By Brian Adeba
News that a famine has been declared in South Sudan is yet another stark reminder of the ever evolving nature of war-induced fragility in Africa's newest country. As the world rushes in to feed a starving population it is imperative that we don't lose sight of the root causes of this famine.
The three-year-old war is instrumental in fermenting the conditions that birthed the famine. In fact, it's not a coincidence that the epi-center of the famine is in Unity State, the scene of the heaviest fighting between government troops and the armed opposition since the outbreak of the conflict.
While immediate needs must be addressed, the famine is but the symptom of a much larger problem—war. For the international community to extricate itself of the obligation of treating the symptoms of a serious disease, it needs to understand the ailment afflicting the patient.
At independence in 2011, South Sudan's political elite installed a kleptocracy in power. In this system, corruption is not an aberration but the very essence of government itself. Institutions to hold public officials accountable were hijacked and stymied of their effectiveness.
For instance, no public official who was investigated by the Anti-Corruption Commission, has ever been prosecuted in a court of law in the history of the country.
The South Sudan National Audit Chamber, another oversight institution, has not publicly produced any audits of government accounts since 2012 and suffers from a serious backlog. The 2012 audit was for the year 2008. As a matter of fact, since South Sudan's independence, there has been no audit of government accounts by the Auditor General.
The country's politicians argue these anomalies in accountability are due to “lack of capacity,” an issue they stress is inherent in new states. In reality, there is no political will to fight corruption. As a result, the ability of institutions to investigate or prosecute corrupt officials, has been deliberately undercut, through various methods, including starving them of the funds they require to operate.
The absence of accountability fostered a free-for-all looting spree of public coffers. An estimated US$ 4 billion was stolen by top politicians and their network of collaborators. Since 2013, Transparency International has ranked South Sudan as one the world's most corrupt countries. Of the 176 countries surveyed in 2016, South Sudan ranked number 175.
Subsequently, the state became the most prized asset in the eyes of the politicians, an object of intense competition by rival camps within the ruling Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), who all aspired to seize control of it in order to help themselves to the gravy train of state funds and resources. Poor management of the ambitions and expectations of competing factions within the SPLM that were vying to capture the state, resulted in the contest being expressed in violent terms.
In essence, therefore, unfettered corruption created a high-stakes competition for state capture in which violence was used by rival factions to outdo the other. This is how South Sudan was plunged into war in December 2013.
It is still worth reminding ourselves though, that the backdrop to the unfolding famine is the collapsed peace deal midwifed by the IGAD countries in August 2015. After plenty of foot-dragging by the government and the armed opposition, hope seemed to be on the horizon when both parties agreed to form a transitional government in April 2016. Barely three months later, the agreement unraveled and Riek Machar, the head of the armed opposition, was forced to flee Juba, subsequently ending up in South Africa where his freedom of movement has been restricted.
Despite the fact that the peace deal has collapsed and serious fighting continues in many parts of South Sudan, the government, including the African Union (AU) and the IGAD member states, believe the peace deal is working.
Meanwhile a significant number of troops in the armed opposition have refused to endorse Deng. As the charade that the peace agreement is alive continues, war rages unabated producing the conditions necessary for the famine in the country.
As long as this charade continues, South Sudanese will continue to pay the ultimate price. The international community will be forced, yet again, to raise millions of dollars to treat the symptoms of the disease rather than its root causes.
An honest and realistic assessment that aims to get the actors in the conflict talking again is needed at this time.
To create a conducive atmosphere for peace talks and ensure aid reaches to the needy, the AU and IGAD should use their clout to realize a nation-wide ceasefire. A new round of talks should be initiated to review the shortcomings behind the collapse of the agreement, especially the components on power sharing and security arrangements. Lastly, an inclusive process of negotiation should ensue. The unintended consequence of killing the peace deal is the emergence of new armed actors into the conflict. For a credible process to ensue, these actors must be included in the talks.
The famine should be a wakeup call for the international community, the AU, and IGAD to take a reality check.
Reviving the peace deal and stopping the war is key to preventing famines in South Sudan.
Brian Adeba is Associate Director of Policy at the Enough Project in Washington D.C. Reach him on Twitter @kalamashaka
March 19, 2017(KHARTOUM) - The speaker of the Sudanese parliament has disclosed that a U.S. Congressional delegation would visit Sudan this year saying his visit to Washington contributed to raise awareness of U.S Congress about the positive developments on the ground.
Ibrahim Ahmed Omer was in Washington last February where he met with a number of U.S. Congressmen known for their support for sanctions on Sudan. The purpose of his visit was to explain his government policy and the government efforts to end the war and achieve democratic reforms.
In a press conference held in Khartoum Sunday, Omer told reporters his delegation met with Congressmen, officials at the State Department and a number of advocacy groups, opinion leaders and businessmen.
He pointed out that their discussions with members of Congress revealed that some of them ignore the reality on the ground in Sudan, adding that made them take negative attitudes towards his country.
In September 2016, the State Department welcomed Sudan's efforts to increase counterterrorism cooperation with the United States.
However, Congressmen opposed the partial lift of sanctions against the east African Nation decided by the administration of the former President Barak Obama last January. They also requested to maintain the Sudan in the list of state sponsors of terrorism.
Following a meeting with Ibrahim earlier this March, U.S. Congressman Jim McGovern issued a statement expressing his "strong disagreement" with the easing of sanctions against Sudan and accused its government of hampering humanitarian access to the civilians in the rebel-controlled areas in the Blue Nile and South Kordofan and Darfur.
McGovern statement came as Khartoum accepted a humanitarian proposal made by the former U.S. special envoy for Sudan to transport medical assistance to civilians in the war affected zones in the Two Areas while the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) declined it, demanding further discussions on the humanitarian access.
The Sudanese speaker said he called on the different parties in Washington to put pressure on the SPLM-N to accept the humanitarian proposal and to engage in the peace process for a lasting solution.
"We have recovered a lot of confidence that was missing between the two countries, and we will go forward until we get out of the embargo and the list of state sponsors of terrorism," he added.
He further said a congressional delegation will visit Sudan next October
Speaking about the definitive and integral lift of sanctions on Sudan, Omer said that he was uncertain that the removal of the economic embargo would take place next July.
