff or dismantling entities, the UN could:

A. Leverage Geopolitical Counterweights
– Relocate HQ functions to Geneva as a deterrent against contribution withholding.
– Impact: New York stands to lose $3.3B/year in economic activity when the US assessed contribution amounts to only $1.3B/year.
B. Enforce Financial Accountability
– Convert arrears into sovereign debt under international law.
– Suspend veto rights for chronic non-payers (per Article 19).
C. Preserve Institutional Integrity
– Revert to biennial budgets to accommodate payment cycles and patterns.
– Include staff unions in reform design (e.g., UN80 Task Force).

The UN80 Paradox: Efficiency vs. Institutional Amnesia

Accelerated consolidation without stakeholder consultation risks:
– Operational Fragility: Loss of specialized expertise (e.g., conflict mediation, logistics).
– Legacy Erosion: Undermining 80 years of norms (human rights, humanitarian law).

Conclusion: A Call for Charter-Compliant Solutions

The UN’s viability hinges on using its existing legal tools—not on self-imposed austerity.
Member states (particularly G77+China and BRICS) could:

1. Demand enforcement of Article 19 against non-paying states.
2. Propose a GA Resolution 80/… (invoking Article 6) for states obstructing multilateralism.
3. Commission an independent audit of relocation cost assumptions.

The path to reform lies not in fragmenting the UN’s foundations, but in reclaiming the courage of its Charter.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

Naïma Abdellaoui is a Concerned International Civil Servant and Staff Representative Member of the Executive Bureau of UNOG Staff Union

The Kruonis pumped-storage hydropower plant complements the one in the Lithuanian city of Kaunas. There are more than 500 of these "water batteries" in the world, and the mountainous geography favors their development in Latin America. Credit: Andrius Aleksandravicius / Ignitis

By Humberto Márquez
CARACAS, Jul 2 2025 (IPS)

Having hydroelectric power without damming rivers, dismantling the environment or displacing populations is possible in Latin America and the Caribbean, with reversible power plants that take advantage of their mountainous geography, and pave the way for only renewable sources to generate electricity.

“The development of these plants requires areas with a difference in altitude, for two reservoirs, one upper and one lower. And the region has hundreds of possible sites for pumped storage,” said Arturo Alarcón, a senior specialist at the Energy Division of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB)."These plants requires areas with a difference in height, for two reservoirs, one upper and one lower. And the region has hundreds of possible sites for pumped storage. A recent IDB study identified 179 sites in 11 countries": Arturo Alarcón.

In countries crisscrossed by mountain ranges, in Brazil and even in the insular Caribbean, there are plenty of areas that could host these hydroelectric dams, says the Bolivian expert. “A recent IDB study identified 179 sites in 11 countries,” he told IPS from Washington.

Traditional hydropower plants dam the waters of a river, creating an artificial lake that provides water to drive turbines in an engine room that generates electricity. This is taken by transformers and transmission lines to consumption centres, and then the water is dumped and the river flows on to the sea.

In contrast, pumped-storage plants are fed with water from a reservoir at a certain height, which supplies the water, usually through a tunnel or canal, does the work in the engine room and deposits the water in a reservoir located at a lower altitude.

When the process is finished – after the hours of electricity generation due to increased demand, required from other sources – the water is pumped back from the lower to the upper reservoir, where it is available to start a new cycle.

These are power plants that can complement solar or wind energy parks, which are fed by solar radiation or wind power, thus subject to hourly and seasonal variations that require energy to be stored in batteries.

Diagram of the operation of a pumped hydro power plant. When the demand for electricity grows, the flow of water from the upper reservoir activates the turbines and, when its contribution to the system is no longer needed, the flow is reversed by pumping from the lower reservoir, leaving the whole as a water battery. Credit: Iberdrola

Supplementary batteries

For this reason, pumped-storage power plants are also called “water batteries”.

By reducing the need for fossil-fuelled thermal power plants, they become tools for decarbonising the entire electricity system.

“Although these plants do not generate more energy than they consume in the pumping process (for every megawatt hour generated, approximately 1.2 MWh is consumed), they do play a critical role in the integration of variable renewable energies such as solar and wind,” says Alarcón.

