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Des recherches suggèrent que le risque de contracter des maladies dans la salle de bain pourrait être plus faible qu'on ne le pense. Cependant, il existe des précautions de base que vous pouvez prendre pour réduire davantage ce risque.

Die EU-Migrationspolitik und der Aufstieg der Milizenführer

DRAFT REPORT on European Defence Readiness 2030: assessment of needs
Committee on Security and Defence
Christophe Gomart

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

DRAFT REPORT on European Defence Readiness 2030: assessment of needs
Committee on Security and Defence
Christophe Gomart

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Analyses on de-Europeanization have lately flourished, re-opening the path to explore whether Europeanization is still relevant for how the European governance system evolves. This article, taking the European climate policy (and in particular the European Green Deal) as a case study, which has been the spearhead of the 2019–2024 European Commission term, suggests the said exploration to focus on the EU climate/green policy. It utilizes the case of Greece, which has set the goal of decarbonization by 2028. It analyses the Greek parties’ public stances during two election periods (national in 2023 and European in 2024) to test whether they are consistent with the EU apparatus and goals. The article concludes by showcasing that Greek parties are relatively distant from being Europeanized in the field of climate policy and suggests revisiting Europeanization to better understand European and Member States’ politics.

Read here the article by Emmanuella Doussis, Head of the Climate and Sustainability Programme, ELIAMEP; Professor, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens; George Dikaios, Senior Research Fellow, ELIAMEP, and Marianna Terezaki, Junior Research Fellow, ELIAMEP.

The new issue of the Southeast European and Black Sea Studies Journal is available here.

Cover photo: Tania Malréchauffé, Unsplash

In der heutigen Ausgabe: Frankreichs Sparkurs, Misstrauensvotum und Generalstreik; EU-Parlamentspräsidentin über Europas Rolle in der Welt; Ist Trump Europas Präsident?; Deutsch-französische Beziehungen und FCAS-Kampfjets; Tod eines Streamers in Frankreich legt DSA-Schwachstellen offen.

"No doubt" the company's products are being used for human rights violations, the fund's ethics council said

A Nemzeti Kutatási, Fejlesztési és Innovációs Hivatal 2023 szeptember 1. óta látja el a K+F projektminősítéssel kapcsolatos feladatokat, a tudományos kutatásról, fejlesztésről és innovációról szóló 2014. évi LXXVI. törvény 36. §-a alapján.

Le moral des entreprises allemandes s’est légèrement redressé en août, selon une enquête. Un contraste saisissant avec les mauvaises nouvelles qui s’accumulent, alors que la première économie européenne reste engluée dans la stagnation, sous pression des tensions commerciales et de possibles mesures d’austérité.

The post Quand la confiance des entreprises allemandes défie la réalité économique appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Aujourd’hui dans Les Capitales : la mort en direct d'un streameur français et les failles du DSA, « pas de plan B » pour le FCAS, affirme la France avant une réunion Macron-Merz.

The post Les Capitales : Après la mort en direct d’un streameur français, la législation européenne pointée du doigt appeared first on Euractiv FR.

In today's edition: A confidence wager, Tsípras eyes comeback, Poland moves to curb Ukraine aid, Trump threatens more tariffs

Israël a automatiquement bloqué l'entrée de nourriture à Gaza, affirmant les agences humanitaires, alors qu'un organisme soutenu par l'ONU confirme une famine.

Die Prognosen deuten auf einen positiven wirtschaftlichen Ausblick für Kasachstan hin, mit einem moderaten bis starken BIP-Wachstum, das von Sektoren wie Öl, Dienstleistungen und Infrastruktur angetrieben wird.

Les prévisions indiquent des perspectives économiques positives pour le Kazakhstan, avec une croissance modérée à forte du PIB, tirée par des secteurs tels que le pétrole, les services et les infrastructures.

