Africa

June 13, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - In a meeting with the head of Darfur hybrid peacekeeping mission (UNAMID) this week, two armed groups have condemned the deterioration of the humanitarian situation in the western Sudan regional and called for an international response.

In a joint statement extended to Sudan Tribune on Tuesday, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/R-MM) and Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) said they met with the UNAMID head, Jeremiah Kingsley Mamabolo, in Paris on the 9th of June 2017.

The two groups who are part of the African Union-brokered peace process said they discussed with Mamabolo, the political situation in the country and the recent fighting that began on 19 May in North Darfur and East Darfur.

The meeting further discussed "the worsening of the humanitarian crisis and the need for an effective monitored and verifiable cessation of hostilities that paves the way for comprehensive political negotiations".

"The two movements urged the UNAMID and the international community to swiftly respond to the deteriorating humanitarian situation," it further said.

In a humanitarian report released on Monday, the SLM-MM deplored the international silence over what is described as " humanitarian violations," and underscored that UN reports d not reflect the deteriorating humanitarian and security situation in Darfur.

Regarding the last month clashes in North and East Darfur states, the statement accused the Sudanese government of attacking the rebel positions and breaching the unilateral cessation of hostilities.

"The two movements reiterated commitment to their previously declared unilateral cessation of hostilities and expressed their commitment to peaceful resolution of the conflict in spite the fact that the Government of Sudan violated its own declared unilateral cessation of hostilities by initiating the ongoing military operations that led to the exacerbation of the humanitarian situation in the Region," said the statement.

The Sudanese government denies the accusations and says the assailant rebel fighters came from Libya and South Sudan, repeating that the region is free of rebels.

On June 1st, the Troika countries and the resident European Union Embassies in Khartoum called on the warring parties to return to the negotiating table to reach a cessation of hostilities. However, they pointed that the hostilities resumed in the region “after reinforcement from outside Darfur by the armed opposition elements”.

The SLM-MM and JEM, nonetheless, expressed their deep concern for the Government's violation of "International Human Rights Law relating to the treatment of POWs, the use of aerial bombardment against civilians, extrajudicial killings, and mass displacements".

In August 2016, the two holdout groups failed to reach a humanitarian cessation of hostilities with the government as they insisted on the need to clearly include that the political talks would not be based on the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD).

Since, the two armed movements held a series of meetings in Paris and Doha with the Qatari mediator, the head of UNAMID and former U.S. special envoy to define “how such a negotiation process for Darfur would operate and how it will relate to the ongoing AUHIP Roadmap Agreement process for resolving both the Darfur and Two Areas conflicts”.

Last month, the two groups handed over to Mamabolo, who is also the joint mediator for Darfur peace process, a position paper on how and what they want to negotiate to achieve peace in the west Sudan region of Darfur.

(ST)

June 13, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - The Blue Nile Liberation Council (BNLC) of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) has rejected decisions by Nuba Mountain Liberation Council (NMLC) to sack Movement's Chairman and Secretary General.

Last week, the NMLC decided to install SPLM-N Deputy Chairman Abdel-Aziz al-Hilu as temporary chairman of the Movement and relieved Malik Agar from the leadership of the armed group together with the Secretary General Yasser Arman.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune Tuesday, the BNLC rejected the NMLC decision to sack Agar, Arman and the commander of the 2nd infantry front, Maj. Gen. Ahmad Al-Umda.

The statement, which was signed by Bashir Sifa Matar, said the NMLC has no constitutional right to remove Agar, Arman and Al-Umda from their positions, saying the decision to remove the Movement Chairman and Secretary General is reserved only to the National Liberation Council.

It also denounced the move by the SPLM-N spokesperson Arnu Ngutulu Lodi to support the NMLC decision, saying Lodi is no longer the spokesperson of the Movement but the NMLC.

Recently, Lodi has joined al-Hilu's group and issued a statement calling on the Movement base to support the new leadership.

In two executive decisions Monday, Agar relieved Lodi and the heads of SPLM-N chapters in United Kingdom, Ireland, South Africa, the Netherlands and Canada who issued similar statements in support of al-Hilu.

The Sudanese army has been fighting SPLM-N rebels in the Blue Nile and South Kordofan, also known as the Two Areas since 2011.