For example, in Brazil, where about 90% electricity is generated from renewable sources, wind and solar installations are growing, “which depend on weather conditions and there is no constant production throughout the day,” expert Caio Leocádio told IPS from Rio de Janeiro.

“This condition creates a favourable scenario for technologies that meet these requirements, with flexibility and storage capacity, allowing energy to be stored in times of surplus and used in times of greater demand,” says Leocádio, a consultant with the Brazilian Energy Research Company (EPE).

It is not a new technology. Around the world, some 200 gigawatts (one Gw equals 1000 Mw) have been installed in 510 pumped-storage power plants, equivalent to the entire hydroelectric capacity of Latin America.

In the region, the Rio Grande Hydroelectric Complex in the central Argentine province of Cordoba, with its Cerro Pelado and Arroyo Corte reservoirs, 12 kilometres apart, has been in operation since 1986 and has an installed capacity of 750 MWh, which is currently reduced due to equipment obsolescence.

The engine room of the Río Grande Complex, a reversible power plant in the province of Córdoba in north-central Argentina. Credit: Epec

 Favorable cost

So far, the level of development of pumped hydroelectricity shows that costs are competitive, although the economic performance of each facility and in each country depends on the type of electricity market.

For example, if it is an electricity market that has hourly energy prices, or that values the ancillary services that reversible plants can provide, such as maintaining a constant voltage despite fluctuations, a good economic performance can be achieved.

In terms of prices, the region has very disparate tariffs. Residential rates in some Caribbean islands exceed 40 US cents per kWh, in Guatemala 29, in Honduras and Uruguay 25, in Colombia 20, in Brazil and Costa Rica 16, in Mexico 10 and in Venezuela six cents, according to the  Global Petrol Prices website.

“The installation cost of reversible power plants can be high due to infrastructure and technical needs, but operating and maintenance costs are relatively low once they are up and running,” Alarcón noted.

Nightlife on the famous Copacabana beach in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro. The growing demand for energy and the need to maintain a stable supply with electricity generated from renewable sources opens up opportunities for pumped-storage power plants. Credit: Inoutviajes

In Brazil, “projects of this type really require high initial investments, mainly in civil works and equipment,” Leocádio said. “Values are estimates between US$1,200 and 1,600 per kilowatt (kWh) installed, within the range of medium to large projects in the sector,” he added.

In the Dominican Republic, which is considering installing pumped-storage plants in the areas of Sabaneta (northwest) and Guaigui (centre), of 200 and 300 MWh respectively, installation costs are estimated at between US$1900 and 2400 per kilowatt.

But, on the other hand, experts agree that the projects have a useful life of 50 years or more, and although the return on investment requires a long term, these plants offer a stable and predictable performance.

This is the advantage Leocádio sees in Brazil, with its highly interconnected electricity system and wealth of sites for potential installation. A recent study found that in the state of Rio de Janeiro alone (43 750 square kilometres) there are 15 locations with ideal conditions for such plants.

Brazil’s gigantic Belo Monte dam on the Xingu River has altered watercourses, displaced populations, disrupted indigenous communities, agriculture and other livelihoods, increased deforestation and loss of biodiversity. Pumped-storage power plants can avoid many of these impacts. Credit: Bruno Batista / Vice-Presidency Brazil

Regulation and environment

For Alarcón, “the biggest challenge for this technology in Latin America and the Caribbean is regulatory. Not all electricity markets have adequate remuneration mechanisms for storage technologies or those that provide flexibility to electricity systems,” he said.

Therefore, among the tasks to be addressed in the region, along with investigating the specific areas that have the greatest potential for water batteries, Alarcón identified dialogue between governments and private actors, plus conferences and regional forums “to create a regulatory framework that facilitates these projects”.

That possibility – and also the contrasts – are shown by recent cases in Chile.  The Espejo de Tarapacá project, for a 300 MWh reversible power plant that plans to work with seawater, has advanced, but another, Paposo, in the north, was rejected by the Environmental Evaluation Service.

Advocates of pumped-storage power plants point out that their construction and operation require minimal alteration of the environment, as they do not require the diversion or damming of rivers, flooding of towns or farmland, or affecting the areas of indigenous peoples and peasant communities.

