Le candidat unique à la tête de la Fédération congolaise de Football Association (FECOFA), Véron Mosengo-Omba a présenté, lundi 11 mai 2026 à Kinshasa, les grandes lignes de son projet de gouvernance, axé sur la refondation du football congolais et la restauration de la crédibilité de l’instance dirigeante.
Les services de sécurité ont présenté lundi 11 mai à Lubumbashi, dans la province du Haut-Katanga, 19 présumés bandits au gouverneur intérimaire, Martin Kazembe Shula.
Parmi eux figurent un ressortissant chinois ainsi que des militaires des Forces armées de la RDC (FARDC), accusés d’implication dans plusieurs réseaux criminels opérant entre le Haut-Katanga, le Lualaba et le Tanganyika.
Nicușor Dan államfő kedden azt nyilatkozta, hogy viszonylag kevés olyan kormányalakítási forgatókönyv jöhet szóba, amelyben stabil többség támogatja a kabinetet. A Bukarestben zajló biztonsági fórumon részt vevő államfőt egyebek mellett arról faggatták az újságírók, lehet-e még számolni azzal a lehetőséggel, hogy ismét Ilie Bolojant bízza meg kormányalakítással. Válaszában Nicușor Dan elmondta, rövidesen hivatalos egyeztetésekre hívja […]
Articolul Nicusor Dan szerint nem lehetetlen egy technokrata kormányfő kinevezése apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.
Életmű-kiállításra készült Balázs Péter képzőművész, szerette volna munkáit együtt látni a kolozsvári Művészeti Múzeumban, ezért nagyon kevés képet adott el – meséli fia, Balázs László, akinek bőrmunkái szintén valóságos művészeti alkotások. Saját magára vonatkozóan ő elutasítja a „művész urazást” – azt mondja, ha kilépünk az utcára, találunk 20 művészt a sarkon. A napokban megnyílt B’Art […]
Articolul Galéria-kávézó, időszakos kiállításokkal apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.
Standfirst para:
Egypt’s manufacturing sector faces a dual challenge of weak job creation and persistent informality. Drawing on survey evidence on business behaviour and labour market dynamics, this column explains why job creation is limited and informal work remains such an integral part of how firms organise production. The generation of more formal jobs requires a comprehensive policy approach, one that goes beyond enforcement of labour regulations to reshape the economic environment in which firms and workers make decisions.
In a nutshell
Informality in the labour market reflects incentives on both sides: firms benefit from lower costs and flexibility, while workers may prefer higher take-home pay or they may perceive limited benefits from formal employment.
Policies to create formal jobs that are focused solely on enforcement may backfire by raising hiring costs; effective reform requires reducing the cost of formality -including through simpler tax procedures and more proportionate labour costs - while increasing its benefits.
Addressing informality requires targeting informal employment within formal firms, aligning labour market and industrial policies, and adapting social protection and contribution systems to non-standard work arrangements.
Escalatory attacks on multilateral rules and institutions in this era of raw power politics have plunged international politics into uncharted territory. Traditional alliances have been fractured and new partnerships between unlikely bedfellows are emerging. No longer in transition, the post-World War II world order is in rupture. This paper examines international cooperation under these conditions and argues that a new ‘flexi-lateralism’ is taking shape as a pragmatic response to changing times. We define the new flexi-lateralism as international cooperation expressed through adaptable modular tools and selective coalitions, anchored in UN norms, that proceeds even when universal commitments are openly contested and attacked. Our paper considers a set of initiatives launched around the Financing for Development (FfD) conference in Sevilla (July 2025) on the issue of debt servicing. We illustrate how cooperation often depends on selective participation, informal venues and issue-specific coalitions, rather than comprehensive universal bargains. The paper uses ‘flexi-lateralism’ as a term for these flexible multilateral forms that sit between classic UN-style universality and narrow great-power deals. We conclude that international cooperation in this era is neither automatically collapsing nor simply fragmenting. It is adapting and reconfigured through overlapping clubs and coalitions with uneven implications for the Global South and the North.
The OECD conference “will focus on action, connecting geopolitical realities with development priorities and translating vision into practical strategic directions.” So how does the flexi-lateralism framework help? We argue that cooperation is reconfiguring into selective coalitions using discrete modular instruments, orchestrated through intermediaries, connected to universal norms but no longer dependent on universal participation. Whether this configuration can maintain legitimacy while delivering speed and adaptation is an open question. Delegates in Paris could look at the design principles we set out that distinguish workable flexi-lateral arrangements from fragmentation, namely, transparency, open accession pathways, and normative alignment with agreed development goals. These are the features that differentiate new forms of cooperation.
Looking back, the return of Donald Trump to the White House, and, in the early phase, the role played by Elon Musk in reshaping the U.S. foreign aid approach has, to a large extent, foreshadowed what the second Trump administration would become. This profile consists of: (i) crude transactionalism, (ii) a strong ideological foundation (with significant elements of authoritarian libertarianism), (iii) a high degree of chaos with decisions not necessarily based on strategic or even tactical considerations, and (iv) an obsession with disruption. The wide range of current initiatives, coalitions, commissions, and conferences that are discussing development cooperation, as well as efforts to reflect on narratives, international aid governance, and resource mobilisation, are thus operating in a highly hostile environment shaped by the U.S. administration assault on long standing policy norms. European leaders could speak out more clearly about what can be seen as an open challenge those norms. They could also advance a more proactive narrative and, importantly, refuse to de facto repurpose development institutions and decide not to follow the fundamental ODA reductions by the United States.