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Le 11 Septembre 2001 le terrorisme frappait l’Amérique.

Redécouvrez le dossier publié par Politique étrangère (n° 3/2011), « Après le 11 Septembre : les États-Unis et le Grand Moyen-Orient », 10 ans après cet attentat terroriste à l’ampleur inédite.

« Dix ans après, pourquoi revenir sur un 11 septembre qui n’a cessé de faire parler ? Parce que, volens nolens, la date représente bien un seuil. Un seuil dans la découverte d’un monde nouveau né de l’après-guerre froide, mais demeuré, dans la dernière décennie du XXe siècle, une sorte de brouillon quelque peu mystérieux. Un seuil dans l’utilisation symbolique de la violence contre la puissance – le « génie » terroriste est là : non dans la frappe elle-même, somme toute assez élémentaire quant à sa manœuvre, mais dans le choix de la cible : les Twin Towers, image de la modernité, de la richesse et de l’arrogance du fort. Un seuil aussi dans l’évolution de la société internationale : la violente mise en cause de la force américaine s’est accompagnée ces dix dernières années de l’affirmation progressive de pays qui seront demain les puissances « émergées », lesquelles, au sens le plus précis de l’expression, bouleverseront l’ordre du monde.

La frappe traumatisante du 11 septembre a eu des effets directs sur les rapports de force dans le monde. Un instant tétanisée, la puissance dominante de la planète, fugitivement rêvée en « gendarme du monde » dans les années 1990, a violemment réagi, en développant une irrépressible force de transformation. Transformation des visions classiques de la sécurité – la « guerre contre la terreur » a d’abord été une lutte contre les terroristes, renforcée dans toutes les sociétés concernées et en définitive relativement victorieuse. Les victoires ne peuvent être ici que relatives, mais se prouvent par l’absence ou la limitation des faits : le monde n’a pas connu, ces dernières années, les dévastations qui semblaient promises par le coup inaugural du 11 septembre. Transformation de certains rapports internationaux au nom de cette lutte globale contre la terreur : rapports d’alliances redéfinis, coopérations entre services de police ou de renseignement, etc. Transformation, enfin, dans un espace cardinal supposé être à l’origine de nombre de maux « terroristes » : le monde musulman, plus ou moins assimilé, dans une certaine pensée américaine, au « Grand Moyen-Orient » des discours bushiens.

Cette puissance transformatrice, les États-Unis l’ont maniée sans complexe, appuyés sur leurs deux cartes maîtresses : la puissance économique et la puissance militaire. Avec des résultats complexes à analyser. L’efficacité a été moins globale que prévu : l’emblème est ici le destin pour le moins incertain de la zone AfPak. Et, paradoxe, là où elle fut incontestable, la transformation s’est révélée au final plus perturbatrice qu’organisatrice : voir l’exemple irakien et plus largement la région moyen-orientale au sens traditionnel de ce terme.

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C’est donc à travers le prisme du Moyen-Orient – de stricte ou de large définition – que ce numéro de Politique étrangère a choisi d’analyser, dix ans plus tard, les conséquences du 11 septembre. Un Moyen-Orient décisif – politiquement, économiquement, moralement même – pour des Occidentaux qui donnent encore pour un temps le la des débats politiques de la planète ; mais décisif aussi, par exemple en termes énergétiques, pour la puissance chinoise. Un espace où se joue, depuis les révolutions arabes du printemps 2011, une grande part du débat sur la démocratisation des sociétés politiques, débat largement hérité de la fin de la guerre froide mais qui avait peu progressé après les premiers enthousiasmes des années 1990. Une aire où se joue une bonne part de l’assise diplomatique et militaire de la (toujours) première puissance de la planète.

Que représentent aujourd’hui les États-Unis dans le Grand Moyen-Orient qu’ils essayèrent de définir, de redéfinir sous les deux mandats de George W. Bush ? Une force économique et militaire considérable ? Une référence : positive, négative, ou mêlée ? Une force en voie de marginalisation, ou en plein retour à partir d’autres règles ? Le positionnement de Washington face au printemps arabe a été à la fois hésitant et subtil, et tels Européens qui annoncèrent voici plusieurs mois l’extinction de l’influence américaine dans la région paraissent aujourd’hui bien pressés.