Since they do not alter large areas, they do not affect biodiversity, and in some cases can be sources of water for irrigation and sites that beautify or refresh landscapes.

But the central issue is their contribution to the stability of electricity systems and to the decarbonisation required by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which propose to increase the use of renewable energies along with access to electricity for all peoples.

By February 2025, according to the most recent report by the Latin American Energy Organisation (OLADE), total electricity generation in the region will reach 152 terawatts (Twh, one million megawatts), with 68.1% from renewable sources and 31.9% using oil, gas, coal or nuclear energy.

The largest source of renewable energy is hydroelectric (53.1% of the total), followed by wind (8.5%), solar (4.5%), bioenergy (1.5%) and geothermal energy (0.5%).

Cover photo by OHCHR

By Samuel King and Inés M. Pousadela
BRUSSELS, Belgium / MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jul 2 2025 (IPS)

When tanks rolled through Myanmar’s streets in 2021, civil society groups worldwide sounded the alarm. When Viktor Orbán systematically dismantled Hungary’s free press, democracy activists demanded international action. And as authoritarianism returns to Tanzania ahead of elections, it’s once again civil society calling for democratic freedoms to be respected.

Around the world, authoritarian populists have learned to maintain democratic language and rituals while gutting democracy’s substance. They hold fraudulent elections with no real opposition and crack down on civil society when it tries to uphold democratic freedoms. As a result, more than 70 per cent of the world’s population lives in countries where civic space is routinely repressed.

In response, over 175 civil society organisations and 500 activists have united behind a demand to help improve respect for democratic freedoms, calling on the UN to establish a Special Rapporteur on Democracy.

The proposal isn’t coming from diplomatic corridors or academia; it’s a grassroots call from the frontlines of a global democratic struggle. Democracy defenders who face harassment, imprisonment and violence have identified a gap in international oversight that emboldens authoritarians and lets down those fighting for democratic rights when they most need support.

Critical blind spots

While the UN investigates everything from torture to toxic waste through specialised rapporteurs, democracy – supposedly a core UN principle – receives no systematic international oversight. This is a blind spot civil society wants to change.

Today’s threats to democracy are often more subtle than outright coups and blatant election rigging. Repressive leaders have mastered the art of legal authoritarianism, using constitutional amendments to extend term limits, judicial re-engineering to capture courts and media laws to silence critics, all while maintaining a facade of democratic governance.

In countries from Belarus to Venezuela, elections have been turned into elaborate ceremonies emptied of competition. Even established democracies face growing challenges, with foreign influence and disinformation campaigns documented across dozens of recent elections, often amplified by AI that creates deepfakes faster than fact-checkers can debunk them.

The rise of right-wing populism across Europe and in the USA shows how easily democratic processes can elevate leaders who systematically undermine democratic institutions from within, weaponising the law to concentrate executive authority, criminalise opposition and restrict civic space.

These evolving threats expose fundamental gaps in how the international community monitors and responds to democratic regression. The proposed UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy would help fill this gap: unlike current mandates that focus on specific rights, this role would examine how democratic systems function as a whole.

Existing UN Special Rapporteurs have recognised the urgent need for dedicated democracy oversight, with the Special Rapporteurs on freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, freedom of opinion and expression, and the independence of judges and lawyers highlighting how democratic backsliding undermines the rights they’re mandated to protect.

A democracy rapporteur could investigate the full spectrum of threats that escape international attention: how electoral systems become compromised through legal manipulation, how parliamentary oversight gets systematically weakened while maintaining constitutional appearances, how judicial independence is eroded through seemingly legitimate reforms, and how meaningful participation beyond elections gets stifled through bureaucratic restrictions.

Crucially, the mandate could document not just obvious authoritarian crackdowns but the subtler forms of democratic erosion that often escape international notice until democratic institutions are compromised, offering early warnings about gradual processes that transform vibrant democracies into hollow shells.

Legal foundations

The proposal builds on solid legal foundations. Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights establishes that ‘public authority must derive from the will of the people’, while article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights recognises every citizen’s right to participate in public affairs and vote in free, fair and clean periodic elections.