(ST)

June 13, 2017 (JUBA) - South Sudanese government denied on Tuesday that the summit of the regional leaders has called for a review of the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCSS) to accommodate the views of the holdout groups.

An extraordinary session of the IGAD heads of states meeting in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa (IGAD File photo)

"That is not true. All those reports are misleading. The IGAD communiqué is very clear. You read it again for yourself. From what I read and which is already in the public, it only called for a High-level Revitalization Forum of the parties," cabinet affairs minister Martin Elia Lomuro told Sudan Tribune on Tuesday

"The use of revitalization means not the agreement but the confidence building of the parties to recommit themselves, especially those who decided to not participate in the implementation of the agreement, which is the only means of ending the conflict and bring peace to the country," he further said.

The minister was reacting to reports saying that the IGAD leaders in their extraordinary meeting of Monday agreed on the need to prioritize the ARCSS implementation to the government-led national dialogue process.

Meanwhile, Petroleum Minister Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth told reporters upon arrival at Juba international airport that the regional leaders pledged to support the implementation of the peace agreement in South Sudan, not review of the agreement.

“Basically, the revitalization means support to the implementation of the agreement and that's basically what it is, so the IGAD as guarantors of the agreement they have to make sure that the implementation of the agreement is not delayed,” said Gatkuoth.

“There is nothing called review of the agreement or renegotiation of the agreement or nothing at all in the IGAD meeting. It was clearly stated that the only way for us to bring peace to South Sudan is to implement the agreement that was signed in 2015,” he added.

“It is a bible and nobody will be tempering with it and it has to be implemented as it is, and whoever is holding out not to be part of the process, IGAD will not entertain those people.”

The communiqué seen by Sudan Tribune calls for convening an "urgent High-level Revitalization Forum of the parties to the ARCSS including estranged groups to discuss concrete measures, to restore permanent ceasefire, to full implementation of the Peace Agreement and to develop a revised and realistic timeline and implementation schedule towards a democratic election at the end of the transition period".

It mandates the IGAD Council of Ministers to urgently convene and facilitate this forum in collaboration with relevant stakeholders and directs the Chairperson of JMEC and the Executive Secretary of IGAD to provide the necessary secretariat and logistical arrangements.

The SPLM-IO Riek Machar says First Vice President Taban does not represent them in the implementation process. That means they want their leader and other leading figures to participate in the government in line with the power-sharing deal to take part in the implementation process.

They also want to discuss the details of a ceasefire agreement ant to take part in the cease-fire commission etc... For them, all these measures should be implemented before the dialogue or the reconciliation process.

On the other hand, Juba rejects the participation of Riek Machar in the government or the national dialogue but accepts that his group join them in the political process and eventually in the government.

(ST)

June 13, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's Central Bureau of Statistics (CBoS) on Monday reported that inflation has increased to 35,52 % in May from 34,81 in April.

A Sudanese woman shops for Ramadan at a market in the Sudanese capital, Khartoum, on 8 July 2013 (Photo: AP/Abd Raouf)

According to the CBoS monthly bulletin, the consumer price index in May reached 758.46 points, up 20.48 points from April while the general food and beverage price index rose by 34.82 points in May.

The CBoS added that the food and beverage group contributed to the overall price rise by % 59.40, while the other 11 goods and service groups contributed % 40.59, saying the general price index in the rural areas has increased by 39,18 points.

Last month, Sudan's finance minister said inflation rate has jumped to 33,7% in the first quarter of 2017, compared to 12.3% for the same period last year, an increase of more than 260%.

He attributed the increase in inflation rate to the impact of the fiscal policy reforms implemented by the government at the end of last year.

In November 2016, Sudanese government lifted fuel subsidies and increased electricity price in a bid to control a surge in inflation and stop the fall of Sudanese pound in the black market.

According to the 2017 budget, the growth rate would decline from 6,4% in 2016 to 5,3% and the targeted average inflation rate is 17%.

Prices and services have soared in Sudan since South Sudan seceded in 2011, taking with it three-quarters of the country's oil output, the main source of foreign currency used to support the Sudanese pound.

The Sudanese pound has lost 100% of its value since South Sudan's secession, pushing inflation rates to record levels given that country imports most of its food.
Ordinary citizens continue to complain from cost of living increases that impaired their access to basic commodities.