However, he stressed that Sudan "is keen to implement its commitments and we urge the American side to abide by their commitments", pointing that "some lobbies and groups hostile to Sudan stand against the lifting of embargo".
In a goodwill gesture, former President Obama signed an executive order providing to ease sanction on Sudan in light of Sudan's "positive actions" on 13 January 2017.
The partial lift of sanctions will come into effect within a six-month period before its implementation.
By July 12, 2017, several U.S. agencies have to confirm to the White House that Sudan is continuing taking positive steps before the sanctions would be eased.
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March 19, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says 332,000 South Sudanese refugees are currently living in Sudan.
In its weekly humanitarian bulletin, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said UNHCR figures show the number of South Sudanese refugees in Sudan, since December 2013, surpassed the 300,000 mark.
Nearly 25,000 South Sudanese refugees arrived in Sudan in February, for a total of over 35,000 refugees arriving so far in 2017, it disclosed.
UNHCR said it was expecting up to 60,000 new arrivals in Sudan in 2017, but the rate of new arrivals has surpassed initial expectations.
The majority of the 2016 influx arrived in East Darfur (49%) and White Nile (25%). Over 85,000 refugees crossed into Sudan in the first six months of 2016, with the largest numbers observed from February to April, with another upsurge in July, according to UNHCR.
Over 65 percent of the refugees in Sudan are reportedly children, with many of them arriving with critical levels of malnutrition. UNHCR and partners, however, anticipate the continued arrival of South Sudanese refugees into Sudan throughout 2017, given the situation in South Sudan marked by localised fighting and critical levels of food insecurity in areas close to the Sudanese border.
The planning figure for 2017 is an estimated 60,000 additional refugees, with the corresponding response outlined in the South Sudan Regional Refugee Response Plan for 2017, UNHCR said.
According to OCHA, UNHCR in Sudan is updating its preparedness and contingency plan in consultation with partners to ensure an effective response continues if influxes exceed the planning figure.
In White Nile, the expansion of the Al Waral II, Al Redis II and Um Sangour sites is reportedly underway in anticipation of an increasing influx over the coming months.
On 3 February, OCHA said, clashes close to Sudan forced the evacuation of Al Kuek North border point. Approximately 900 people were transported to safety at the Um Sangour site, OCHA said, while a new entry point has reportedly been established at Um Jelala, about 10 km from the border, where temporary registration of new arrivals was resumed by the Sudan Red Crescent Society (SRCS).
Also, an inter-agency rapid assessment mission was reportedly conducted from 21-27 February to assess the needs of refugees newly arrived to the El Amira reception centre and several settlements near El Leri, a remote area with limited access of humanitarian partners in South Kordofan.
The mission reportedly met with local authorities, line ministries, host communities and refugee community leaders in Dar-Bati, Um Kawaro, and Elgoghb, and learned that the new arrivals are mostly from Upper Nile state in South Sudan, having entered Sudan on foot. Refugees are in urgent need of food, with majority of new arrivals reported to be women, children and elderly persons with Shilluk ethnicity. Some are Dinka who usually move onwards to other areas in Sudan, including Khartoum and White Nile.
An inter-agency mission to Al Lait, North Darfur was reportedly also conducted from 12-16 February to determine the profile of 19,531 refugees who have resided across 10 different locations since May 2016.
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March 19, 2017 (BENTIU) – Authorities in Northern Liech, one of South Sudan's newly-created states have stepped up the campaign against illegal arms, while pushing the need for peace and stability.
This was agreed upon during a three-day open dialogue on peace building, reconciliation and unity among the communities in the area, despite divisions caused by the conflict in the young nation.
The conference attracted several paramount chiefs, 11county commissioners from Northern Liech state, as it sought to educate decision making groups on ways of promoting peace in the state.
Speaking during the conference, the governor of Northern Liech state, Joseph Nguen Monytuil, urged local leaders, including the commissioners from the 11 counties, paramount chiefs and senior government officials to work for peace among the communities.
He, however, tasked the local chiefs to de-escalate malpractices of cattle rustling among their neighborhood, while stressing that the old ways of life have contributed to instability in their common borders.
The governor has also appealed to the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) to help in removing illegal guns from authorized persons.
Ever since war erupted in South Sudan in December 2013, most parts of the country have witnessed illegal acquisition of firearms for either protection or actual participation in the nearly four year-old conflict.
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March 19, 2017 (JUBA) – At least 1.6 million South Sudanese have fled to neighboring countries to escape famine, fighting and drought, making the East African nation the world's fastest-growing refugee crisis, the United Nations refugee agency (UNHCR) said.
The office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees described the rate of displacement from South Sudan as “alarming”, placing an impossible burden on the region.
Most of these refugees, according to UNHCR are in Uganda, which is hosting nearly half of all the refugees, estimated at 800,000 people.
Babar Baloch, a UNHCR spokesman, was quoted saying more than 2,800 people on average are fleeing into Uganda every day.
Most of the refugees, about 86% are women and children, he said.
“They come in quite a desperate situation, being affected by instability, fighting and famine,” Baloch told VOA.
“Food security is an issue. They arrive into settlements into northern Uganda. All the structures that we have been trying to put in place with the government in Uganda are overstretched,” he added.
The UNHCR official cited Bidi Bidi camp, one of four refugee settlements in Uganda, which currently shelters 272,000 refugees.
“With a low level of funding and host communities and the host government not having enough resources, it is making it quite an impossible task to help these desperate refugees, and that is the reason we are trying to sound this alarm,” he stressed.
South Sudan's civil war, which erupted more than three years ago, has displaced more than 3.5 million people, both inside and outside the country. The U.N reports 4.8 million people inside the country are going hungry, with 100,000 facing famine.
The world body, Baloch said, has received only 8 percent of the $782 million it needs for its humanitarian operations this year, while UNHCR's own appeal for Uganda is reportedly short by over $250 million.
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By Jim Yong Kim
The G20 finance ministers met last week in Germany to discuss critical challenges facing the global economy, from climate change to migration to humanitarian emergencies like the unfolding famine in parts of Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East.
I left the discussions encouraged by the shared commitment to deal with these key issues. I shared how the World Bank Group is working to provide at least $1.6 billion for the famine-affected countries, steering funds to help those most vulnerable.