Washington devrait continuer de jouer dans la région trois cartes majeures : sa puissance économique et militaire (même si cette dernière montre ses limites, chacun sait qu’elle reste décisive, comparée à celle des autres) ; son image, contradictoire et mixte dans la plupart des opinions publiques de la zone, sauf sans doute à l’est où elle est plus largement rejetée, en Afghanistan ou au Pakistan ; et l’absence des autres. Chacun souhaite que l’affaire libyenne se termine positivement, au premier chef pour le peuple libyen, puis pour nos armées qui y sont engagées. Mais on ne peut guère prétendre que les derniers mois ont mis en scène des acteurs internationaux susceptibles de remplacer les États-Unis face aux traumatismes régionaux qui s’annoncent.

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Au-delà, se pencher sur le Moyen-Orient dix ans après le 11 septembre dans ses rapports avec l’Amérique, c’est aussi parler de l’ailleurs, du monde qui va, hors des obsessions de la « guerre contre la terreur ». L’équilibre des puissances change, même si le résultat futur du changement n’est pas connu, et le Moyen-Orient est aussi le champ d’exercice de ces nouveaux rapports de force : avec des puissances désormais de premier rang comme la Chine, ou d’autres comme l’Iran ou la Turquie. Ce nouveau damier de la puissance n’a pas trouvé les formes de cogouvernement qui lui correspondent : la nouvelle gouvernance mondiale hésite et balbutie, et cela se traduit d’abord dans cette région. Enfin, l’ouverture économique et technologique des sociétés modèle de nouvelles formes de vie sociale et politique, sans doute déterminantes pour les systèmes de gouvernement et les gouvernances futures : et cela est aussi à l’œuvre dans l’aire arabe et moyen-orientale.

Le dossier exceptionnel que propose ce numéro de Politique étrangère dépasse donc de beaucoup sa thématique : les rapports entre les États-Unis et le Grand Moyen-Orient dans le sillage du 11 septembre. À travers le devenir d’une région qui reste décisive et celui d’une puissance qui demeure, au-delà de ses traumatismes et de ses erreurs, la « puissance référente », c’est l’avenir des équilibres internationaux qui s’y joue dans ses multiples dimensions : énergétique, démographique, militaire et tout simplement démocratique. »

Retrouvez en libre accès tous les anciens numéros de Politique étrangère, de 1936 à 2005 sur Persée, puis à partir de 2005 en barrière mobile de 3 ans sur Cairn.

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The United States is in its 11th year of uninterrupted economic expansion, unemployment has hit a historic low, and growth, while decelerating, still hums along. Yet anxiety about the next recession seems to mount with each new tariff or tweet that President Donald Trump lobs at China as part of his trade war—and for good reason. The president’s policies are clearly hurting tradeable sectors of the U.S. economy, especially manufacturing, which must contend with the double whammy of U.S. tariffs on imported inputs and Chinese tariffs on exports of finished goods. U.S. producers of vehicles, electronics, and agricultural goods, among other things, are all scrambling to disentangle their supply chains from China. But doing so is costly and complicated, and many of them are suffering as a result.   

Inédite en Afrique, cette partition « à l'amiable » au Soudan vise à mettre un terme à des décennies de conflits. Mais elle laisse en suspens des éléments clés de la stabilité régionale : le partage de la rente pétrolière et la délimitation des frontières. / Afrique, Soudan, Christianisme, Islam, (...) / Afrique, Soudan, Christianisme, Islam, Colonisation, Frontières, Soudan du Sud - 2011/02

Dans le récent débat sur la réforme des retraites, un thème a progressivement fait consensus : il faut une grande réforme systémique, celle du système par points. C'est ce que préparent le Parti socialiste et la CFDT, au risque d'accentuer les inégalités. / France, Entreprise, Parti politique, (...) / France, Entreprise, Parti politique, Politique, Travail, Retraites - 2010/12

 

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L'effondrement boursier et les faillites en cascade qui ont frappé la plupart des pays asiatiques n'ont pas épargné Hongkong, rentré dans le giron de la Chine en 1997. De plus, longtemps considéré comme la porte d'entrée du marché chinois, l'ancien « dragon » a vu son rôle se restreindre au fur et à (...) / Asie, Chine, Hongkong - 2003/06 Contestations