Regional mechanisms provide valuable precedents. The Inter-American Democratic Charter explicitly states that ‘the peoples of the Americas have a right to democracy and their governments have an obligation to promote and defend it’. Building on this, Guatemala has recently requested an advisory opinion to clarify whether democracy constitutes a fundamental human right and what tangible obligations this imposes on states.

These foundations provide an actionable definition of democracy that respects diverse democratic models while upholding universal principles, sidestepping cultural relativist arguments that some authoritarian governments use to avoid accountability.

Momentum building

The proposal has generated remarkable momentum. On the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a broad coalition of civil society groups and think tanks published a joint statement calling for the appointment of a UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy.

Civil society leadership reflects widespread frustration among democracy activists who work under increasingly dangerous conditions and demand better institutional responses. Budget-conscious states should find this proposal attractive given the remarkable cost-effectiveness of the UN mandates system. Following standard UN practice, the new position would be unpaid, relying on voluntary funding from supportive states.

During its recent 58th session, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on human rights, democracy and the rule of law, conferring multilateral legitimacy on governments that want to support stronger democracy oversight. The window for action is open, but it won’t stay open indefinitely.

A test for international institutions

No single initiative will reverse global democratic decline. But this new role would enable systematic documentation, trend spotting and the sustained international attention democracy defenders desperately need. The rapporteur could investigate not just obvious authoritarian crackdowns but early signs of subtler democratic erosion, while highlighting innovations and good practices that others could adapt.

The debate over a UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy offers a test of whether international institutions can adapt to contemporary challenges or will remain trapped in outdated approaches while democracy crumbles. Creating this mandate would communicate that the international community takes democratic governance seriously enough to monitor it systematically – a signal that matters to democracy activists who need international support and serves as a warning to authoritarian leaders who thrive when nobody is watching.

With hundreds of civil society groups leading this charge from the frontlines of democratic struggle, the question isn’t whether this oversight is needed, but whether the UN will act before it’s too late.

Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, and Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, writer at CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

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Gold appears to be a lifeline for military juntas and jihadist groups in the Sahel region, analysts say.

A DNA bone test on a man who lived 4,500 years ago sheds new light on the rise of Ancient Egypt.

A DNA bone test on a man who lived 4,500 years ago sheds new light on the rise of Ancient Egypt.

In Nairobi's Kibera, the largest urban informal settlement in Africa, girls and women wait their turn for the scarce water supply. Credit: Manipadma Jena/IPS

By Manipadma Jena
SEVILLE & BHUBANESWAR, Jul 2 2025 (IPS)

While droughts creep in stealthily, their impacts are often more devastating and far-reaching than any other disaster. Inter-community conflict, extremist violence, and violence and injustice against vulnerable girls and women happen at the intersection of climate-induced droughts and drought-impoverished communities.

Five consecutive years of failed rain in Ethiopia, Somalia, and Kenya brought the worst drought in seventy years to the Horn of Africa by 2023. In Somalia, the government estimated 43,000 excess deaths in 2022 alone due to drought-linked hunger.

As of early current year, 4.4 million people, or a quarter of Somalia’s population, face crisis-level food insecurity, including 784,000 people expected to reach emergency levels. Together, over 90 million people across Eastern and Southern Africa face acute hunger. Some areas have been enduring their worst ever recorded drought, finds a United Nations-backed study, Drought Hotspots Around the World 2023-2025 released today at the 4th International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD4).

UNCCD Executive Secretary Ibrahim Thiaw noted that while drought is here and escalating, it demands urgent global cooperation. Photo courtesy: UNCCD

High tempera­tures and a lack of precipitation in 2023 and 2024 resulted in water supply shortages, low food supplies, and power rationing. In parts of Africa, tens of millions faced drought-induced food shortages, malnutrition, and displacement, finds the new 2025 drought analysis, Drought Hotspots Around the World 2023-2025, by the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) and the U.S. National Drought Mitigation Center (NDMC).

It not just comprehensively synthesizes impacts on humans but also on biodiversity and wildlife within the most acute drought hotspots in Africa (Somalia, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Botswana, and Namibia), the Mediterranean (Spain, Morocco, and Türkiye), Latin America (Panama and the Amazon Basin) and Southeast Asia.