One of the most important undertakings at the G20 meeting, under Germany's leadership, was the need to place a higher priority on the growth and development of Sub-Saharan Africa. There are many reasons, apart from the famine, why it is important to sharpen our focus on Africa.
The end of the commodity boom hit the region hard. In 2016, Sub-Saharan Africa's growth slowed to an estimated 1.5 percent, the weakest pace in over two decades, as commodity exporters adjusted to low prices. That's well below the annual economic growth the region was seeing before the global crisis. Regional GDP per capita contracted by 1.1 percent in 2016. Capital flows to the region, including FDI, declined in 2016. Overall investment growth dropped to near-zero in 2015 after averaging 5 percent from 2010-2015.
But Africa has shown significant signs of economic resilience, with 41 percent of Africans living in countries that have average GDP growth rates of over 5.5 percent. And in 2017, Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to see a modest rebound in growth, to 2.9 percent, rising above 3.5 percent in 2018 as the region continues to adjust to low commodity prices. This is a great opportunity for the international community to partner with the people of Africa to create conditions for faster growth and more sustainable development.
Last December, a coalition of more than 60 governments—from both developed and developing countries—helped replenish the World Bank Group's International Development Association (IDA), our fund for the poorest, with a record $75 billion. Nearly 60 percent of this will be dedicated to Sub-Saharan Africa over the next three years, doubling IDA support for the region.
As part of the IDA funding, Africa is expected to have access to a significant level of resources through special finance windows to support regional programs and assistance to refugees, and an initiative to de-risk and mobilise private investment, especially in fragile environments.
A key priority is to help African countries invest in much-needed infrastructure by partnering with the private sector. The continent's infrastructure needs are estimated at $93 billion, about 15 percent of the region's gross domestic product. Right now, only $45 billion is invested in infrastructure—more than half of it being funded by the public sector. The financing gap is formidable, yet we know that investment in infrastructure can have a significant multiplier effect on growth for years.
At the same time, there are trillions of dollars of capital in the developed world seeking higher returns. We see tremendous opportunities in developing countries for private sector investment in areas like infrastructure, which is crucial for jobs and growth. To bridge this financing gap, we will work with governments and use our resources to de-risk and leverage more private sector investment.
On March 20, I will begin a visit to Tanzania and Rwanda to see how these countries have achieved results and what we can learn from their innovations. I hope to discuss the need for better coordination with the private sector in our efforts to help client governments improve the business climate and mobilise resources.
In these uncertain times, the World Bank Group will accelerate our support as countries in Sub-Saharan Africa work to reform their economies, diversify, and restore growth. Leaders understand the need for the tough second- and third-generation reforms that will lead to structural transformation. They know they cannot wait for sequential reforms, but need to work in parallel on many different fronts.
This sense of urgency will drive the World Bank Group's work in Africa over the next three years. Working together, we can help African countries achieve the next level of economic transformation and meet the aspirations of the people we serve.
The author is the President of the World Bank Group.
By James Nguen
South Sudan has been at war by itself since 15 of December 2013. This internal strife sent the new country to a new low and finally to a failed state status by all accounts. This failed state status is undeniably tragic development.
So much so, it's a heart-rending confirmation that our peoples' expectations and hopes during independence have been shattered. Sadly, at the moment, the same people who were so jubilant 5 years ago are now running for their dear lives.
Some are disturbingly starving to death in the north part of the country, particularly in Leer and Mayiendit Counties, Unity State because the same failed state's authorities denied them humanitarian aides.
It's even more troubling to report that peoples' hopes for prosperity and prosperous South Sudan were crushed through an ill-conceived tribal hegemony of one tribe led by Salva Kiir and his tribal group –the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE).
As such, the implications of this tribal project are enormous. For example, these implications destroyed our nation's social fabrics, which in turn rendered the new country worthless and then brought profound disgrace to the nation's pioneers and martyrs.
During the Sudan's second civil war, South Sudanese including Salva Kiir blamed northern Sudanese' for their marginalisation policies toward the rest of us in the Sudan. But, ironically, in a reverse satanic devised policy, Salva Kiir followed the similar dogma of marginalisation and neglect against other nationalities in South Sudan for Dinka Community rule.
In this regard, unknowingly, Salva Kiir set up the Dinka community against the rest of South Sudanese which will take years to reverse. Salva Kiir's discriminatory policies allowed him to deny humanitarian aides reach those in need simply because they are not from the Dinka Community.
Salva Kiir has effectively used this card of starving innocent civilians from other tribes in South Sudan as a weapon of war, while on the other hand undeniably advocating for humanitarian aides to Dinka.
By all measures, this is dreadfully appalling and it must be condemned morally and on the ground that all South Sudanese are one and that South Sudan shall ever be one nation, where everyone ought to be treated with respect and dignity irrespective of their tribes.
In an attempt to achieve stability in South Sudan, the agreement aimed to address its internal strife was signed in August 2015. Internationally, it was an agreement on the resolution of the conflict in the Republic South Sudan broker by the IGAD and the international community.
Unfortunately, this agreement formally collapsed on July 8th, 2016, ten (10) months after signature for reasons beyond the scope of this commentary.
After that brief cessation of hostilities in most part of the country, when the agreement was signed, all armed oppositions' leaderships converged in juba to implement the peace. However on July 8th, 2016, South Sudanese' common men were once again forced to take up arms against Kiir's regime in order to reduce another ethnic -driven killing of innocent civilians, raping women and girls, looting of properties, arbitrary arrest and burning down of villages, mostly in non-Dinka areas in South Sudan.
While Salva Kiir was progressively pursuing ethnic cleansing, another policy took a centre stage. For example, military officers of non-Dinka nationalities, who sided with Salva Kiir's regime all along fighting for Salva's tribal agenda were now rendered irrelevant and sometimes openly harass and told that their services no longer needed after Kiir consolidated and emboldened his grip on power.
Recently, this new policy forced some military officers divorced the regime. For example, LT. Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka defected and called for a removal of Salva Kiir by force while citing abuse and Dinkanization of South Sudan. On March 7th, 2017, Mr. Cirillo formed a new movement called “National Salvation Front/Army (NAS).
The NAS's aim is to depose Salva Kiir from power militarily. Many applauded Mr Cirillo's defection citing that it was a right step in removing the dictator. For some, it was a good decision because it further explained and justified the Dinkanization of South Sudan led by Salva Kiir and the JCE.