La Banque de Suède a remis, le 11 octobre, son prix en mémoire d'Alfred Nobel. Les lauréats ont déployé toute la sophistication théorique de la science économique pour démontrer… qu'il n'est pas si facile de trouver un emploi. / Capitalisme, Économie, Finance, Idées, Idéologie, Inégalités, Science, (...) / Capitalisme, Économie, Finance, Idées, Idéologie, Inégalités, Science, Travail, Chômage, Crise économique, Crise financière, Néolibéralisme - 2010/11

Pour asseoir son contrôle sur « terres rares » – des métaux indispensables à la fabrication des appareils de haute technologie –, la Chine a mis en œuvre ce que le capitalisme occidental rejette : une politique industrielle de long terme. / Chine, Géopolitique, Industrie, Politique, Matières premières - (...) / Chine, Géopolitique, Industrie, Politique, Matières premières - 2010/11

Vue de Pékin, la rétrocession de Hongkong à la Chine apparaît comme un événement hautement symbolique. Elle marque la fin de la période coloniale occidentale sur le territoire et le début d'une ère de complète parité avec les grands pays industriels. Le rendez-vous du 1er juillet 1997 mobilise la (...) / Libéralisme, Hongkong - 1997/05

Naturally broken nations like Somalia that require intervention from the international community require a safe area where diplomats and other officials representing key governments and organizations could be hosted. Hence Somalia’s heavily guarded “Green Zone”, or Halane as it is commonly known.

As a compound dominated by African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) soldiers, mostly from Uganda, and a network of guerilla diplomats who respect no diplomatic boundaries and which is infested with “economic hitmen”, foreign intelligence, counter-intelligence, counter-insurgency and counter-stability (mercenaries) agents, Halane became a mega bazaar for political exploitation and zero-sum trade.

Twelve years after becoming the artificial nerve center of Somali politics, it became clear that Halane needs to undergo a detoxification process in order to serve its original objective: to help Somalia re-emerge as a nation-state capable of protecting itself and running its own affairs.

The Halane I knew

To contrast the past with the present, allow me to take you on a personal tour. In 1979, immediately after graduating from high school, I had to report to Halane – an old Italian colonial relic turned to a military training camp – for 6 months mandatory boot camp before starting one year of a mandatory “national service” program.

I remember those long march drill sessions under the scorching Mogadishu sun. I remember that pitch-black night when I was placed on guard duty in the area where the airport’s only runway kissed the Indian Ocean. In those days, no flights landed after sunset. And legend had it that that area was the playground of some hoof-legged, man-donkey soldiers. Throughout the night, my senses remained on hyper-alert. Even the gentle wind of the night stirred the spookiest waves of emotions in the heart.

I also remember the day when a few of us were lined up for singing loud. One by one we were taken out of the room to be handed our punishments. When it was my turn, a guard led me to another room with a door wide open where I was surprised by another soldier hiding behind the door with a cable piggin’ string. The rest was a brief painful episode of kicks, curses and screams.

But, despite all that seemingly traumatic experience, I left Halane a better man and a better citizen.

Today’s underground Halane

Today that Halane compound has expanded immensely. Though there are some good things, such as training sessions that take place inside the compound, unfortunately, it has become a place where Somalia’s top leaders are subjected to various levels of humiliation and psychological subjugation. It’s where the carrots are dangled to coopt Somali officials and where sticks are wagged so that the self-confident among them are psychologically broken down until they accept behaving like guests in their own country. It is where the elite with political ambitions are required to go to get their blessings and a few power-projecting pictures for social media. It is where resolutions that undermine Somalia’s central government authority and legitimacy are concocted despite the fact that Somalia’s transition period ended in 2012.

Resolution 2472, adopted by the Security Council on 31 May 2019, is peppered with language that affirms, as I have been arguing for a while, that Somalia is in a stealth trusteeship. Despite the opening diplomatic pacifier of “reaffirming its respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence, and unity of Somalia” the Resolution commands the Federal Government of Somalia to expedite its settlement with federal states on “resource and power-sharing to be enshrined in the revision of the Provisional Federal Constitution” and “generation of affordable Somali forces.”

In other words, 3,000 independently commanded troops per federal state as spelled in the so-called National Security Architecture. Enough to protect a number of questionably acquired foreign projects while keeping Somalia in state of perpetual security dependence. The federal state of Galmudug became the first to offer its contingent or the Ahlu Sunna Wa Jama (ASWJ) militia. Though this is set to intensify intra-clan sensitivity, IGAD wasted no time in praising the effort.