(ST)

Research in the US and Europe suggests that black sports people are more at risk of cardiac arrest.

June 13, 2017 (JUBA)- South Sudanese rival forces have issued statements in which they both claimed control of strategic border towns after clashes over its control in different places last weekend.

SPLA soldiers are seen at the airport in Bor January 19, 2014. (Photo Reuters/Andreea Campeaunu)

Spokesperson of the government forces denied on Tuesday reports claiming there were clashes in which the rebel factions have gained control of strategic towns along the northern border areas with the Sudan.

" I am aware of these reports. I know that our forces are in control of the positions in which they were before a declaration of the ceasefire by the president. They have never left and nobody has taken over these positions. They are still occupying them as I am speaking to you. All those reports in the media, especially in the social media are unfounded propaganda", said Colonel Santo Domic Chol on Tuesday

The military spokesman for the government was responding to statements by two rebel factions operating under different commands on Monday claiming to have gained control of key border towns in areas of their operations.

If such developments are confirmed, observers say it could result in large-scale military activities in a country hit by famine and economic hardships, despite repeated declaration of a unilateral ceasefire.

Brig. Gen William Gatjiath Deng, the Military Spokesman of the SPLA-IO faction allied to the former First Vice President Riek Machar, claimed in a statement on Monday that their forces have captured Kuek town, located in the border area in northern Upper Nile near the Sudanese border after fighting on Sunday.

Deng claimed that clashes erupted after the government troops attacked their positions near Kuek area, forcing them to respond in self-defense in which they seized military equipment from the government forces.

Meanwhile, Brigadier General Deng Mareng, spokesman for an armed group under the command of Agany Ayii Akol whose forces coordinate military efforts with the faction of Peter Gadet, claimed their forces captured a military post under Warguet community in Aweil East state after clashing with the government forces. The group operate in an area near the Sudanese border.

Mareng claimed their forces also inflicted heavy losses on the government forces and seized military equipment during the fighting.

He further said one soldier was killed and two others were wounded from their side during clashes which erupted on Sunday and resumed on Monday.

(ST)

A boy and a girl survive, but two deaths are confirmed after a building collapsed in Nairobi.

The suspension is for boycotting a speech by the president and comes amid criticism of the government.

Papiss Cisse leads the tributes at a memorial for former Newcastle team-mate Cheick Tiote, who died after collapsing in training in China.

Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani considers growing calls for changes in the way Nigeria is governed.

The BBC's Anne Soy reports from Nairobi, where a seven-storey building has collapsed.

One man who survived being shot nine times during the Marikana massacre relives that day.

Former South African striker Benni McCarthy is appointed the new head coach of Premier Soccer League club, Cape Town City.

The leader of South Africa's main opposition had said colonialism had some positive aspects.

People in South Africa's Western Cape province are dealing with the impact of wildfires in which seven people died.

East and Central Africa's regional body - Cecafa - is being destroyed by "internal politics", according to secretary general Nicholas Musonye.

By Daniel Zingifuaboro, Clement Mbugoniwia and Simon Ngbidigi

The Republic of South Sudan was born on 9th July 2011, after a successful referendum in which South Sudanese of all walk of lives voted overwhelmingly to separate from the Sudan. By voting in favour of independence, South Sudanese thought they were out of the woods, having fought bitter wars for autonomy from the Sudan since time immemorial. The first celebrations of independence on the 9th of July 2011, was marked with jubilation on the streets and villages of South Sudan. However, that happiness was short-lived as the young nation was towed into what now becomes civil war planned and executed by its own leaders on 15 December 2013.

Just one year after the CPA, a majority of South Sudanese started to feel that there was much that was not right about what was happening or not happening in the young nation. Clearly, there was no vision for nation-building and social cohesion. There was no political will to initiate reconciliation and healing after the hard fought war and human rights abuses during the 21-year civil war between Sudan Government and the SPLM/A. People were being told to be patient until after the referendum, which the Government thought was a priority by then. After the referendum, nothing happened. The people of Equatoria, comprising of the three States of Equatoria (Central Equatoria State; Eastern Equatoria State and Western Equatoria State) staged three conferences and recommended to Salva Kiir's Government issues to do with reforming system of government; Constitution; overhaul of all public institutions including the security sector and diplomatic missions; stop looting of public resources, dominance of power by one ethnic group; social, human and economic developments, among others. All these warnings fell on the deaf ears of President Salva Kiir, who had a different agenda which is clearly manifested through a tribal council of elders known as Jieng Council of Elders (JCE).