Above all else, I should say, Mr Cirillo's defection declaration statement was a serious indictment of Kiir's regime. The document speaks to the truth why other oppositions took arms against Kiir in the first place.
Despite these positive underpins, there are worrying signs of mistakes on Gen. Cirillo's move. Therefore, if these worrying mistakes are not dealt with carefully and with care, they may undermine the whole badly needed possible alliance of convenience among the armed oppositions in the Republic of South Sudan.
These mistakes which I will note shortly were more or less due to lack of political foresight and experiences on Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka part. Precisely, Gen. Cirillo is full of himself and clearly not thinking.
Therefore, the best thing he should do now, if I may suggest, is to take a leap backwards and rethink strategically of what he really wanted to do to achieving the NAS's goal. Frankly speaking, recent Gen. Cirillo's statements and that of his supporters are not in any way helping the NAS.
Since Gen. Thomas Cirillo declared his movement, the NAS, the move was welcomed by many including the SPLM/A (IO) as I mentioned earlier. For example, the Governors of Greater Equatoria in the SPLM/A (IO) wrote a well thought-out letter of appreciation to Gen. Cirillo. In the letter, the Governors called for an alliance of convenience among the armed opposition and with Gen. Cirillo. By all standards, that letter was welcomed the news and a great way to start moving forward.
However, some shortsighted opportunists and more so Mr Cirillo himself sees this as a weakness on the SPLM/A - IO part. Evidently and wrongly so, Gen. Cirillo and others sees the NAS as an opportunity to springboard the Equatorians' “cause”.
Frankly, this is a wrong thinking and it must be discouraged strongly. As matter of fact, there is no Equatorians' “cause” without the cause of the people of South Sudan, Equatorians included.
For example, those who jumped ship or switched sides from the other oppositions and joined the NAS, notably from the SPLM/A (IO) attacked the SPLM/A –IO and accused its leadership falsely.
These attacks on other armed oppositions, particularly the SPLM/A –IO were somehow endorsed by Gen. Cirillo himself as he detailed some of these claims on his letter to Hon. Moussa Faki, the newly elected chairman of Africa Union asking for recognition.
In my view, these kinds of thinking and action are genuinely a cause of concern. As a result, Gen. Cirillo and supporters must be call out.
They must be warned and reminded that there is no Equatorians' “cause” without the rest of us in South Sudan. Also, it must be made crystal clear that all armed oppositions are in this together, and must work as a team if Gen. Cirillo's intention is indeed to remove Salva Kiir from power.
Hence, as far as this commentary is a concern, the above narrative was a “cause” of this pierce. It was basically intended to warn all armed oppositions in South Sudan that the prevailing undertaking is a mistake and “NO GO ZONE” or cannot be repeated whatsoever.
More importantly, I must point out that recent Gen. Cirillo and supporters' rhetoric serves no moral and military interest to any armed opposition but the common enemy. It must be made categorically clear that all armed oppositions are victims of misrule. All took arms to oppose the Dinkanization of South Sudan spearheaded by Salva Kiir and the JCE, nothing else.
Similarly so, I like to remind Gen. Cirillo about previous mistakes along the same vein and I would like to draw his full attention particularly to the G10 and Dr. Lam Akol's faction.
First, the G10.This group is headed by Gen. Pagan Amum and has committed the same mistake that Gen. Cirillo is about to commit or has committed. To recap this point further, when G10 were detained, the other armed oppositions particularly the SPLM/A (IO) advocated for their release.
However, when the G10 were released, Mr Pagan Amum and his group took the high road and betrayed the other armed oppositions by declaring neutrality in the war.
It was even reported that Mr Pagan Amum went as far as saying that the killing of 20, 000 innocent Nuer civilians shouldn't be the “cause” for war in South Sudan. This was a serious mistake on their part.
Since 2014, the G10's position didn't only failed but prolong the war and in reverse has emboldened Salva Kiir's grip on power. In this light, I would think, Gen. Cirillo and supporters would take note and are smart enough to do the math.
Similarly, Dr Lam Akol's action was another mistake. Around November 2016, Dr Akol's forces attacked SPLM/A (IO)'s positions in Upper Nile State. The consequences of this miscalculated manoeuvre were not good simply because it resulted to unnecessary loss of lives of two brave Generals from Dr Akol's faction.
Such death was uncalled for and would have been avoided if Dr Lam was indeed thinking at the time. More importantly, these unnecessary loss of lives were not only detrimental to Dr Akol's faction but more so to all armed oppositions. As such, Lt. Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka and supporters must be warned that they MUST not repeat the same mistake.
Logically, I surely believe that as much as other armed oppositions needed this supposed holy coalition of convenience with Gen. Cirillo, Mr Cirillo himself needed this alliance the most to prove that he is indeed genuine and not just a poor soul sent to distract brave Equatorians who are fully committed to toppling Salva Kiir's regime by all necessary means .
However, given Gen. Cirillo's moves in the past few weeks, the question of trust has emerged and is in everyone's mind. At this point, I should point out that no one is certainly sure of Gen. Cirillo's serious allegiance.
To bring this issue of trust closer to home, Gen. Cirillo has served in Salva Kiir's regime in many capacities and for many years. Most of all, he has helped Salva Kiir's regime in the Dinkanization of South Sudan than any other person in the country.
For example, Lt. Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka was a point man for Salva Kiir's arms sale and logistics for many years. Hence, all the sophisticated weapons used by Salva Kiir's regime today against civilians in South Sudan were approved and purchased by Gen. Cirillo himself.
Adding more doubts, Gen. Cirillo has declared his defection and formation of the new armed group in the hotel room in Ethiopia. Imagine, a person of his calibre and coupled with his position in the army has defected without a single bodyguard and has not taken to the bush, why? I leave this lingering question for military experts to ponder.
On the question of trust again, I am afraid a seed of mistrust between Gen. Cirillo and other armed oppositions is already planted. In my personal opinion, it's simply unbecoming for any armed opposition to attack other armed oppositions falsely and especially when their ultimate overall goal is to topple the regime of which they oppose, militarily.
To support this point, in the past weeks, Gen. Cirillo and supporters attacked or made grandiose claims about the SPLM/A (IO)'s establishment falsely and this is a cause of concern for me.