Shifting current paradigm

While certain elements within the international community use counter-terrorism to justify having AMISOM troops in Somalia or bankrolling covert mercenary operations, these foreign forces are neither aligned with the Federal Government of Somalia and AMISOM’s strategy to fight Al Shabaab nor are they part of the command structure that is accountable to either one. Because, as I argued in Straight Talk on Somalia Insecurity, Al Shabaab’s deadly escapades provide priceless cover, if not legitimacy, to their presence.

Benevolent predators who are quick to offer one mini unsustainable project or another to improve perception are plenty. Funding is often delivered through various international NGOs that charge hefty overheads and subcontract local ones that become the funders’ indigenous detractor. Though the funding comes with strings attached, seldom is it used to pressure the government to meet its obligations, such as completing the constitution and getting it ratified, establishing a constitutional court, and refraining from consolidation of power by the executive branch that made the parliament irrelevant.

The more UN officials and AMISOM continue to hide behind heavily fortified bunkers at the airport area – the de facto extension of Halane – the more there will be militarization of Mogadishu and the more the old routine of holding international conferences at Mogadishu’s international airport or in Nairobi will continue to be justified.

Is Mogadishu safe enough for the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) and AMISOM to be decommissioned? The one thing that we know is that as long as both are there Somalia will remain in a state of perpetual dependency, insecurity, and fragmentation. As I wrote in a number of my previous articles, AMISOM contributed a lot to Somalia in the earlier months and years. But everything changed when armies from the frontline states of Ethiopia and Kenya were allowed to join AMISOM. That is when the original peacekeeping objective became blurred.

Flushing all questionable elements out of Halane is impossible if UNSOM remains the de facto institution under which Somalia’s government is governed. And there is no end to UNSOM if the UK remains the “pen holder” that spearheads all Somalia-related issues at the United Nations. The Federal Government of Somalia must take an unequivocal stance on UNSOM. The Security Council cannot legitimately impose its will on a state that is neither oppressing its citizens nor is hostile toward its neighbors. UNSOM is there because the Somali government imprudently endorses its mandate.

Could a change in UNSOM’s status expedite the departure of AMISOM? Sure.

Despite the narrative of the security void that might be created, AMISOM, along with the various mercenary companies roaming around Somalia, have been the main causes of the hemorrhaging of security-related funding for more than a decade. That is the reason why Somalia does not have a unified, robust, highly trained and well-equipped army.

Ending AMISOM would end their widely covered corruption, rape, and extrajudicial killings. Not to mention the conflict of interest generated by the presence of Kenyan and Ethiopian troops who are in the thick of Somalia’s internal politics. Perhaps stopping reliance on AMISOM could motivate the Somali government and the various armed militias around the country to take security more seriously and to unite against their common enemy – Al Shabaab – for their own survival. Without AMISOM escorts, it may also compel the government to reduce the weekly travels to foreign destinations for one powwow or another and spend the saved funds on various basic public services, which are sorely lacking.

The warning signs

Good politics is the willingness to engage in transparent, benevolent, and ethical negotiations with others to find a middle ground on issues of mutual interest. It is to enter from the front door in good faith while respecting each other’s spaces and rights.

There is absolutely nothing wrong with doing business or creating partnerships with foreign nations so long as those relationships are mutually in the best interest of all sides. Those seeking genuine economic or strategic partnerships must be willing to refrain from making matters worse, and be willing to give the government the critical space it needs to make peace with the peripheral authorities, and establish total control of Somalia’s territories.

Unfortunately, at this frail stage, before a genuine Somali-owned reconciliation, corrupt Somali leaders at all levels and their partners in Halane continue signing duplicitous land, oil and maritime deals in ways that outrage common sense before decency and integrity. With the current high tension and growing volatility within various federal states resulting from territorial disputes and other contentious issues, these corrupt deals are only going to lead to perpetual clan-based wars.

Somalia cannot afford to sleepwalk into the growing volatility of the region, the political and economic pitfalls of a rapidly changing world, and the systematically shifting world order. Somalia’s survival depends on being a step ahead of those who wish her ill or who are bent on ruthlessly exploiting its dysfunctional political condition for their zero-sum ends.

Halane is where the instruments of political compulsion are currently concentrated. Somali leaders must radically change their ways and govern in ways that protect Somalia’s national interest and resources.