Desperate to Cope but Pulled Into a Spiral of Violence and Conflict

“The coping mechanisms we saw during this drought grew increasingly desperate,” says lead author Paula Guastello, NDMC drought impacts researcher. “Girls pulled from school and forced into marriage, hospitals going dark, and families digging holes in dry riverbeds just to find contaminated water. These are signs of severe crisis.”

Over one million Somalis in 2022 were forced to move in search of food, water for families and cattle, and alternative livelihoods. Migration is a major coping mechanism mostly for subsistence farmers and pastoralists. However, mass migration strains resources in host areas, often leading to conflict. Of this large number of displaced Somalis, many crossed into territory held by Islamic extremists.

Drought in a Sub-Saharan district leads to 8.1 percent lower economic activity and 29.0 percent higher extremist violence, an earlier study found. Districts with more months of drought in a given year and more years in a row with drought experienced more severe violence.

Drought expert and editor of the UNCCD study Daniel Tsegai told IPS at the online pre-release press briefing from the Saville conference that drought can turn into an extremist violence multiplier in regions and among communities rendered vulnerable by multi-year drought.

Climate change-driven drought does not directly cause extremist conflict or civil wars; it overlaps and exacerbates existing social and economic tensions, contributing to the conditions that lead to conflict and potentially influencing the rise of extremist violence, added Tsegai.

Extracting water from a traditional well using a manual pulley system. Credit: Abdallah Khalili / UNCCD

Though the effects of climate change on conflict are indirect, they have been seen to be quite severe and far-reaching. An example is the 2006-2011 drought in Syria, seen as the worst in 900 years. It led to crop failures, livestock deaths and mass rural displacement into cities, creating social and political stress. Economic disparities and authoritarian repression gave rise to extremist groups that exploited individuals facing unbearable hardships.

The UN study cites entire school districts in Zimbabwe that saw mass dropouts due to hunger and school costs. Rural families were no longer able to afford uniforms and tuition, which cost USD 25. Some children left school to migrate with family and work.

Drought-related hunger impact on children

Hungry and clueless about their dark futures, children become prime targets for extremists’ recruitment.

A further example of exploitation of vulnerable communities by extremists is cited in the UNCCD drought study. The UN World Food Programme in May 2023 estimated that over 213,000 more Somalis were at “imminent risk” of dying of starvation. Little aid had reached Somalia, as multiple crises across the globe spread resources thin.

However, al-Shabab, an Islamic extremist group tied to al-Qaida, allegedly prevented aid from reaching the parts of Somalia under its control and refused to let people leave in search of food.

Violent clashes for scarce resources among nomadic herders in the Africa region during droughts are well documented. Between 2021 and January 2023 in eastern Africa alone, over 4.5 million livestock had died due to droughts, and 30 million additional animals were at risk. Facing starvation of both their families and their livestock, by February 2025, tens of thousands of pastoralists had moved with their livestock in search of food and water, potentially into violent confrontations with host regions.

Tsegai said, “Drought knows no geographical boundaries. Violence and conflict spill over into economically healthy communities this way.”

Earlier drought researchers have emphasized to policymakers that “building resilience to drought is a security imperative.”

Women and Girls Worst Victims of Drought Violence

“Today, around 85 percent of people affected by drought live in low- and middle-income countries, with women and girls being the hardest hit,” UNCCD Deputy Executive Secretary Andrea Meza said.

“Drought might not know boundaries, but it knows gender,” Tsegai said. Women and girls in low-income countries are the worst victims of drought-induced societal instability.

Traditional gender-based societal inequalities are what make women and girl children par­ticularly vulnerable.

During the 2023-2024 drought, forced child marriages in sub-Saharan Africa more than doubled in frequency in the four regions hit hardest by the drought. Young girls who married brought their family income in the form of a dowry that could be as high as 3,000 Ethiopian birr (USD 56). It lessened the financial burden on girls’ parental families.

Forced child marriages, however, bring substantial risks to the girls. A hospital clinic in Ethiopia (which, though, it has outlawed child marriage) specifically opened to help victims of sexual and physi­cal abuse that is common in such marriages.