Further, against all odds, Gen. Cirillo has requested recognition from the Africa Union' chairperson. Therefore, it's high time for someone to tell Gen. Cirillo that no revolutionary has ever requested recognition either directly or remotely from anyone.
It's rather wrong for Gen. Cirillo or anyone of his calibre to beg for recognition from anyone. Gen. Cirillo must be told that his approach or strategy in this regard is flatly wrong and raised a lot of questions among many moving forward. At least for many like me, it displayed a lack of self-worth and inexperience.
Moving forward, I like Gen. Cirillo to consider the following recommendations:
I. Never again ask anyone to recognise your stand, prove it to them, if indeed your intentions were genuine and for armed opposition.
II. Never attack other armed oppositions on baseless grounds, for they are your best companions in armed. If anything, cherish their successes in defeating the enemy.
III. If your intentions are genuine and for armed opposition, be vigilant and never fall prey or allowed yourself to be manipulated by hovering crooks or never solely believe in any promises. Know that promises are just promises until proven.
IV. Take a leap backwards and immediately change your tone toward other armed oppositions and formally apologise to the SPLM/A (IO) establishment for the inconvenience.
V. Call for armed oppositions' alliances' conference to dispel any misinformation about your loyalties.
VI. Never claim military supports falsely from any other armed opposition, for the reverse rule is you would be their first target to prove that you are not one of them.
J. Nguen is the chairman of Nuer Supreme Council (NSC), South Sudanese advocate, political commentator and analyst. He can be reached at jamesnguen@gmail.com
March 18, 2017 (JUBA) – Dozens of South Sudan army (SPLA) soldiers led by Captain Lam Yuol Jok abandoned their positions and joined the armed opposition Brigadier Gen. Musa Dakumi in Raja area of Western Bhar el Gazal last Friday, a rebel spokesperson told Sudan Tribune Saturday.
Lt. Col. Lam Paul, a deputy rebel spokesperson, said pro-government camp in Raja and Western Bhar el Ghazal state joined ranks with their forces in the area to fight against the government.
He, however, said the soldiers defected after allegedly witnessing several mistreatment of civilians that include rape, tortures and extra-judicial killing of innocent children in Wau.
“They witnessed many atrocities ranging from gang rape of women and underage girls to kidnap and killing of innocent civilians by the untrained government Militias and so, they decided to join the mighty and disciplined SPLA-IO under the leadership of the Commander In Chief Dr. Riek Machar Teny Dhurgon,” Lam told Sudan Tribune.
The rebel official said they have welcomed all steps taken by the former government fighters, adding that their defection to the rebel movement remains a big blow to the Juba regime.
Lam has also disputed earlier reports that Col. Yien Mathew, a former fighter of the armed opposition faction in Upper Nile state defected to the government led by President Salva Kiir.
Yien, according to Lam, joined Lam Akol's National Democratic Movement (NDM) and not a member of the armed opposition movement led by former First Vice President, Riek Machar.
“Late last year he [Yien] became a member of NDM Liberation Council. Yien Mathew was a beneficiary of Dr. Lam Akol's NDM and did not rejoin the SPLA-IO completely, even secretly,” he said.
Sudan Tribune was unable to reach the SPLA spokesperson on the alleged defection.
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March 19, 2017 (EL-FASHER) - One person was shot dead and several others injured including an army officer in shooting incident Sunday in Mellit locality, 60 kilometres north of El-Fasher, North Darfur state capital.
Eyewitnesses told Sudan Tribune that a fight broke out when a trader in Mellit market was provoked by a person coming from another locality leading to the intervention of an army soldier.
In statements following the incident, acting governor of North Darfur Mohamed Braima Hassab al-Nabi said the killing resulted from a brawl among a group of people in the market.
“During the fight, some of them seized the rifle magazine from a soldier and the magazine was restored and some bullets were fired into the air and two attackers have been injured,” he said.
He pointed that four people were wounded in the fight, saying one of the attackers was injured and another died.
Hassab al-Nabi added that an army soldier was injured while he was acting in self-defence, saying the situation in the locality is calm.
He described the attackers as outlaws, saying they came from Kabkabiya locality and engaged in an altercation with a trader leading to the intervention of the army soldier.
The acting governor described the incident as “limited”, saying the commissioner and the security committee in the locality are investigating the issue to find out why the attackers came to Mellit.
Last June, North Darfur governor Abdel-Wahid Youssef accused unnamed parties of seeking to keep the “insecurity and instability” situation in Darfur, pointing to “hidden hands that prompt the security chaos in all Darfur's five states not only North Darfur”.
He declared a state of maximum readiness among regular forces to control the lawlessness situation in the state and prevented riding of motorcycles, wearing of Kadamool (a turban which covers the face) and holding arms inside the capital, El-Fasher.
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March 19, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's foreign ministry has instructed the concerned bodies to develop a roadmap to end the Egyptian presence in the disputed area of Halayeb triangle, said border demarcation official.
The Halayeb triangle, which is a 20,580 km area on the Red Sea, has been a contentious issue between Egypt and Sudan since 1958, shortly after Sudan gained its independence from the British-Egyptian rule in January 1956.
The area has been under Cairo's full military control since the mid-1990's following a Sudanese-backed attempt to kill the former Egyptian President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak.
Head of Sudan's Technical Committee for Border Demarcation (TCBD) Abdallah al-Sadiq told Sudan Tribune the foreign ministry has met with several government organs including the justice and interior ministries, National Records Office and the TCBD in order to modify files prepared by previous committees on Halayeb.
He pointed the move indicates that the foreign ministry aims to take some action regarding Halayeb issue.
On Sunday, al-Sadiq told the semi-official Sudan Media Center (SMC) that a committee including all concerned bodies has been formed to decide on Halayeb triangle issue.
“The committee held a preparatory meeting to develop guidelines and a road map to explore ways to evict the Egyptians from the area [Halayeb] through diplomacy,” he said.
Al-Sadiq stressed that Khartoum has documents which clearly proves that Halayeb is a Sudanese territory.
Last October, Sudan once again lodged a complaint to United Nation Security Council (UNSC) over Halayeb triangle.
Last April, Cairo refused a demand by the Sudanese government to hold direct talks on Halayeb and Shalateen or to accept the referral of the dispute to the International Court of Arbitration.
Egypt has used to reject Sudan's repeated calls for referring the dispute to international arbitration.