The post Le Kazakhstan dépasse la Russie et la Chine en termes de PIB par habitant, selon le FMI appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Calls for development policy to place greater emphasis on national self-interest are growing louder in many donor countries, including Germany. There are indeed good reasons to dovetail Germany’s international policies more effectively. Synergies between develop-ment cooperation (DC), foreign trade promotion and research partnerships have not been harnessed systematically to date, yet they could serve the interests of both Germany and its partner countries alike. Moreover, Germany is facing geopolitical competition from actors who have long been using their DC proactively to pursue strategic interests.
We advocate adopting a development policy that pursues German and European interests in those areas in which they are compatible with development policy objectives. Instead of focusing on the interests of individual companies, it is important to identify long-term ‘win-win’ potential, for example through a more strategic approach to planning DC offers that involves the private sector and ministries more actively prior to intergovernmental negotiations with the partner countries.
At the same time, we warn against subordinating DC to foreign economic policy objectives. Conditions such as tied aid provisions that link financial cooperation to business contracts for German/EU companies are expensive, inefficient and counterproductive in development terms. In addition, this approach would risk losing sight of Germany’s overarching interest in solutions to global problems, such as peacebuilding and climate and biodiversity protection.
We set out five guidelines for a development policy strategy that takes due consideration of Germany’s own interests without harming the partner countries:
1. Avoid strict tied aid provisions. These would be inefficient in development terms and would be of little benefit to German companies. As an export nation, Germany should comply with freedom of contract rules.
2. Pursue the interests of German society as a whole where they align with DC objectives. We distinguish between Germany’s global interests and those of individual companies. DC projects should align economic interests with the common good in the partner country.
3. Develop offers strategically prior to intergovernmental negotiations. The most effective synergies are generated if the private sector and other ministries are involved in preparing DC initiatives at an early stage. To do so, Germany needs to define joint national goals, coordinate ministerial instruments to achieve these goals and evaluate contributions by the private sector in advance.
4. Create strategic partnerships that serve as models. Germany has established a number of bilateral partnerships, especially on energy, raw material security and migration. None of these is exemplary in terms of effective interministerial coordination, private sector involvement or demons-trable benefits for both of the countries involved. At least one flagship project in each of the areas mentioned would make Germany attractive as a credible partner.
5. Expand minilateral formats with European states and influential third countries. Triangular and quadrilateral cooperation with ‘global partners’ and donor countries that share the same or similar interests can help advance Germany’s interests in international development for the common good.

Calls for development policy to place greater emphasis on national self-interest are growing louder in many donor countries, including Germany. There are indeed good reasons to dovetail Germany’s international policies more effectively. Synergies between develop-ment cooperation (DC), foreign trade promotion and research partnerships have not been harnessed systematically to date, yet they could serve the interests of both Germany and its partner countries alike. Moreover, Germany is facing geopolitical competition from actors who have long been using their DC proactively to pursue strategic interests.
We advocate adopting a development policy that pursues German and European interests in those areas in which they are compatible with development policy objectives. Instead of focusing on the interests of individual companies, it is important to identify long-term ‘win-win’ potential, for example through a more strategic approach to planning DC offers that involves the private sector and ministries more actively prior to intergovernmental negotiations with the partner countries.
At the same time, we warn against subordinating DC to foreign economic policy objectives. Conditions such as tied aid provisions that link financial cooperation to business contracts for German/EU companies are expensive, inefficient and counterproductive in development terms. In addition, this approach would risk losing sight of Germany’s overarching interest in solutions to global problems, such as peacebuilding and climate and biodiversity protection.
We set out five guidelines for a development policy strategy that takes due consideration of Germany’s own interests without harming the partner countries:
1. Avoid strict tied aid provisions. These would be inefficient in development terms and would be of little benefit to German companies. As an export nation, Germany should comply with freedom of contract rules.
2. Pursue the interests of German society as a whole where they align with DC objectives. We distinguish between Germany’s global interests and those of individual companies. DC projects should align economic interests with the common good in the partner country.
3. Develop offers strategically prior to intergovernmental negotiations. The most effective synergies are generated if the private sector and other ministries are involved in preparing DC initiatives at an early stage. To do so, Germany needs to define joint national goals, coordinate ministerial instruments to achieve these goals and evaluate contributions by the private sector in advance.
4. Create strategic partnerships that serve as models. Germany has established a number of bilateral partnerships, especially on energy, raw material security and migration. None of these is exemplary in terms of effective interministerial coordination, private sector involvement or demons-trable benefits for both of the countries involved. At least one flagship project in each of the areas mentioned would make Germany attractive as a credible partner.
5. Expand minilateral formats with European states and influential third countries. Triangular and quadrilateral cooperation with ‘global partners’ and donor countries that share the same or similar interests can help advance Germany’s interests in international development for the common good.

