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It wasn’t quite the tsunami some were predicting after the first round of the French general election on 11 June, but Emmanuel Macron’s extraordinary story continues.

After securing the presidency on 7 May with the second-highest run-off score under the Fifth Republic, the new head of state’s La République en Marche (LRM) – a party that won’t be one until July – secured 308 of the 577 seats in the National Assembly on 18 June, with a further 42 seats for its allies from former justice minister François Bayrou’s party, MoDem.

This isn’t a record. In 2002, Jacques Chirac’s UMP won 365 seats. But what does matter is that LRM has a majority by itself, should relations with MoDem deteriorate further than they did in the week following the elections.

However, faced with allegations that MoDem MEPs siphoned funding from the European Parliament to the party, the party’s three ministers ‒ Bayrou, Sylvie Goulard at defence and Marielle de Sarnez at European affairs ‒ asked Edouard Philippe not to include them in his post-election cabinet. For both Bayrou and Macron, it became impossible for the minister guiding legislation on the ‘moralisation’ of politics to hold on to his position in the face of an official enquiry. The extent to which Bayrou jumped or was pushed has not yet fully emerged.

A fourth minister from the first Philippe government, the former Socialist Richard Ferrand, one of the first converts to Macronisme, also stood down over separate allegations about his past activities. Re-elected to the Assembly on 18 June, he is expected to chair the LRM group.

“The major difference between this legislature and its more recent predecessors is a political one”

The incoming legislature does show some original characteristics. First, three-quarters of deputies are newcomers. Second, there are more women deputies than ever before: 223 (38%) compared to the last parliament’s previous best of 155 (27%). What is more, the proportion of women elected is much closer to the overall proportion of candidates, which was a little over 40%, despite the penalties parties risk if they don’t run an equal number of women and men.

The Assembly is also younger on average than its predecessor:  48 years compared to 53 in 2012. There are far more deputies in the 20-30 years and 30-40 years age groups than ever before, and far fewer are over 60 years old.

Macron’s promise to shake up the political class has obviously paid off in respect of the ‘newness’ of the class of 2017. But in other ways it hasn’t. The largest socio-professional group in the Assembly are defined as cadres (senior management), and they are followed by ‘category A’ civil servants, then businessmen and -women. The technocratic and business elites that gave us Macron and his PM will throng the Bourbon Palace.

Of course, the major difference between this legislature and its more recent predecessors is a political one. There is no clear left-right divide between government and opposition. LRM-Modem straddles the broad centre. To its right, the Republicans (LR) and their allies in the Union of Democrats and Independents (UDI) number some 136 deputies, along with various unaligned right-wing deputies. But already, before parliament has formally met, the LR-UDI group has splintered, with about 40 deputies forming a separate group willing to work with the government.

On paper, the Socialists and their allies, with more than 50 seats, have done far better than anyone expected. Below the surface, however, the situation is desperate. The collapse from more than 200 seats will have an enormous impact on party finances. More significantly, five years of ‘Hollandisme’ has seen the party’s presence evaporate at the various levels of local government. Moreover, the divisions between those prepared to work with the government and those opposed is likely to see them split into two groups in the Assembly.

By contrast, the right is still strong in la France profonde, and it is no surprise that leading right-wingers have decided to re-centre their power bases in regional assemblies or as the mayors of some of France’s major cities.

“It’s Macron who has a majority, and the elections are over”

The strength of the parties at local level will be tested in September, when half of the Senate is due to be re-elected. The upper house is elected by departmental colleges comprised of local councillors but dominated, in numerical terms at least, by municipal delegates. All the elections that determine the complexion of France’s local assemblies took place well before the launch of Macron’s En Marche!, and it’s not yet clear how the presidential party will go about recruiting supporters and candidates in the colleges.

Macron, however, already has a hard core of supporters in or connected to the Senate. Gérard Collomb, his interior minister, was a senator and mayor of Lyon. Two of his closest advisors, Jean-Paul Delevoye and Jean Arthuis, were once influential figures in the upper house and still have their networks. Delevoye handled the nominations of LRM candidates for the National Assembly and is almost certainly working on the Senate election. In the meantime, Macron has delegated François Patriat, a former Socialist and senator for Côte-d’Or in Burgundy to sound out ‘Macroncompatibles’ senators, mostly on the left, in an effort to establish a group of perhaps as many as 60 supporters, ahead of the Senate renewal.