Girls gener­ally leave school when they marry, further stifling their opportunities for financial independence.

Reports have found desperate women exchanging sex for food or water or money during acute water scarcities. Higher incidence of sexual violence happens when hydropower-dependent regions are confronted with 18 to 20 hours without electricity and women and girls are compelled to walk miles to fetch household water.

“Proactive drought management is a matter of climate justice,” UNCCD Meza said.

Drought Hotspots Need to Be Ready for This ‘New’ Normal

“Drought is no longer a distant threat,” said UNCCD Executive Secretary Ibrahim Thiaw, adding, “It is here, escalating, and demands urgent global cooperation. When energy, food, and water all go at once, societies start to unravel. That’s the new normal we need to be ready for.”

“This is a slow-moving global catastrophe, the worst I’ve ever seen. This report underscores the need for systematic monitoring of how drought affects lives, livelihoods, and the health of the ecosystems that we all depend on,” said Mark Svoboda, report co-author and NDMC Founding Director.

“The struggles experienced by Spain, Morocco and Türkiye to secure water, food, and energy under persistent drought offer a preview of water futures under unchecked global warming. No country, regardless of wealth or capacity, can afford to be complacent,” he added.

Global Drought Outlook 2025 estimates the economic impacts of an average drought today can be up to six times higher than in 2000, and costs are projected to rise by at least 35% by 2035.

“It is calculated that $1 of investment in drought prevention results in bringing back $7 into the GDP lost to droughts. Awareness of the economics of drought is important for policymaking,” Tsegai said.

The report released during the International Drought Resilience Alliance (IDRA) event at the Saville conference aims to get public policies and international cooperation frameworks to urgently prioritize drought resilience and bolster funding.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Nigeria travel to Morocco bidding for a record-extending 10th Women's Africa Cup of Nations title, having last lifted the trophy in 2018.

A young mother breastfeeds a newborn child at a hospital maternity ward in Cape Town, South Africa/ photo taken 8 May 2023 / Reuben Kyama

By Priyanka Chaturvedi, Mokhothu Makhalanyane and Rajat Khosla
GENEVA, Jul 2 2025 (IPS)

About 21 million adolescent girls get pregnant annually in low- and middle-income countries. Beyond the numbers lie lost futures and deepening cycles of poverty that undermine girls’ education, wellbeing, and, ultimately, national development.

Recent geopolitical shifts, policy regressions and foreign aid reductions have deepened inequalities and disrupted essential health services, especially in fragile settings. The combined toll of war, pandemics, and climate crises has overwhelmed systems and threatened decades of hard-won gains in women’s, children’s, and adolescents’ health.

Investing in Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR)

Protecting and promoting sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) is not a luxury—they are foundational to sustainable development, gender equality, and economic resilience. Empowering women to make informed decisions about their reproductive lives is a proven driver of prosperity.

Every dollar invested in family planning and maternal health in low- and middle-income countries yields a return of $8.40, improving workforce participation, family well-being, and social stability.

Despite this compelling evidence, gaps remain staggering. In 2021, 164 million women of reproductive age had an unmet need for contraception, and in 1 in 3 (30%) of women have been subjected to either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence in their lifetime.

Parliamentary Action to Protect and Promote SRHR

In these challenging times, parliamentarians are emerging as essential actors in protecting and advancing SRHR. Through progressive legislation, strategic budget allocations, and oversight of programmatic implementation, parliamentarians are uniquely positioned to ensure that the SRHR remain a national and global priority. Their work holds governments accountable and ensures that policies are grounded in the lived realities of communities.

The G20 Parliamentary Conference, held in Cape Town, South Africa, on 5 and 6 May, and co-hosted by the Government of South Africa alongside regional and global parliamentary networks—including the Eastern and Southern Africa Parliamentary Caucus for Sexual and Reproductive Health and Sustainable Development, and the Global Parliamentary Alliance for Health, Rights and Development, among other partners and with participation from regional parliamentary networks such as the Network of African Parliamentary Committees on Health – was a milestone in reinforcing this role.