Besides, Salva Kiir and Dr Riak Machar had very difficult, strained and uneasy political relationship both in government and within the ruling Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). Furthermore, there are factional political struggles for power within SPLM which became rife and contributed to the December 2013 crisis, as South Sudan approached its first general elections after independence, which were scheduled for 2015. Dr Machar made it clear that he wanted to contest the leadership of the ruling SPLM Party, a declaration that triggered the December 2013, crisis.

The crisis which was seen from outset as a political struggle for power soon descended into an armed struggle between two tribes: Dinka (Salva Kiir's ethnic group) and Nuer (Machar's ethnic group) and thereafter the whole 64 tribes of South Sudan is involved.

The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediated the conflict and brokered the Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (ARCSS) in August 2015, which subsequently resulted in the formation of Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) in April 2016. With the signing of ARCSS, South Sudanese were hopeful once again that, peace has finally returned to their impoverished nation. The dream and hope of peace fell apart when the same government of Salva Kiir plotted to assassinate his peace partner, Dr Machar. Taban Deng Gai, now First Vice President, succumbed to JCE stiff pressure and accepted to oust his boss, Dr Riak Machar. President Kiir returned South Sudan back to war and continue to lie to the world that there is peace in South Sudan.

It is important to underline that, the people of South Sudan, the international community and indeed the IGAD should never overlook that President Kiir was very reluctant to sign the ARCSS but did so with reservations amid stiff pressure from the international community to impose sanctions.1 Salva Kiir stated: “With all those reservations that we have, we will sign this [ARCSS] document…some features of the document are not in the interest of just and lasting peace. We had only one of the two options, the option of an imposed peace or the option of a continued war”.2

Furthermore, Salva Kiir, in his public statement to the nation on 15 September 2015, promised commitment of the government to the faithful implementation of ARCSS. But commented to the contrary that the “IGAD prescribed ARCSS is the most divisive and unprecedented peace deal ever seen in the history of our country and the African continent at large. This agreement has also attacked the sovereignty of our country.3

We are sure Salva Kiir's statement sent early warning signals to the international community, IGAD and other stakeholders as to whether he (Salva Kiir) would commit to the full implementation of ARCSS. It is to be noted that the reservations held by Kiir have largely been ignored by IGAD, knowing that the reservations themselves have the potential to erode Salva Kiir's political will and ownership of the ARCSS. Furthermore, the reservations do not promote inclusivity and popular ownership of the ARCSS in order to ensure effective implementation.

Therefore, Salva Kiir quickly, and upon return of his peace partner to Juba unilaterally abrogated the ARCSS, by creating 28 states contrary to the 10 states agreed upon and went on to define and implement the ARCSS in his own terms. On the other end, the same Salva Kiir and his JCE colluded with Taban Deng Gai, who was also hungry for power, divided the SPLM/A (IO). At first, IGAD was of the opinion that the ARCISS has been violated but when Secretary of State, Hon. John Kerry visited Nairobi and Addis Ababa in August/September 2016, indicating that the ARCSS had not been violated. Consequently, IGAD abrogated their initial position in favour of the US position. This gave the Kiir government boost or licence to commit atrocities with impunity. Since then, fighting has spread throughout the country resulting in the catastrophic humanitarian situation. Millions of people have been killed and millions of others have taken refuge in neighbouring countries and in the UN Protection of Civilians Centres (POCs). Thousands of innocent civilians remained in secret detention facilities across the country.

On the basis of the above background comes the national dialogue, which was purported and inaugurated in Juba on the 12th of May 2017 by President Salva Kiir. We wonder If Salva Kiir who produced 16 reservations to the ARCSS, defined and implement ARCSS in his own terms; will Salva Kiir's selective and one-sided national dialogue bring peace to the suffering people of South Sudan?

In this article, we will argue that though there is no one-side-fits-all approach, but for any national dialogue to succeed, it must be inclusive; transparent; with a credible convener(s); the agenda must address the root causes of South Sudan conflict(s); clear mandate, structure, rules and procedures; and an agreed mechanism for implementation of outcomes. Second, unless Salva Kiir takes the people of South Sudan to the drawing board by agreeing to renew the peace process and alongside run the process of national dialogue, the inaugurated national dialogue is just a political spin designed to derail the thwarted peace agreement and bestow legitimacy on Salva Kiir and his cronies to continue with their hidden agenda.