The Senate cannot block legislation except over constitutional questions that are not put to a referendum. In any case, the right-wing majority there is unlikely to oppose Macron’s attempts to modify the labour law that he has made the flagship reform of his first months in power.

Opposition to that, within parliament, will come the rump PS, but above all from Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s La France Insoumise and from the Communists (PCF). The former have 17 seats and had hoped to persuade the latter, with eleven, to join them. But within the PCF leadership there is no love for Mélenchon and they have set up their own group, with the help of a quartet of overseas left-wing deputies.

However, it’s Macron who has a majority, and the elections are over. Now the politics begins.

IMAGE CREDIT: CC/Flickr – Parti Socialiste

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Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

REPORT on the 2016 Commission Report on Turkey
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Kati Piri

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

REPORT containing a motion for a non-legislative resolution on the draft Council decision on the conclusion, on behalf of the European Union, of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and its Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Cuba, of the other part
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Elena Valenciano

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

The Maltese presidency today reached an informal deal with the European Parliament on setting up a common system of certificates for people working in the inland navigation sector in the EU. Holders of these certificates will be able to practise their profession on inland waterways across Europe. The new system will improve career prospects in the sector and make it easier for qualified people to take jobs wherever they are available. 

The single certification system will cover all crew members, from apprentices to boatmasters. Geographically it will apply to activity carried out on EU inland waterways falling under the scope of the directive, including the river Rhine. Both aspects constitute a clear improvement on the current situation, in which EU legislation on mutual recognition in the sector only covers boatmasters - and only when they operate on rivers and canals other than the Rhine. The rest of the crew is covered by the horizontal directive on the recognition of professional qualifications. 

The new certificates will be based on competence, bringing flexibility for talented and motivated people to progress faster up the career ladder. Currently it is common to require completion of a fixed number of years in one post before promotion is possible. Introducing competence-based qualifications should also improve safety and reduce accident costs. 

To avoid disproportionate administrative burdens, the new rules will take account of the different characteristics of EU countries. Some member states have no inland navigation, some have waterways that are not connected to those of other member states, and in other countries inland navigation is only seasonal or a very limited activity. All those member states with at least some inland navigation will have to recognise the EU certificate on their territory, but the extent to which they will be required to 'transpose' or incorporate the other provisions into their national legislation will depend on the cost-effectiveness and added value for their individual circumstances. 

"More generally, the presidency attaches importance to the full implementation of the TEN-T corridors through improving inland waterways infrastructure, and stresses that inland navigation is an integral part of the TEN-T network. Inland navigation is the most energy-efficient mode of transport and has great potential, especially for shifting the transportation of more freight from land. The single certificate system opens up new career opportunities and will hopefully give a boost to the whole sector", said Ian Borg, the Maltese Minister for Transport, Infrastructure and Capital Projects. "I am also glad that the rules will only have to be applied where necessary, as not all EU countries have a topography that is suited for this kind of transport." 

The draft directive agreed today is part of EU efforts to promote inland waterway transport under the NAIADES II programme. 

The presidency will submit the outcome of today's negotiations for endorsement by member states in the coming days. 

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EU Ministers for Transport, Infrastructure, and Communications meet in Luxembourg on 26 June 2017 and are expected to reach a general approach on two proposals under the Clean Energy package: the revised directives on energy efficiency and on energy performance of buildings. The Council is also taking note of progress on the other legislative files included in the package regarding in particular governance, energy from renewable sources and electricity market design.

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A generous reprieve for lucky depositors and senior bondholders in Veneto Banca and Banca Popolare di Vicenza, the failing Italian banks at the centre of country’s latest effort to shore up confidence in its battered financial system.

Political expediency

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China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has the potential to spark a more ambitious and truly strategic EU-China conversation on crucial issues of global peace, security and economic governance.

Europe has so far focused on the obvious trade, business and connectivity dimensions of China’s ‘project of the century’. That is understandable: In a world hungry for more infrastructure, BRI is certainly about massive investments in roads, railways, bridges and ports. It is also about digital connectivity and expanding financial and cultural links. Businesses in Europe world are right to explore just how they can secure a piece of the cake. The EU-China connectivity platform has an important role to play in facilitating such a conversation.