Those who are positioning themselves to replace the current government in 2021 must not ignore the groundswell of public discontent regarding Halane politics. They must forge a viable strategy to advance the will of the people.

 

 

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Quand, le 21 février 1965, Malcolm X tombe sous les balles, nombreux sont ceux qui pensent qu'il ne représentera plus aucun danger. Aujourd'hui, l'Amérique est loin de cette tranquillité. Malcolm X s'est remis à hanter le présent et à parler. / États-Unis (affaires intérieures), Identité culturelle, (...) / États-Unis (affaires intérieures), Identité culturelle, Afro-Américains - 1993/02

Loin d'être un accident, ce que l'on a appelé, en France, l'« affaire Clearstream-EADS » révèle l'évolution du marché de l'armement sur le Vieux Continent. Depuis vingt ans, sous l'égide de l'Union européenne, la dérégulation et l'appât du gain ont modelé le paysage industriel. La « guerre au terrorisme » (...) / États-Unis, Armement, Commerce des armes, Commerce international, Défense, Industrie de l'armement, Stratégie militaire - 2006/10 L'ère des paradoxes

« Ils quittent un à un le pays pour s'en aller gagner leur vie loin de la terre où ils sont nés », chantait Jean Ferrat, Ardéchois d'adoption mort en mars dernier. Mais certains restent, coûte que coûte. / Agriculture, Économie, Entreprise, Industrie, Politique, Tourisme, Travail - (...) / Agriculture, Économie, Entreprise, Industrie, Politique, Tourisme, Travail - 2010/10

Yazidi refugee women hold a banner as they wait for the arrival of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Special Envoy Angelina Jolie at a Syrian and Iraqi refugee camp in the southern Turkish town of Midyat in Mardin province, Turkey, on June 20, 2015. Photo courtesy of REUTERS/Umit Bektas

Yezidi leader Sheikh Mirza, who heads the Yezidi International Human Rights Organization, reported that a Yezidi girl was recently murdered by ISIS in the Hol camp in Syria: “A young Yezidi girl tried to escape from the UN refugee camp in Hol, Syria, where reportedly 73-80,000 are among over 30,000 Iraqis, the majority of whom are ISIS members and their families, who are being given refuge and protection – the same as their victims!  These ISIS members are enslaving Yezidis inside the camp.  Some Yezidis have managed to escape but this girl was caught.  The Moslem ISIS women inside the camp learned of her plan and then they beat her to death, so she was murdered.”

“Why is the UN giving cover and help to ISIS women,” Sheikh Mirza pondered.   “The ISIS women are reportedly just as brutal as their men.  The Yezidi’s still don’t know where the young woman’s body has been taken to.  The camp authorities?  Or someone else, like ISIS supporters?  We don’t yet know the name of the young woman who was murdered or other details.  We don’t know if her family is alive or if they were murdered or enslaved.  ISIS changes the names of their slaves to Muslim names.”

Sheikh Mirza chastised international media outlets for ignoring this important story: “This information about the young Yezidi girl who was murdered by ISIS was not reported in mainstream media outlets.  It is only on Yezidi social media websites and on Samaria news.”  However, Israel Hayom did conduct an interview with Sheikh Mirza, where he proclaimed: “According to our information, there are hundreds of Yazidi slaves being held by their ISIS captors who are now being cared for in camps run by the UN and local governments.” He says that he went to the UN and pleaded for their help but so far, no help has arrived: “All Muslim groups have been helped but not the non-Muslim ones, who are the greatest victims and are suffering from genocide.”

Ismail emphasizes that ISIS is still being welcomed in Turkey and other Muslim communities: “We know of at least two refugee camps which welcomed and are supporting ISIS families. One is built to accommodate about 20,000 refugees and since March, the population has swelled to about 80,000 people. The population is mainly consisting of ISIS families. We know of another UN refugee camp in Syria. It used to have a population mainly of Yazidis.” But now, ISIS has been welcomed into the camp and the Yazidis are trying to flee. They are being abused by local Muslims. This camp is now populated mainly by ISIS families and the few Yazidis who are remaining.