Defining the National Dialogue

Let us begin with some definitions. While there is no internationally agreed definition, the national dialogue is being continuously used to describe “heterogeneous set of processes”4 for resolving conflicts and for political transformation. It provides opportunity to citizens to have meaningful conversations about the root causes of conflict and ways to holistically address these issues.5

National Dialogue “presents a valid way to overcome internal rifts and to rebuild relationships, to ideally reach new social contract between the various groups in the conflict”.6 It is a critical tool for preventing violent conflicts and for managing political crisis and transitions. 7 National dialogues are nationally owned processes aimed at generating consensus among a broad range of national stakeholders in times of deep political crisis, in post-war situations or during far- reaching political transitions.8

These definitions definitely reflect the situation in and indicate that South Sudan is badly in need of a national dialogue. Having just come out of the war with Sudan, the country did not build or strengthen institutions that support an independent democratic state; defined national identity; making nation-building and social cohesion a priority rather than making it very difficult to achieve. There is massive corruption and mismanagement of national power and resources. The Salva kiir leadership have engaged in a very high level of tribalism and nepotism to the extent that the government have formed or supports an unconstitutional institution, which foster the interest of a tribal elite to control power and resources at the expense of others. Salva Kiir's government has created civil crisis and famine. Thousands of our people have died and hundreds are dying daily. Our roads are closed and our streets and villages deserted, bombarded and burnt down to ashes. Our economy has collapsed. We cannot afford to pay our liabilities. Prices of commodities have skyrocketed. While all these are taking place, the government of Salva Kiir can afford to stockpile weapons including chemical armaments to destroy more lives and livelihoods; instead of purchasing food for our dying famine-affected people. Our hospitals have no medicines and personnel. There is no meaningful education, besides our young people, are being trained as militias to fight themselves. Our women and girls are being raped and killed by the same government forces meant to protect them. Human rights abuses are on the rampant. There is massive extra-judicial killings and disappearances. The rule of law has collapsed paving ways for acts of revenge and impunity. There is no freedom of speech and association. The media is heavily controlled to achieve the interest of the tribal ruling elites. Our people are living in fear of apprehension and persecution. The government no longer supports democratic principles. We believe that these are the same reasons that made President Kiir takes arms against the Sudan Government. Thus, it is beyond comprehension that the same Salva Kiir can apply same colonial strategies he fought against to rule his own people that he fought to liberate from the impoverished situation.

On the initiative of national dialogue, we appreciate the effort of President Kiir. South Sudan truly needs a national dialogue to heal the wounds in hearts and in our society and move on. We would like to underscore that, while the concept of holding a national dialogue is a noble idea, it is doubtful whether President Kiir is doing this in good faith or he is trying to keep his grip on power, because there is a risk when leaders misuse national dialogue seeking to consolidate their grip on power.9Although it is not bad idea to control power on the basis of ideology and democratic principles, what must not be condoned is when a regime control power in order to advance a narrow tribal interest(s).

Can the national dialogue in its current form succeed?
We will now examine and provide some answers to these questions. As already mentioned above, there is no one-size-fits-all approach to national dialogues, but there are necessary conditions and processes for a successful national dialogue. We will examine whether the current South Sudan national dialogue meets these conditions.

Phase One: Preparatory
Preparatory phase is about inclusivity. It is about national dialogue mandate that emerges from a consensus among the main stakeholders.10

Inclusive

First and foremost, national dialogue must be inclusive. It must bring together a “broad set of stakeholders for a deliberative process”. All key interest groups must be invited including but not limited to civil society, political parties/elites, opposition groups (armed and unarmed), traditional authorities, women, youth, religious groups, disabled people, refugees, Internal Displace People (IDP), business elites etc. this will ensure maximising the potential of the national dialogue to address the real drivers of South Sudan conflict. It is anticipated that before the process starts, there must be preparatory phase, setting proper foundation for a genuine national dialogue, which must be inclusive, transparent and consultative.12Any national dialogue mandate should emerge from a consensus among the main stakeholders to ensure that all participants, even those on the fringes agree to the mandate.13 Besides, an initial decision must be made on the shape and structure of the national dialogue; particularly who is invited to participate plus a preparatory committee that is inclusive of all major groups must undertake these preparations carefully and transparently.14