Europe should not make the mistake, however, of viewing BRI solely through a narrow trade and business prism. The EU should widen its view of BRI, seeing it as not merely as an economic ‘project’ but as a reflection of Beijing’s ambitious vision of its role in a rapidly-transforming world.

China’s blueprint articulates its self-confident repositioning in an uncertain era marked by erratic American engagement with the world. As such, BRI creates an array of hitherto largely-unexplored opportunities for a deeper EU-China dialogue on issues ranging from peace and security to climate change, Africa and Agenda 2030.

In recent months, both EU and Chinese policymakers have underlined that uncertain times demand their “joint responsibility” to work for a strong rules-based multilateral order. “We are living in times of growing tensions and geopolitical unpredictability so our cooperation has never been so important”, EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini said after a recent meeting with China’s state councilor Yang Jiechi. The challenge now is to turn such statements into joint actions.

“China and the EU should seize opportunities for cooperation, ask questions and seek clarifications and explanations”

It should not be too difficult. While trade and investments continue to form the backbone of the EU-China relationship, both sides already meet for regular high-level strategic discussions on global and regional challenges. The vast scope and many facets of the BRI provide an opportunity to strengthen and deepen the strategic conversation as a first step to launching possible joint actions.

Three important areas deserve priority attention.

First, given their joint interest in Africa, the EU and China should use the opportunities opened up by BRI to explore ways of working together to boost the continent’s still vastly-untapped development potential. Europe may once have viewed China’s growing economic influence and outreach in Africa with a degree of wariness and suspicion. But the migrant crisis has made EU governments more acutely aware of the need to inject more funds into Africa’s quest for jobs, growth and development. Cooperation with China on issues of Africa’s development as well as the achievement of the sustainable development goals is now definitely in the EU’s interest.

Second, China’s new blueprint provides room for a stronger EU-China conversation on global economic governance, including in the vital area of climate change leadership as well as multilateral trade liberalization and financial regulation. With President Trump still undecided on whether the United States should stick with the Paris agreement on climate change, the initial focus should be on EU-China cooperation to maintain the Paris accord even if Washington pulls out of the deal.

Third, President Xi Jinping’s description of BRI as a “road for peace” and the EU’s recent steps to strengthen its defence identity open up opportunities for more pro-active EU-China cooperation on issues of global peace and security, including North Korea, Iran, Syria and Yemen as well as counter-terrorism. This also puts the onus on China to ensure that BRI projects such as the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) do not exacerbate regional tensions.

“The way ahead is going to be complicated and difficult”

The EU-China relationship will benefit greatly from a wider, ‘beyond trade’ conversation which looks outside purely bilateral ties to ways in which Brussels and Beijing can work together constructively on the global stage. Such interaction can go a long way in creating more trust between the two sides. It can also help to create a more stable relationship anchored in a better understanding of each other’s priorities and concerns.

Over the coming months, as projects are identified, investments are lined up and work starts in earnest, China will have to ensure that BRI becomes more transparent, procurement rules become more rigorous and projects fit in with the global sustainable development goals.

Significantly, also as the initiative gains traction, China will inevitably have to conduct itself as a ‘traditional’ development partner, abandoning its ‘non-interference’ policies for a stance that is more concerned about the domestic affairs of its partner states, including on issues like governance and terrorism.

The way ahead is going to be complicated and difficult. China will need to learn how to deal with complex demands and painful facts on the ground in its myriad partner countries. Europe can help make the BRI a success by sharing its knowhow, knowledge and experience.

China and the EU should seize opportunities for cooperation, ask questions – however difficult – and seek clarifications and explanations. With BRI, China has embarked on a long journey and set itself many ambitious goals. But it cannot do it alone.

This article was first published in China Daily on 26 May 2017.

IMAGE CREDIT: palinchak/Bigstock

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The Council adopted conclusions on support for the sustainable development of European marine and maritime economies. It recalls the vital role of oceans for life on earth, economic growth, employment and innovation and highlights that oceans and seas are facing increasing pressures and should be protected from the adverse consequences of climate change.