The international law provides that the agreement of the two parties is needed to arbitrate a dispute by the tribunal.
Also, the Egyptian authorities have imposed restrictions on the entry of Sudanese nationals into the area.
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March 19, 2017 (JUBA) – The office of South Sudan's President Salva Kiir has dismissed reports claiming the country's leader had allegedly confirmed the "death" of Rebecca Nyandeng Garang, widow of South Sudan's ruling party (SPLM) founder, John Garang.
Ateny Wek Ateny, the presidential spokesman said Kiir's alleged confirmation of Nyandeng's "death" that circulated on social media was “just an evil-wishing spree.”
The presidential spokesman said Nyandeng has immediate and extended family members who would have confirmed or denied such news, if any.
"President Kiir has not spoken to anybody about the passing of John Garang's widow nor did he mention the word ‘dead' of any opposition leader," he said.
Ateny advised members of the public to disregard the news and treat it as a scam.
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March 19, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - European Union Special Envoy for the Promotion of Freedom of Religion, Jan Figel, called on the Sudanese government to released two Sudanese pastors sentenced together with a Czech missionary last February.
Hassan Abdel-Rahim and Abdel-Moni'm Abdel-Mawla were sentenced to 12 years for colluding with the Czech filmmaker who had been condemned for espionage, waging war against the state and inciting hatred against religious congregations.
"The Envoy called for the pardoning of the two Sudanese pastors, sentenced along with the released Czech Missionary Peter Jašek," said a statement released by the European Union delegation in Sudan at the end of Figel's visit to the east African country.
Jašek has been pardoned by President Omer al-Bashir upon the request of the Czech government.
The statement further disclosed that the European envoy had been allowed to meet the human rights defender Mudawi Ibrahim in his detention who has been in custody without charge since last December.
Sources close to the file say Mudawi's case will be soon filled to the court as the investigation have been concluded.
The envoy, according to the statement, discussed the constitutional amendments and their compliance with international human rights law and pointed that the importance that the legislative framework also reflects these standards.
“A fair state must be organised around equal citizenship for all. Diversity enriches while uniformity weakens societies," said Jan Figel.
During his three-day visit, Figel met with Sudanese ministers for Foreign Affairs and Endowments and Guidance, and members of the parliament. Also, he visited the National Human Rights Commission and Council of Islamic Fiqh, Nour Mosque, and Coptic Church.
Jan Figel announced that he will brief the EU Parliament and other EU institutions about his visit.
The Sudanese government has good relations with Germany and Italy. Further, it seeks to improve relations with the European Union and the resumption of it economic support to Sudan which is suspended since the coup d'état of 1989.
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March 17, 2017 (BOR) - Authorities in South Sudan's Jonglei state have intensified calls for the enactment of forest laws, saying illegal cutting of trees has led to loss of thousands of indigenous tree species in the area.
The director general in the state agriculture and forestry state, Del Anyieth said there has been rampant cutting down of trees by unauthorized people for charcoal business, in addition to those who use it to create settlement areas.
The practice, he said, could lead to complete loss of forests, if uncontrolled.
“Forest laws are supposed to be passed in this country, and when these laws are passed, there should be forest reserves, if they are marked, they can be deserted to make sure that there is no encroachment. When the state has a forest reserve that means there is a future for that”, Anyieth told reporters in the capital, Bor Saturday.
“We have seen a lot of destruction taking place. Forest is being cut without permits, without laws and protection. Supposed if forest laws are passed, there will be protection”, stressed the senior ministry official.
He urged cabinet and lawmakers in Jonglei state to swiftly enact laws that will allow his directorate control random cutting of trees in the surrounding areas.
South Sudan has no forestry policy. And authorities are worried they could lose the country's tropical forests; unless stringent measures are put in place to curb the rampant rate of illegal logging.
These fears come barely a year after conservationists from the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) warned of dangers the lie ahead as the country's wildlife and natural resources face an alarming expansion of illegal exploitation, trafficking and logging.
The report, the agency stated, was based on scientific monitoring and investigations undertaken its team undertook in cooperation with local partners over the past months, which documented a sharp rise in illegal activities in various areas of the young nation.
Cited as an immediate threat to South Sudan's forests were illegal logging, gold mining and charcoal production, among others.
Sadly, however, these illegal activities are reportedly being perpetrated by local and international individuals and actors, including members of various armed groups active in the country.
South Sudan is currently embroiled in a conflict that has killed tens of thousands of the population, displacing nearly two million of them.
According to conservationists, prior to the outbreak of its war in December 2013, South Sudan's extensive areas of untouched natural woodlands, forests, and savannas, were home to wildlife populations including approximately 2,500 elephant, hundreds of giraffes, the endemic Nile Lechwe and white-eared kob tiang, Mongalla antelope migrations, wild dog and chimpanzees.
However, over the past two years of armed conflict, the various armed forces across the country, WCS said, have been implicated in several cases of large-scale illegal exploitation of natural resources.
A 2010 study conducted by the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), dubbed the "Forest Resources Assessment", estimated that a high rate of up to 2,776 square kilometres of forests and other wooded land were being lost annually in South Sudan.
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March 18, 2017 (JUBA) – South Sudan government has resolved to establish a ministry for foreign affairs, an institution that would be tasked to coordinate regional relations.
This was reached at during the weekly council of minister's meeting chaired by the South Sudanese leader, Salva Kiir Friday.
The information minister, Michael Makuei Lueth, said a minister will be appointed by the president, regardless of criticisms over the peace agreement, which limits the number of the national ministers to 30 be shared by the various political partners to the August 2015 peace accord.
“The Council of Ministers has resolved to form a Minister of East African Affairs and gave the President the go-ahead to appoint the minister,” said Makuei.
War-torn South Sudan became a member of the East African regional body (EAC) in 2016, joining Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi and Tanzania. South Sudan appointed seven representatives for the East African Legislative Assembly last week and will appoint members to sit on the East African Court in Arusha, Tanzania.
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By Tesfa-Alem Tekle
March 18, 2017 (ADDIS ABABA) - The number of South Sudan refugees fleeing to neighbouring Ethiopia has seen a surge since the beginning of March, the UN refugee agency said on Saturday.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in a statement it extended to Sudan Tribune Saturday said over 600 South Sudan refugees are crossing borders to Ethiopia in March on daily basis, due to the ongoing conflict and food scarcity.