Sadly, we have examined the current South Sudan national dialogue and have serious doubts whether it meets the inclusivity principle. Let us give it the benefit of the doubt and agree in principle that we do have a preparatory committee considering that President Salva Kiir may claim that the committee he inaugurated on 12 May 2017 is a preparatory committee. The question, which is still, unanswered is whether the participants represent a broad range of stakeholders who have a stake in the issues affecting South Sudan. Having seen the list of the participant, their regions and affiliations, it is evidence that the list of the steering committee and indeed the participants is dominated by about 70 percent of the usual tribal elites, who consider South Sudan to be their own property, and so it belongs to them and they can decide what to do with it. Second, there is no evidence to suggest, otherwise that the stakeholders were consulted, invited and a pre-negotiation has been undertaken to define the scope of the mandate. Third, there is also no evidence to suggest the process is transparent. There is clear evidence of exclusion to the extent that President Kiir has publicly denounced the participation of SPLM/A (IO) led by Dr Riak Machar Teny, on condition that he/SPLM/A (IO) must first renounce violence, although he himself (Salva Kiir) and the JCE have not quit violence.

It is worth mentioning that there is also no evidence to suggest that President Kiir consulted the international community and regional bodies. While national dialogue must be nationally owned to be successful, it is equally paramount to consult international and regional bodies who may play roles including and not limited to funder, observer, provider of technical and expert support, facilitator, monitor and verifier. Excluding these international actors is not wisdom as far as their interests are concerned. However, we do assume perhaps that President Museveni might have been consulted as evident by his presence at the inauguration on 12 May 2017.

Phase Two: Process
The second phase is the “process phase” 15. This phase involves setting the agenda; finding a charismatic convener(s); establishing principles; developing decision-making modalities; selecting participants; ensuring public consultation and outreach; and ensuring effective and efficient support structures. This phase is critical but dependent on the success of the preparatory phase.

Setting the Agenda

Setting an agenda for national dialogue is paramount and any national dialogue initiative must address the root causes of South Sudan crisis and it must seek to reach an agreement on key issues facing the country. It takes months or even years of pre-negotiation or consultation to identify and agree on these issues. The question again is asked, have the major stakeholders reached an agreement on the key issues facing South Sudan? If as presumed, the answer is no, how shall the national dialogue be successful if the major opposition groups are not consulted or allowed to participate in the initial process? Will the current committee pre-negotiate or consult to identify and agree on the root causes of South Sudan conflict? If yes, but the current committee is not representative of the various stakeholders of the conflict, therefore, how can this be possible? Unless there is a sudden change in President Kiir's approach, there is hardly any hope for these questions to be answered in the affirmative, because, history tells us that President Kiir has never had any political will to transform South Sudan for all South Sudanese. So, the issues of inclusivity of the current preparatory committee may render its agenda not acceptable by stakeholders who have not been invited to participate in the preparatory committee.

Transparency and Public Participation

For the national dialogue to gain legitimacy, there must be sufficient opportunities for the public to remain informed about and feed into the national dialogue.16 This means that the broader population must be included in the dialogue by creating local dialogue procedures, public consultations, regular outreach, and wider coverage via media outlets. Delegates must be mandated to hold consultative meetings with their groups and capacity building must be provided to the committee members to enable them to analyse information collected via consultations.

Now, imagine the current situation in South Sudan where half of the populations are either displaced or forced into exile as refugees and thousands more held in secret detentions centres across the country. How will the public be efficiently and effectively informed on the national dialogue? The already depleted public infrastructure has collapsed, the roads are not passable and airways are increasingly becoming difficult, scarce and unaffordable. So the movement of people and goods across the country have become impassable. People have vacated their towns and villages due to increasing insecurity. Those in the country, live in fear of being killed, apprehension and persecution, with no freedom of speech and association. Many media outlets have closed or forced to close by the government, leaving only those affiliated with the government. Journalists and civil society activists have been targeted and killed. Many South Sudanese no longer have faith in the SPLM government of Salva Kiir to protect them. There are doubts whether the international community that has not been involved in the national dialogue would provide support for the success of the national dialogue for fear that they may not return on their investment. As indicated above, the majority of South Sudanese including Salva Kiir's ethnic group have lost confidence in his leadership and therefore, Salva Kiir's government has no legitimacy, credibility and he is unwilling to change the status quo. The legitimacy of his government expired since July 2015, coupled with the fact that there has never been any election held under the banner of an independent South Sudan. Furthermore, any leaders who turn guns against his own people cannot claim legitimacy because legitimacy comes from the very people who are being killed in cold blood or forced into the protection of civilians camps run by UN and into exile as refugees. All these and others do not create a conducive environment for holding a national dialogue.