Calls for development policy to place greater emphasis on national self-interest are growing louder in many donor countries, including Germany. There are indeed good reasons to dovetail Germany’s international policies more effectively. Synergies between develop-ment cooperation (DC), foreign trade promotion and research partnerships have not been harnessed systematically to date, yet they could serve the interests of both Germany and its partner countries alike. Moreover, Germany is facing geopolitical competition from actors who have long been using their DC proactively to pursue strategic interests.
We advocate adopting a development policy that pursues German and European interests in those areas in which they are compatible with development policy objectives. Instead of focusing on the interests of individual companies, it is important to identify long-term ‘win-win’ potential, for example through a more strategic approach to planning DC offers that involves the private sector and ministries more actively prior to intergovernmental negotiations with the partner countries.
At the same time, we warn against subordinating DC to foreign economic policy objectives. Conditions such as tied aid provisions that link financial cooperation to business contracts for German/EU companies are expensive, inefficient and counterproductive in development terms. In addition, this approach would risk losing sight of Germany’s overarching interest in solutions to global problems, such as peacebuilding and climate and biodiversity protection.
We set out five guidelines for a development policy strategy that takes due consideration of Germany’s own interests without harming the partner countries:
1. Avoid strict tied aid provisions. These would be inefficient in development terms and would be of little benefit to German companies. As an export nation, Germany should comply with freedom of contract rules.
2. Pursue the interests of German society as a whole where they align with DC objectives. We distinguish between Germany’s global interests and those of individual companies. DC projects should align economic interests with the common good in the partner country.
3. Develop offers strategically prior to intergovernmental negotiations. The most effective synergies are generated if the private sector and other ministries are involved in preparing DC initiatives at an early stage. To do so, Germany needs to define joint national goals, coordinate ministerial instruments to achieve these goals and evaluate contributions by the private sector in advance.
4. Create strategic partnerships that serve as models. Germany has established a number of bilateral partnerships, especially on energy, raw material security and migration. None of these is exemplary in terms of effective interministerial coordination, private sector involvement or demons-trable benefits for both of the countries involved. At least one flagship project in each of the areas mentioned would make Germany attractive as a credible partner.
5. Expand minilateral formats with European states and influential third countries. Triangular and quadrilateral cooperation with ‘global partners’ and donor countries that share the same or similar interests can help advance Germany’s interests in international development for the common good.

596635 Participants at the Central Asia and Türkiye Youth Talks: Fostering Regional Dialogue, Co-operation, and Innovation Munira Shoinbekova, OSCE Programme Office in Dushanbe

On 11-18 August 2025, the OSCE Programme Office in Dushanbe in co-operation with the OSCE Programme Office in Bishkek, the OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Uzbekistan and with the support of the regional youth Network by Consensus conducted a Central Asia (CA) and Türkiye Youth Talks in Istanbul, Türkiye. This cross-dimensional event provided a regional platform for young leaders from CA region and Türkiye to discuss the issues related to strengthening youth dialogue, enhancing financial literacy and developing networking opportunities for the future development of the region.

During the event, 21 young people (12 women and 9 men) from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Türkiye, and Uzbekistan worked together on development of the projects which could further promote the role of youth in three thematic areas: gender and security, financial literacy, and digitalization and anti-corruption. Participants had a chance to meet with the representative of one of the Turkish technological companies to learn from the experience on developing the innovative tech solutions.

One of the highlights of the event was the Youth Talks’ Day, dedicated to peer-to-peer exchange. Young leaders from Central Asia and Türkiye strengthened their skills to engage in decision-making, discussed the role of youth in peace and security, and explored the challenges they face. They shared ideas and worked on joint projects to support progress in their societies. The event emphasized that connecting young people across borders is essential for expanding knowledge, building networks, fostering co-operation, and driving positive change in the region.

La baisse du soutien dont bénéficie le gouvernement actuel mené par Kyriakos Mitsotakis et l'absence d'une figure d'opposition crédible pourraient constituer un terrain fertile pour un retour en force.

The post En Grèce, l’hypothèse d’un retour d’Alexis Tsipras gagne du terrain  appeared first on Euractiv FR.

La dernière étape de la phase 1 du projet Northern Lights débuté le 25 août, consiste à pomper le gaz comprimé dans un gazoduc sous-marin de 100 kilomètres en vue d'un stockage permanent à 2600 mètres sous la mer.

The post En Norvège, le projet Northern Lights destiné à la décarbonation de l’industrie tient toutes ses promesses  appeared first on Euractiv FR.