“The daily arrival rate has significantly jumped from 103 persons in February and 199 in February to 660 so far in March,” it said.
Between 1 and 11 March 2017, a total of 7,258 South Sudanese refugees have arrived in Ethiopia's Gambella region.
Of these, 3,967 arrived in the week of 6 to 11 March, representing a daily average arrival rate of 660 people.
The latest influx has brought the total number of South Sudanese refugees who have arrived in Ethiopia since September 2016 to 68,858.
All the new arrivals have gone through level-1 registration and were most of them relocated to Nguenyyiel refugee camp, one of South Sudan refugee camps in Gambela region bordering South Sudan.
Pagak, a border town of South Sudan continues to be the main entry point through which an increasing number of South Sudanese refugees are crossing into Gambella, Ethiopia.
Between 1 February and 11 March 2017, a total of 12,828 refugees crossed through Pagak.
So far in March, 7,258 arrivals were registered in Pagak and all, but 192, were relocated to Nguenyyiel refugee camp while other new arrivals remain in Pagak, awaiting relocation.
According to the latest report, 65% of the total registered new arrivals are children, including 15,488 unaccompanied and separated children.
A recent sample survey conducted in Pagak revealed that the new arrivals originated mainly from Upper Nile State (Nasir, Longechuk or Mathiang, Ulang and Maiwut Counties) and Jonglie State (Uror, Akobo and Ayod Counties).
Conflict and food insecurity were cited as the main reasons for leaving South Sudan.
The majority (87%) continue to be women and children. A good number of those who arrived in March originated from Bentiu.
According to the UN refugee agency, as of 15 March, Ethiopia hosted more than 356,000 South Sudanese refugees who originate mostly from Upper Nile and Jonglie States, as well as some from the Unity state.
In addition to registration and protection, WASH, Nutrition, Primary Health Care and other services are available and functioning well at the entry point.
As South Sudan refugees continue to flee to Ethiopia in large numbers, UNHCR in close collaboration with its Ethiopian partner, Administration for Refugees and Returnees Affairs (ARRA) is in the process of ensuring maximum preparedness by reviewing the capacity of Nguenyiel camp and the identification of possible sites for new camps.
"With Nguenyyiel quickly reaching its capacity and no readily available site for establishing additional camps in the Gambella region, the possibility of transferring new arrivals to the Benishangul- Gumuz Region is being considered," the agency said.
"UNHCR and ARRA are in the process of identifying a suitable site in that region" it added.
Given the ongoing conflict and food insecurity in the newest nation, UNHCR together with ARRA and other partners, have also finalised a draft Contingency Plan to respond to the possibility of a renewed influx of refugees from South Sudan.
The draft contingency plan foresees the arrival of potential more refugees in Ethiopia and fund shorting.
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March 18, 2017 (JUBA)- The South Sudanese government has protested to a confidential report by a panel of experts who were appointed by the United Nations on findings accusing the government of buying weapons while the country was experiencing a devastating famine.
The U.N. panel of experts recommended the government to consider an arms embargo.
South Sudan's information minister, Michael Makuei Lueth told reporters after Friday's weekly briefing that “we have not bought arms for the last two to three years."
The Minister went on to say that the government had the right to acquire weapons for self-defence. "We have rights to buy arms for self-protection or self-defence. So this idea of the UN saying the government of South Sudan doesn't care about its people and they are fan of buying arms all the time is not correct," said Lueth.
The minister also dismissed the accuracy of the report, claiming it was biased.
Lueth strongly denied buying weapons, however multiple military sources have told the Sudan Tribune on Saturday that weapons were acquired and the information was leaked by officers at the procurement and logistics department.
The leaking of this information has resulted in the arrest of many military officers, while others left the country. Other military officers formed a rebellion.
“It is true there has been a plan to acquire weapons and this information was leaked to the UN by some of our officers in the directorate for logistics. Some of these officers have now left the country. Others like Thomas Cirilo Swaka have rebelled. So it was the work of rebels from within,” a high ranking military officer told Sudan Tribune Saturday.
Famine was recently declared in Mayendit, a village in South Sudan's Unity state, the latest crisis in the country's three-year civil war. About 100 000 people are said to be at risk, and aid groups are pleading for access. At least 5 million people or more than 40% of the nation's population are need urgent assistance, aid agencies say.
Years of civil war, a refugee crisis and a collapsing economy have taken a toll on South Sudan since it gained independence in 2011. Tens of thousands of people have been killed and millions displaced in the country's worst ever violence since it seceded from North Sudan in 2011.
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March 18, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Chairman of the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) Malik Agar Saturday acknowledged that his deputy Abdel-Aziz al-Hilu has tendered his resignation but didn't mention whether or not it was accepted.
A twelve-page resignation addressed to the Nuba Mountain Liberation Council, SPLM-N's highest political authority in the Nuba Mountains, and signed by al-Hilo has widely circulated on social media on Friday.
Also, there were media leaks that the Nuba Mountain Liberation Council has issued a number of decisions which involves changing the negotiating team with the government headed by SPLM-N secretary-general Yasir Arman.
In a press release extended to Sudan Tribune Saturday, Agar confirmed his deputy's resignation, denying that any changes have taken place on SPLM-N political and military structure including its negotiating team with the government.
“The only body that would deal with the political issues is the leadership council and the military issues would be dealt with by the SPLM-N chief of general staff,” he said.
Agar accused what he described as “suspicious circles” of seeking to his deputy's resignation to settle scores with the SPLM-N and its leadership and political stances.
“The resignation is true and it would be handled properly and all issues contained in it including the call for self-determination for the Nuba Mountain would be discussed within the regulatory frameworks of the SPLM-N and its leadership and on top of that the leadership council,” Agar said.
The rebel leader stressed the SPLM-N would adhere to the unilateral cessation of hostilities it has declared earlier except for self-defence, pointing the Movement is committed to its stances within the Sudan Call and Sudan Revolutionary Front.
He pointed out the Movement wouldn't abandon issues pertaining to political and security arrangements in the Two Areas besides the comprehensive political solution, saying they will continue to push forward theses issues internally and abroad.
Agar further underscored that the New Sudan project is the SPLM-N's political programme, saying the project is open for the participation of all Sudanese.