Parliamentarians from across the world came together to issue a united call to action for the G20 to center women’s and girls’ health in its development agenda.

They aligned on ten shared priorities as a call to action to the presidency of the G20:

• Strengthening political will and parliamentary action;
• Affirming global commitments for women’s health;
• Countering Anti-Gender Politics and Protecting Women’s and Girls’ Rights;
• Ensuring Accountability and Transparent Monitoring;
• Investment in Women’s and Girls’ Health for Economic Prosperity;
• Investing in Women and Girls in STEM to Strengthen Health Systems
• Addressing Global Health Funding Gaps
• Empowering Youth for a Healthier Future;
• Leveraging Science and Technology to Improve Health Outcomes;
• Addressing the Impact of Crises on Women and girl’s Health;

A working group has been established to support progress on these priorities and track results over time.

Furthermore, accelerating implementation of global and regional frameworks and instruments such as the Beijing Political Declaration, Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa through parliamentary action is critical to advancing SRHR.

These frameworks provide a strong foundation for gender equality and human rights, but their impact depends on national legislation, budget allocation, and policy oversight. Parliaments play a key role in translating these commitments into enforceable laws and ensuring accountability for their implementation, thereby safeguarding the rights, dignity, and health of women and girls.

But their success also depends on how the G20 responds.

G20 Leadership on SRHR

With its influence over 85% of global Gross World Product and approximately 60% of the world’s population, the G20 holds unparalleled power to catalyze investments, shape policy direction, and set the tone for global cooperation.

Despite decades of progress, preventable maternal deaths, unsafe abortions, child marriage, and unmet contraceptive needs still rob millions of girls and women of their health, autonomy, and future.

Future G20 presidencies must put women’s, children’s and adolescent health issues including SRHR at the heart of their health and development agenda — ensuring these population groups are not just beneficiaries, but agents of change.

By prioritizing SRHR, the G20 can unlock ripple effects across all development indicators—from reducing poverty and inequality to fostering inclusive economic growth. It can also reinforce democratic institutions and stabilize communities through investments that honor bodily autonomy, gender justice, and social accountability.

We call on future G20 leaders to commit to bold, coordinated action to expand access to comprehensive SRHR services: from modern contraception and maternal care to youth-responsive services and gender-based violence prevention and screening for cervical cancer.

We urge them to fund and implement people-centered policies that reflect the lived realities of women and girls—especially those who are most marginalized.

Parliamentarians have laid a clear roadmap. It is now up to the G20 to act. This is not merely a matter of health—it is a question of justice, opportunity, and leadership. A world where every woman and girl have the power to control her body is a world that is stronger, safer, and more resilient for everyone.

The time for action is now. The G20 must lead with courage, invest with foresight, and stand with the parliamentarians and communities working tirelessly to ensure that no woman or girl is left behind.

Priyanka Chaturvedi is a Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha, Parliament of India; Mokhothu Makhalanyane is Chair of Chairs and Chairperson of Health Committee, Parliament of Lesotho; and Rajat Khosla, is the Executive Director, Partnership for Maternal, Newborn and Child Health (PMNCH).

IPS UN Bureau

 

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In 2024, the World Food Programme delivered emergency assistance to at least 90 million people globally. Credit: Unsplash/Imdadul Hussain

By Maximilian Malawista
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 1 2025 (IPS)

Serious-to-severe food insecurity has been widely felt among those living through the worst, protracted humanitarian crises. For organizations like the World Food Programme (WFP), they must work under the “relentless demand” for humanitarian aid, including food.

In their 2024 annual review, Staying and delivering amid multiple crises, the WFP noted that there was “no slowdown in the relentless demand for humanitarian support as new and protracted conflicts, more frequent disasters, economic volatility and persistent inflation fueled surging rates of hunger”.

Despite these challenges, the WFP made significant strides in their efforts to deliver aid in 2024. They supported 124.4 million people, including 90 million people receiving emergency assistance. Through their nutrition treatment and prevention programs, they reached 27.6 million people. Over the course of the year, WFP delivered 16.1 billion daily rations, and overall distributed 2.5 million metric tons of food.