Member states are invited to manage the oceans and seas sustainably, promote renewable resource efficiency and renewable energies, remove barriers to growth, boost investment and strengthen trade cooperation.

The Council also calls for measures to ensure that outermost, peripheral, coastal and island regions are offered adequate growth opportunities. Member states should also work on supporting new technologies that contribute to the maritime economy and  encourage closer cooperation between  education and industry in order to help promote training and job opportunities.

The Council agreed today its position on a proposal for a revised directive on the energy performance of buildings. This agreement will allow for the start of negotiations with the European Parliament under the Estonian presidency.

Buildings are the largest single energy consumer in Europe, consuming 40% of final energy. The aim of the proposal is to promote energy efficiency in buildings and to support cost-effective building renovation with a view to the long term goal of decarbonising the highly inefficient existing European building stock. This will also be a major contribution to reaching the EU's 2020 and 2030 energy efficiency targets.

In particular, the proposal requires member states to establish long-term renovation strategies, addressing also energy poverty. It strengthens the links between energy efficiency policy and financing.

Another important feature of the revised directive is the promotion of electro-mobility, by requiring at least one charging point and pre-cabling for every third parking space for electric vehicles in non-residential buildings and pre-cabling for every parking space in residential buildings. These requirements will apply to buildings with more than ten parking spaces.

The introduction of a smartness indicator for buildings is proposed and the inspection of heating and air conditioning systems is simplified.

The proposal underlines the importance of aligning the Digital Single Market and the Energy Union agendas, as digitalisation of the energy system is quickly changing the energy landscape, from the integration of renewables to smart grids and smart buildings.

"We welcome this agreement which is crucial to reach our European objectives in energy efficiency and will also benefit citizens and businesses by significantly reducing their energy bills. This agreement is also important for further promoting electro-mobility in both non-residential and residential buildings." 

Joe Mizzi, Maltese minister for Energy and Water ManagementBackground

The proposal on the energy performance of buildings amends Directive 2010/31/EU and was presented by the Commission in December 2016. It's part of the implementing legislation of the Energy Union Strategy and it has close links with the energy efficiency directive.

The general aim of the Energy Union strategy is to move towards the decarbonisation of the EU economy by 2030 and beyond, whilst strengthening economic growth, consumer protection, innovation and competitiveness.

The conclusions of the European Council of October 2014 set an indicative target of at least 27% increase in energy efficiency at Union level in 2030. This target should be reviewed by 2020 having in mind an Union level of 30%.

The Council agreed today its position on a proposal for a revised directive on energy efficiency. This agreement will allow for the start of negotiations with the European Parliament under the Estonian presidency.

The main objective of the proposed directive is to improve the existing provisions and to increase energy efficiency in order to ensure that the European Union's 2020 headline targets and 2030 climate and energy goals are met.

Energy efficiency is considered as an energy source in its own right. Increasing energy efficiency will benefit the environment, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, improve energy security, cut energy costs for households and companies, help alleviate energy poverty and contribute to growth and jobs.

The main elements of the revised directive are:

• Overall EU energy efficiency target of 30%
• An energy savings obligations of 1.5%, decreasing to 1.0% for the period 2026-2030, unless the  mid-term review in 2024 concludes that the EU is not on track to meet its targets
• Long term individual actions may count for energy savings obligation
• Alternative measures are recognised as equivalent to energy efficiency obligation schemes
• Possibility of partially counting renewable energy generated on-site towards savings in the 2020-2030 period
• Obligation to take into account energy poverty when designing new measures
• Improved metering and billing provisions for the benefit of final users of heating and cooling

"We are extremely pleased that we have been able to reach an agreement  on this important legislation, which was a priority of our Presidency . Energy efficiency is a crucial element for Europe's successful energy transition. It will allow us to move forward on the implementation of the Clean Energy Package."

Joe Mizzi, Maltese minister for Energy and Water ManagementBackground

The Commission proposal on energy efficiency updates the current Directive 2012/27/EU and was presented by the Commission in November 2016. It's part of the extensive Clean Energy Package, the implementing tool of the Energy Union strategy.