“Several weeks ago, a group of Yezidis pleaded to go into the al-Hol camp to try to connect with the other Yezidi slaves, who we know are there in order to try to free them,” Sheikh Mirza noted.  “These Yezidi pleading to enter know that they also may be killed or kidnapped by the ISIS members, who fill the camp!  But they are willing to do this and risk their lives.”  They believed that the greater good of trying to save lives outweighed any potential risks that they might personally face.  However, the camp authorities refused their request to enter.  Same goes for the Central Government and the UN.  

According to Sheikh Mirza, sometime ago, another Yezidi girl who was able to escape from the same camp (Hol refugee camp) said that she was very lucky she made it on time; and said if she had not been able to, she was on the list to be transferred to Idlib, Syria and then to Turkey in order to suffer organ harvesting: “According to many of the escaped Yezidi women and girls, 600 – 700 young Yezidi boys and girls have been transferred to Turkey.  The international community is totally silent on the issues of the Yezidi slaves in the Al Hol camp; we are hoping that this is not an international plan to keep the silence until the Hol camp is emptied from the Yezidi slaves!”  

 

 

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Aux Etats-Unis, poste avancé de la judiciarisation de la vie publique, les avocats forment une classe à part. Souvent démocrates, ils comptent au nombre des rares privilégiés que les républicains n'hésitent pas à fustiger. / États-Unis (affaires intérieures), Élections, Justice, Parti politique, (...) / États-Unis (affaires intérieures), Élections, Justice, Parti politique, Politique, Société - 2010/09

Réélu triomphalement le 9 août dernier, sur fond de violences et d'atteintes aux libertés, le président rwandais Paul Kagamé durcit son régime. Mais, depuis février, c'est la spectaculaire réconciliation avec la France qui alimente les interrogations. / France, Rwanda, Génocide, Politique, Relations (...) / France, Rwanda, Génocide, Politique, Relations internationales, Justice internationale - 2010/09

Protesters in Sao Paulo called for more action from the country’s president – Skynews Aug 28 2019

Brazil is unique in Latin America as much as it is unique in the world. When working in Washington DC many years ago, the largest events were always the ones where the voice of Brazil was present via their Ambassador to the US. While Latin American allies of the US were often seen as almost cousins to the US due to cultural and social ties, Brazil was seen as the hedgehog of the region. Everyone from the USTR to the Secretary of State knew that while relations were good, Brazil would be the one that would push back for the rest of Latin America against the US if needed. Due to their population size and economic weight, Brazil was always respected because Brazil would always stand up for their place in the world.

With increasing economic stability in the pre-Olympic era, Brazilians thought that a past filled with economic uncertainly may have ended. Unfortunately, when Brazil’s elite political and economic leaders took public funds for personal gain or spent it to please international friends and remove much needed social spending to invest in stadiums and games, the economic fortunes for the average Brazilian declined rapidly. The corruption scandal that brought down a few Presidents grew partially out of the realisation that the Olympic Games and World Cup were run with corruption tainting many of the contracts, and that Brazil’s public money went to already wealthy international interests when the people needed it most. When asked by the Brazilian government to help with the debt in 2017, the IOC avoided giving funds back to Brazil during an severe recession in the country.

China’s foreign policy has earned some acceptance in Africa and Latin America as Chinese investment and promotion seeks to place funds in foreign countries without any restrictions or open criticism of local policy. While there should be a moral limit to investment, the view by China, BRICS countries and many other former colonised nations is that interference in local politics is harmful to the country. With the history of European and American interventions in Latin America, and even recent policy that lead to Olympic sized debt and corruption problems in Brazil, recent pressure by European leaders on Brazil’s environmental policy is seen by some in Brazil as interference in their sovereignty, even if it is for a positive cause. While France’s and Brazil’s Presidents are not on friendly terms these days, the international community and the European Union must acknowledge that the history of relations between Brazil and the international community is not one without friction.

Brazilians are responsible for their territory because it is their country, and they will elect those who they believe can manage it to their benefit. They will change their minds, alter their views on policy, debate furiously and even criticize their judicial leaders when they charge ex-presidents with corruption, but it is not up to foreign countries to decide how their democracy should work as international interference has cost the Brazilian people a great deal over several generations. With a recent G7 that invited other non members to the forum, but sought to address issues in Brazil without inviting them to a seat at the table, the credibility of actions by the group may be seen skeptically by many in Brazil. Before any actions are taken, perhaps they should return some Olympic money cashed out of Brazil by the IOC and other European interests, it might make for a more productive dialogue for Brazil and G7 powers in facing the current crisis.

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