SELF-DETERMINATION
Informed sources within the SPLM-N have told Sudan Tribune that al-Hilu continued to demand the Movement's negotiators to raise the issue of self- determination of Nuba Mountain at the negotiating table, saying the refusal of the negotiating team to consider his demand pushed him to tender his resignation.
According to sources, al-Hilu should have addressed his resignation to the SPLM-N leadership council instead of the Nuba Mountain Liberation Council because the former is body entrusted with handling these issues.
In his resignation dated, on 7 March, al-Hilu disclosed differences among the three executive officers of the national leadership council, saying these differences “went beyond the secondary matters to the principles and orientations”.
He pointed that the major disagreement between himself and Agar and Arman evolve around the Movement's manifesto and constitution besides the negotiating position, stressing the SPLM-N has been working without manifesto for six years.
Al-Hilo also accused Arman of controlling the decision-making process, saying the selection of Movement's heads of external offices is done according to “personal mode”.
He also mentioned differences with Arman regarding the Movement's stance towards the security arrangements with the government.
He disclosed that on the security arrangements, he said that Arman last August handed over to the African Union mediation the same position included in Agar-Nafei agreement of 28 June 2011, while he agreed with him in January 2016 to ask for a 20-year period security arrangements deal.
SPLM-N has been fighting the Sudanese army and its allied militia in Blue Nile and South Kordofan, also known as the Two Areas since June 2011.
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March 18, 2017 (JUBA) – The Ugandan President, Yoweri Museveni said the conflict in South Sudan would only come to an end if the parties at war return to the negotiating table, stressing that a war would not solve the problem.
“The warring groups must hold negotiations aimed at two things, holding elections and reforming the security sector,” said Museveni on Friday during a meeting with a visiting the Chinese Special Representative on African Affairs.
The Ugandan leader appreciated the involvement from the Chinese government in the process of seeking a way to end the conflict in South Sudan. “We discussed the situation in South Sudan. Glad China is taking interest in this conflict,” he said.
According to President Museveni's official twitter account, he met Xu Jinghu, the Chinese Government Special Representative on African Affairs and her delegation on Friday at the State House.
President Museveni, who has been a lifeline and the only close political ally in the region of President Salva Kiir for the period of conflict in the country, attributed the conflict in the country to the leadership failure to guide the people of the country, stating the group did not have clear headed leadership.
“The main problem in South Sudan is ideological. The groups there do not have a clear headed leadership to guide the people about their future. They push the pseudo ideology of sectarianism of tribes & yet this is detrimental to the people's well being. Force can't solve the conflict,” said the Ugandan leader.
Museveni called on the “warring groups” to hold negotiations with the aim to establish a security sector and hold elections. His call for negotiation follows a similar call made by American lawmakers on President Donald Trump to appoint a high Special Envoy.
12 United States Senators and Congressmen, in a letter dated 24 February 2017, called on US newly elected President Donald J. Trump, to appoint a new high-level Special Envoy for South Sudan and Sudan with International Status to bring the “urgently needed diplomatic leadership to international efforts to achieve a sustainable peace in and between the two countries”.
The Senators also called on the Africa Union through its high-level representative to South Sudan, to reinvigorate an inclusive political process to end South Sudans' conflict. While President Donald Trump is yet to respond, the regional leaders have begun to talk about inclusive process instead of taking side.
Omar Hassan el Bashir, Sudan President called for an inclusive political process, saying that South Sudan would not have peace without including the leader of armed opposition, Riek Machar. Bashir said that Machar controls wide areas in the country.
South Sudan President Salva Kiir also indicated his readiness to pardon Machar if he denounces violence.
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This Saturday, Southern African Development Community (SADC) heads of state and government will meet in Swaziland. The subregional organization, which includes the Democratic Republic of Congo, should use this meeting to help resolve the political and human rights crisis in Congo.
On February 24, SADC foreign ministers called for the urgent nomination of a new prime minister in Congo and for a rapid application of the New Year’s Eve deal. With the appointment of the new government and implementation of the deal still largely stalled, regional heads of state and government should reiterate this call strongly and clearly.
ExpandCongolese Catholic Church (CENCO) Bishops Fidele Nsielele (left), Marcel Utembi (center), and Fridolin Ambongo (right) arrive to mediate talks between the opposition and the government of President Joseph Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo's capital Kinshasa, December 21, 2016.
© 2016 ReutersThey should also call on the Congolese authorities to quickly and fully implement the confidence-building measures agreed upon in the deal. Those include releasing and dropping charges against political leaders and activists targeted because of their peaceful political views or activities and opening barred media outlets.
On February 22, Congo’s Roman Catholic bishops warned that the political deadlock coupled with the escalation of conflict in parts of Congo could “plunge [the] country into an uncontrollable chaos.” Violence has intensified across the country in recent months, leaving several hundred people dead, including in the Kasai provinces, Tanganyika, North Kivu, and Kongo Central, as well as in the capital, Kinshasa. “Is it only by accident that this [intensified violence] occurs in this pre-electoral period?” the bishops said, adding that they feared “a design with the aim of delaying or preventing” elections.
On February 25, the United Nations Security Council called on all stakeholders in Congo “to redouble, in good faith, their efforts towards a speedy conclusion of the ongoing talks on the ‘arrangements particuliers’ of the agreement.”
The United States, which played a major role in pressing for elections and defending human rights during the Obama administration, has been rather silent on Congo under President Donald Trump. The US could, and should, be doing more, including a new round of targeted sanctions against abusive officials. As the Washington Post recently put it, “another explosion of bloodshed in Central Africa” is “something that even an ‘America First’ president should want to stop.”
The European Union, meanwhile, made a strong call for urgent implementation of the New Year’s Eve deal in its March 6 foreign affairs council conclusions on Congo. Foreign ministers also instructed High Representative Federica Mogherini to start the process for new targeted sanctions, looking at “those responsible for serious human rights violations or for incitement to violence and those who would obstruct a consensual and peaceful solution to the crisis.”
It is time for regional leaders to take a stand. Their engagement last year played a role in pressing President Joseph Kabila and others to accept the Catholic Church-mediated agreement. But continued, high-level engagement is needed to ensure that the agreement holds and that credible elections are organized, and to prevent an already explosive situation in Congo from deteriorating even further.