The general goal of the strategy is to move towards the decarbonisation of the EU economy by 2030 and beyond, whilst strengthening economic growth, consumer protection, innovation and competitiveness.

The conclusions of the European Council of October 2014 set an indicative target of at least 27% increase in energy efficiency at Union level in 2030. This target should be reviewed by 2020 having in mind an Union level of 30%.

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Donald Tusk has not given up hope that Britain might stay in the EU. Speaking at the start of a two-day summit of the bloc’s leaders in Brussels, the European Council president channelled John Lennon: “You may say I’m a dreamer, but I am not the only one.”

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EU heads of state or government meet on 23 June 2017 in Brussels to discuss economic and trade issues. Leaders are reaffirming their commitment to free trade and investment, while ensuring it is also fair and the benefits are reciprocal. European Central Bank's President Draghi is informing leaders about the economic situation. The heads of state and government are also finalising the European Semester process. Afterwards, leaders are taking stock of ongoing measures to tackle migration issues and assess where further efforts are needed. Finally, leaders are discussing how to move towards a digital vision for Europe.

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Committee and political group meetings, Brussels

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

The post-Second World War and post-Cold War international system is facing some strong headwinds. Europe has been under siege from massive immigration, terrorist attacks, rising populism, a war in Ukraine and, of course, Brexit. The Middle East remains stuck in violence and cold peace without any hopeful signs. Meanwhile, East Asia seems to be adrift without a concrete regional project. Most critically, the United States under Donald Trump seems to be unable and unwilling to act as a responsible stakeholder in global governance anymore.

In this time of upheaval, the European Union and its member states, as well as China, need to find new roles in some uncharted territories. We believe it is high time for the EU and China to move beyond their existing patchy patterns of cooperation and build a more stable and reliable partnership by acting together in some key areas of global governance. Both share an interest in upholding the existing international order. As such, both sides – and the world – will benefit much if the EU and China can act together.

From a European perspective, we are arguably witnessing the most profound structural change since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the end of systemic bipolarity in international relations. Most prominently, under Trump, the transatlantic partnership has largely changed from that of a normative community based on values to a functional necessity based on interests. The new US administration’s ideology of ‘America First’ risks a further transatlantic estrangement, if not the partnership’s erosion.

Key leaders within the EU now openly challenge some of Trump’s key approaches. In view of Trump’s bans on travel to the US from many majority-Muslim countries and his rejection of the Paris climate change agreement, Emmanuel Macron, as candidate and French President, has offered home to scientists and entrepreneurs: “I want all those who today embody innovation and excellence in the United States to hear what we say: from now on… you will have a new homeland, France.”

“The European Union and China need to find new roles in some uncharted territories”

For Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel, the US under Trump is ceasing to be a reliable partner and Europe can no longer “completely depend” on the US. The so-called West is threatened to disintegrate, taking with it some key institutions that have so far governed the existing international order.

From a Chinese perspective, the time for shouldering more global responsibilities might have come earlier than expected. Fundamentally, China’s economic development depends on the collective goods provided by the existing international order. Yet the existing order is now under duress because the US under Trump is threatening to pull the plug of some key pillars of the order. With so much uncertainty, even the success of China’s two key projects, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is not guaranteed.

Unsurprisingly, therefore, when Trump proclaims the merits of protectionism in his inaugural address, Chinese President Xi Jinping, speaking at the World Economic Forum in Davos, not only called for an open economic order but also proclaimed China’s interest to “vigorously foster an external environment of opening-up for common development.”

Although Trump and Xi had a fairly successful informal summit, there is lingering doubt within China’s policy circles about Trump’s reliability as a leader, in addition to the existing worry that Trump may go too far in undermining some of the key pillars of international order. Moreover, many Chinese elites also suspect that the US will be unwilling to accept China as an equal partner, no matter what.

Both the EU and China grasp that their bilateral relationship is now more critical than ever. The EU is China’s biggest trading partner while China is the EU’s second-largest trading partner after the US. In addition, there are a host of issues on which the EU and China share common ground. So as Trump withdrew from the Paris agreement, the EU and China, meeting in Brussels, re-emphasised their resolve to fight climate change.