The WFP received USD 9.8 billion in funding, the second-highest level of funding on recorded, yet that only covered 54 percent of their requirement for its total needs. With operational costs in 2024 amounting to 18.2 billion, the WFP was forced to make critical and difficult cost-cutting calculations for their decisions. These included “severe trade-offs”, which came in the form of ration reductions and scaling back programs in key areas of operations.

Executive Director for WFP Cindy McCain said: “Like every other humanitarian organization, WFP is facing deep budget shortfalls which have forced drastic cuts to our food assistance programs. Millions of hungry people have lost, or will soon lose, the critical lifeline we provide. We have tried and tested solutions to hunger and food insecurity. But we need the support of our donors and partners to implement them.”

A focus on nutrition

Aligned with UNICEF’s plan for acceleration of nutrition action, WFP maintained a “laser focus” on young children and pregnant and breastfeeding mothers, groups with the highest nutritional needs. Through 2024, they provided malnutrition treatment and prevention to 21.4 million women and children in twenty crisis-affected countries.

To reach and distribute aid to these populations, WFP heavily relied on school meals and social protection programs as a channel to reach its most vulnerable targets. In these efforts, the WFP provided twenty million children with school meals, take-home rations and cash-based transfers across sixty-one countries.

In addition, through their partnership with the School Meals Coalition, with the WFP as secretariat, together they were able to mobilize domestic investments from governments, unlock partnerships, and amplify global advocacy for school meals.

During the 2024 G20 Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, fourteen governments and eleven partners vowed to double the number of children reached in low to lower-middle income countries, aiming to support 150 million more children by 2030.

As a result of these campaigns, the WFP indirectly reached 119 million children, a twelve million increase from 2023, by supporting governments in establishing national school meal programs.

The aid of technology

Innovation was paramount between 2022 and 2024, with more than 4.8 million families being uploaded to the WFP’s Building Blocks (BB). BB is the world’s largest humanitarian blockchain technology, connecting various humanitarian organizations providing assistance, allowing a family access to cash, food, education, and health from one account, thus creating a simplified and convenient way to receive aid. BB supports four million people each month, and to date has processed USD 555 million in cash-based transfer and saved 3.5 million in bank fees.

Thirty organizations are now using BB in Ukraine, which can flag potential unintended assistance overlap, saving USD 337 million. Another tool like SCOUT, which uses artificial intelligence (AI) for global food sourcing and delivery planning, has saved an additional USD 3 million, with estimates to generate over USD 50 million in savings over the coming years.

Despite “diminishing resources,” the WFP achieved major logistical milestones. Through their strategy, they managed on-demand supply chain services to 145 clients, managing 456,583 metric tons of cargo, aiding in support of governments and fellow humanitarian organizations, as its lead. To improve efficiency the WFP made a switch from air to land delivery in locations such as Chad and Gaza, which increased access, coverage, and cut costs, allowing more aid to be delivered.

Strengthening its grassroot network, The WFP partnered with 927 NGOs, 85 percent which were national organizations, allocating 707$ million to them. In total 62 percent of WFP aid was delivered via these partners. Additional funding of $947 million came through agreements with international finance institutions and country agreements.

Looking towards the future

Amid intense conflicts and access restrictions, WFP has reached 2.1 million people in Palestine, reaching 1.9 million people in Gaza alone. Credit: Unsplash/Emad El Byed

The outlook for 2025 is ever difficult, creating struggles for supply chains, and target areas facing deteriorating conditions. Seventy percent of people classified as “acutely food insecure” live in fragile or conflict-affected situations, placing both recipients and aid workers at major risks.

Conflict has displaced over 123 million people, with forty-three million fleeing in search of necessities, like shelter and food. To continue meeting these urgent needs, delivering the most aid possible, the WFP requires an additional USD 5.7 billion to reach “the most vulnerable people with emergency food, nutrition, and resilience support”. With current funding estimates the WFP plans to reach ninety-eight million people in 2025, underscoring millions who are in dire need of humanitarian aid.

Rania Dagash-Kamara, WFP Assistant Executive Director for Partnerships and Innovation warns: “WFP is prioritizing the worst-affected regions and stretching food rations to maximize impact. But make no mistake, we are approaching a funding cliff with life-threatening consequences.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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