Credible Convener

To ensure the participation of a wide variety of stakeholders, the credibility of the convener is of utmost importance. 17 Whoever the person may be or whatsoever the organisation or coalition of organisations may be, the convener must command the respect of the majority of the people of South Sudan and must not present an obvious conflict of interest.

President Kiir proclaimed himself as the patron, though it was announced later that he has relinquished that position, 18 but really nothing has changed. He is still an indirect convener of the national dialogue, who will continue to engineer the processes, procedures, mandate and outcomes indirectly to achieve his agenda. A majority of the people of South Sudan regardless of ethnicity, believe that President Salva Kiir is not leading the country in the right direction. Second, President Kiir is the architect of the 15 December 2013 crisis. These views and those not expressed in this article do not qualify President Kiir to be a credible convener.

The direct co-chairs of this national dialogue are Hon. Abel Alier and Hon. Angelo Beda. Both of these gentlemen will never command the respect and credibility of the majority people of South Sudan. Their historical legacies, which will not be discussed in this article, before the independence of South Sudan are in deep and serious questions.

Clear Mandate, Structures, Rules and Procedures

For South Sudan national dialogue to be successful, it must have a clear mandate, structures, rules and procedures. This means that the national dialogue must take place outside of the existing institutions of government. This is because the only reason for President Kiir to initiate national dialogue is because he has recognised that his current sitting government and its existing institutions are unable to resolve the major issues at hand. Furthermore, national dialogue must have its own set of rules, structures and procedures for decision-making and they must be transparent. The President is heavily dependent on degrees because that is his only way of dictation. Framework for such a very crucial policy must go through parliamentary procedures so that the mandate, structure, rules and procedures are promulgated for transparency for public scrutiny.

Phase Three: Outcome Implementation

This phase involves setting mechanisms for the implementation of tangible outcomes.19

Outcome Implementation

The last phase is the implementation phase. These are tangible outcomes generated throughout the process and this includes setting out agreed mechanisms for the implementation of those outcomes.
Without a clear implementation plan, South Sudan national dialogue can never achieve tangible results besides the risks of consuming time and resources. Again you cannot assume you will arrive well at the final destination if at all you did not prepare very well for the journey. So, without inclusivity and consensus among stakeholders, the national dialogue risk being a one-sided dialogue, which hardly involves the participation of the other concerned partner(s). There is fear that if the recommendations do not support Salva Kiir's/JCE's agenda, they will never be implemented. Second, if the national dialogue is not inclusive, there is no way its recommendations shall be accepted by major opposition groups (armed and unarmed). And, if the oppositions are not part of the process, they will not participate in the implementation of outcomes. Therefore, the South Sudanese national dialogue, in its current form, will not achieve the much need outcome that could deliver peace dividends to be enjoyed by all South Sudanese.

What can President Kiir do to make the national dialogue successful?
Based on the above arguments, South Sudan national dialogue initiative is commendable; however, it will be wise for President Kiir to halt the current national dialogue processes and employ a more inclusive, transparent and publicly acceptable processes.

President Kiir should consider a request by all opposition groups to renew the ARCSS, which will make the national dialogue more attractive to the major stakeholders in the conflict once peace is achieved.

The best possible way is for President Kiir to hold the national dialogue outside South Sudan to allow for inclusivity and open conversation. Once the national dialogue is completed so that the outcomes of the national dialogue shall inform the renewed peace negotiation processes.

President Kiir must be prepared to re-negotiate the ARCSS in good faith without being intransigent if his agenda is centred on key issues of conflict including building South Sudan for all South Sudanese.

President Kiir must have the political will to fully implement the outcomes of national dialogue and/or renewed peace agreement without reservations and for the betterment of all South Sudanese people.

The authors can be reached at daniel.isbon@gmail.com, clementjuma@gmail.com, and sngbidi4@gmail.com

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

June 12, 2017 (ADDIS ABABA) - The Eritrean government on Monday officially disclosed that it is behind full support of positions taken by Saudi Arabia and its allies over escalating Qatar-Gulf disputes.

The secretive regime in Asmara has led Eritrea to be dubbed the North Korea of Africa

Eritrea's decision comes only a few days after Qatar and Saudi Arabia officials sought diplomatic support from Ethiopia and Eritrea as their East African allies.

Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt and Bahrain last week cut diplomatic ties with Qatar over alleged accusations that Doha was supporting international Islamist extremists who are threats to the region's peace and security.

As part of Qatar's efforts to de-escalate the tension, Qatari delegation today held talks with the Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, only a day after Saudi officials paid visit a to Addis Ababa on partly the same mission.

Unlike neighbouring Eritrea, Addis Ababa, however, did not take sides over the Gulf crises but said today it supports Kuwait's initiative to ease the crises.

Ethiopia said today it supports Kuwaiti's initiative aimed at engaging both sides into dialogue to narrow differences.

In a statement Asmara issued on Monday, the reclusive Red Sea nation said the move was collectively taken by Saudi and other Gulf nations "is not confined to Qatar alone as the potential of Qatar is very limited".

Eritrea, which had strong ties with Qatar, further went into saying that the initiative taken by the Gulf nations "is among many in the right direction that envisages full realisations of regional peace and stability"

The Eritrean ministry of information said Monday that the current Gulf crises is not a matter that requires invitation of the Eritrean government or solicitation of its vote.

"For Eritrea, this is a timely issue that warrants its active support," it noted.

Egypt, UAE along with Bahrain last week cut diplomatic ties with Qatar following footsteps of the wealthiest nation of Saudi Arabia and further suspended air, land and sea routes with the Energy-rich Gulf nation.

While calling on Qatar and the Gulf nations to ease tensions, the United Nations said it is working to resolve the crises.

(ST)

The United Nations envoy for Central Africa today expressed his concern that the withdrawal of troops from the regional force by some contributing countries would create a security vacuum that may be exploited by an armed group.

June 12, 2017 (ADDIS ABABA) - The leaders of the East African regional block - the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) Monday have decided to convene a meeting of the signatories of 2015 peace agreement to discuss ways to revitalise its implementation.

An extraordinary session of the IGAD heads of states meeting in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa (IGAD File photo)

The IGAD leaders held an extraordinary summit on South Sudan in Addis Ababa with the participation of Sudanese and Ugandan presidents, South Sudan first vice president, Ethiopian and Somali prime ministers, Djiboutian and Kenyan foreign ministers.

The meeting which was attended by regional and international facilitators underscored that the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCSS) remains the only "viable way forward" to bring peace and lay out the foundations for a democratic regime in the war-ravaged country.

"The IGAD Summit calls upon all the parties to take urgent steps to draw concrete plan and timeline to compensate the delay and to revitalise the full implementation of the ARCSS;" said the final communiqué released after the meeting.

The summit further decided "to urgently convene a High-level Revitalization Forum of the parties to the ARCSS including estranged groups to discuss concrete measures, to restore permanent ceasefire, to full implementation of the Peace Agreement and to develop a revised and realistic timeline and implementation schedule towards a democratic election at the end of the transition period".

The South Sudanese President Salva Kiir who was conspicuous by his absence declared a unilateral cessation of hostilities and called for a national dialogue process which he wanted to be a forum to achieve reconciliation and to discuss the ARCSS implementation.

The call for a revitalization meeting the IGAD intends to hold urgently may be hailed by the opposition groups who distanced themselves from the government-led dialogue process in Juba.

Commenting on the IGAD extraordinary meeting, John Prendergast, Founding Director at the Enough Project, said: "Because its war is spiralling, South Sudan needs a new, dynamic, and inclusive peace processé.

"If IGAD is unwilling to commit to revitalising the peace process and make it more inclusive and responsive to the evolving conflict dynamic, then the responsibility for an expanded peace initiative should shift to the African Union and United Nations," he called.

(ST)