But it is also apparent that the EU and China cannot patch things up easily. The recent EU-China summit in Brussels made this fact abundantly clear. Because of the EU’s refusal to grant market economy status to China an expected EU-China joint declaration on climate change was not agreed. Instead, the focus during the summit shifted to deep differences between China and the EU. Negotiations on an EU-China investment agreement stalled; the EU continues to deplore limited market access and Chinese dumping, especially in the steel sector. EU Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström was critical of Beijing: “The welcome commitments from [China] about liberalisation have not been matched by concrete action”.

“There are several concrete measures that the two sides can take”

But for China, Brussels’ anti-dumping measures against Chinese products are only exposing the EU’s protectionism towards China. The challenges to a redefinition of China’s and Europe’s role in international relations also became evident in the public debate in Germany surrounding Chinese Premier Li Keqiang’s recent visit to Berlin. Some observers argue for an EU-China partnership in trade and climate change, whereas others emphasise the risk of letting China gain the upper hand.

We believe that the EU and China should work with each other closely to clear the way for a steadier partnership, even if the US comes back from Trumpism. With the US disengaging from global governance and multilateralism in international affairs, Europeans are, for the first time, fundamentally challenged to develop real autonomy and agency. The EU now needs partners other than the US to uphold the international order on which Europe’s prosperity and security depend. On this front, China is an obvious choice. China’s prosperity and security also depends on the stability of the international order.

We believe that there are several concrete measures that the two sides can take.

The upcoming G20 summit in Hamburg in early July will present Europeans, China and other countries with a key opportunity to reject America’s turn towards protectionism and its America First ideology. The Chinese government laid a solid foundation for addressing climate issues within the G20 during the Hangzhou summit last year. To further this process, closer cooperation between Europe and China is now essential, and Europe and China can also send a clear signal against America’s protectionism at the Hamburg summit.

The EU and China can also work together in Africa. For Europe, supporting African peace and development is an investment in its own security and prosperity. Africa is a key component of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Africa is also a key component in the EU’s 2016 Global Security Strategy. Africa does not only need China’s investment but also China’s experience in economic development.

“In this age of uncertainty, both the EU and China will benefit from more long-term strategic thinking when it comes to the other side”

So far, Europe has mostly criticised China for neglecting human rights and environmental issues when doing business in Africa. But without working with China and African countries, Europe can be accused of being sour obstructer. So it is time for Europeans and China to compare notes and start coordinating their Africa policies where appropriate. The EU-Africa summit later this year in Brussels provides an opportunity to start a strategic dialogue on how China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the EU’s Africa policy can complement each other.

Finally, the EU and China should also work towards an EU-China Free Trade Agreement. With the Doha Round blocked, an EU-China FTA could become a major project with potentially wide impact and a motor of further Asia-Europe economic integration.

Along the way, the EU and China may also bring the East Asian region, which is now adrift, into a region with a purpose again by facilitating the build-up of regional governance capacity. The 50th anniversary of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) this August is a great opportunity. The EU has for a long time shown an interest in joining the East Asia Summit (EAS).

As an ASEAN dialogue partner the EU should also participate in the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting-Plus. If negotiations on an ASEAN-EU Free Trade Agreement are relaunched, as it is expected to happen this year, then the EU could also become in principle eligible to joining the newly-developing Asian trade architecture within the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). With President Trump’s decision to exit the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP), future EU membership of the RCEP would contribute to further strengthening of regional and global trade governance. Next year’s Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) summit in Brussels would be an additional opportunity to enhance the capacity for sustainable development and inter-regional governance.

In this age of uncertainty, both the EU and China will benefit from more long-term strategic thinking when it comes to the other side. The world will be more blessed with a steadier EU-China partnership, regardless what happens in Trump’s America.

IMAGE CREDIT: CC/Flickr – European External Action Service

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RECOMMENDATION on the draft Council decision on the conclusion, on behalf of the Union, of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and its Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Cuba, of the other part
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Elena Valenciano

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and its Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Cuba, of the other part 2017/2036(INI)
Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and its Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Cuba, of the other part – (2016/0298(NLE))
Impact of international trade and the EU’s trade policies on global value chains
Corruption and human rights in third countries
2016 Commission Report on Turkey
EU political relations with ASEAN
EU political relations with India
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP