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Transnational cooperation in the science and technology domain has been an integral part of global society. From the times when humans developed artefacts in the prehistoric age to colonialisation practices, the World Wars and beyond, and from  managing global health issues to addressing regional and global natural disasters, science and technology are inherent parts of global change and exchanges. Cooperation in the science and technology domain requires its own forms and frameworks of exchange and circumstances. Entanglements are equally political and complex because they are outcomes of power asymmetries. This paper reflects on a case study on German-Indonesian transnational cooperation in the domain of science and technology, namely the German-Indonesian Tsunami Early Warning System Project (GITEWS).

Transnational cooperation in the science and technology domain has been an integral part of global society. From the times when humans developed artefacts in the prehistoric age to colonialisation practices, the World Wars and beyond, and from  managing global health issues to addressing regional and global natural disasters, science and technology are inherent parts of global change and exchanges. Cooperation in the science and technology domain requires its own forms and frameworks of exchange and circumstances. Entanglements are equally political and complex because they are outcomes of power asymmetries. This paper reflects on a case study on German-Indonesian transnational cooperation in the domain of science and technology, namely the German-Indonesian Tsunami Early Warning System Project (GITEWS).

This paper discusses the importance of acknowledging power asymmetries in transnational (knowledge) cooperation and exchange. The authors explore different forms of power and the challenges of tackling power imbalances while working in  cooperation between diverse actors. They argue that new and more reflective approaches to transnational (knowledge) cooperation are necessary. The authors then discuss how power inequalities are addressed in the Managing Global Governance  (MGG) Academy and in the Shaping Futures Academy,24 organised by the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS). Both formats are mutual learning and dialogue programmes for early to mid-career professionals from different partner countries around the globe.

This paper discusses the importance of acknowledging power asymmetries in transnational (knowledge) cooperation and exchange. The authors explore different forms of power and the challenges of tackling power imbalances while working in  cooperation between diverse actors. They argue that new and more reflective approaches to transnational (knowledge) cooperation are necessary. The authors then discuss how power inequalities are addressed in the Managing Global Governance  (MGG) Academy and in the Shaping Futures Academy,24 organised by the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS). Both formats are mutual learning and dialogue programmes for early to mid-career professionals from different partner countries around the globe.

This paper discusses the importance of acknowledging power asymmetries in transnational (knowledge) cooperation and exchange. The authors explore different forms of power and the challenges of tackling power imbalances while working in  cooperation between diverse actors. They argue that new and more reflective approaches to transnational (knowledge) cooperation are necessary. The authors then discuss how power inequalities are addressed in the Managing Global Governance  (MGG) Academy and in the Shaping Futures Academy,24 organised by the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS). Both formats are mutual learning and dialogue programmes for early to mid-career professionals from different partner countries around the globe.

Es gibt ein neues Rivella: Mit der Farbe Gelb setzt der Schweizer Getränkehersteller auf vegan. Es ist der zweite Versuch.

Am Samstagabend hat sich in Gontenbad AI ein heftiger Selbstunfall ereignet. Wie durch ein Wunder blieb der Lenker unverletzt.

Amidst resurgent autocratisation around the world, digitalisation makes it easier than ever before for civil society activists and opposition politicians to connect with potential allies in other countries. Particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, domestic  grassroots social movements seem to be increasingly connecting and forming transnational networks and platforms. Against this observation it becomes relevant to study whether transnational alliances can and will play a greater role in fostering democratisation and countering autocratisation. This paper first provides background on the phenomenon of increased transnational networking in sub-Saharan Africa. It then proceeds to present a brief case vignette of the role transnational activist  connections played during Togo’s constitutional reform episode 2017-2019. Findings show that activists purposefully sought transnational allies, but that for the specific case at hand, the links to transnational networks and platforms were still too  nascent. The Togolese regime hence was able to easily obstruct transnational democracy activists from having greater influence.

Amidst resurgent autocratisation around the world, digitalisation makes it easier than ever before for civil society activists and opposition politicians to connect with potential allies in other countries. Particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, domestic  grassroots social movements seem to be increasingly connecting and forming transnational networks and platforms. Against this observation it becomes relevant to study whether transnational alliances can and will play a greater role in fostering democratisation and countering autocratisation. This paper first provides background on the phenomenon of increased transnational networking in sub-Saharan Africa. It then proceeds to present a brief case vignette of the role transnational activist  connections played during Togo’s constitutional reform episode 2017-2019. Findings show that activists purposefully sought transnational allies, but that for the specific case at hand, the links to transnational networks and platforms were still too  nascent. The Togolese regime hence was able to easily obstruct transnational democracy activists from having greater influence.

Amidst resurgent autocratisation around the world, digitalisation makes it easier than ever before for civil society activists and opposition politicians to connect with potential allies in other countries. Particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, domestic  grassroots social movements seem to be increasingly connecting and forming transnational networks and platforms. Against this observation it becomes relevant to study whether transnational alliances can and will play a greater role in fostering democratisation and countering autocratisation. This paper first provides background on the phenomenon of increased transnational networking in sub-Saharan Africa. It then proceeds to present a brief case vignette of the role transnational activist  connections played during Togo’s constitutional reform episode 2017-2019. Findings show that activists purposefully sought transnational allies, but that for the specific case at hand, the links to transnational networks and platforms were still too  nascent. The Togolese regime hence was able to easily obstruct transnational democracy activists from having greater influence.

Advocacy is a strategy to fight the root causes of poverty and exclusion, including activities to influence policies, awareness-raising, legal action and networking (van Wessel, Hilhorst, Schulpen, & Biekart, 2020, p. 730). While some of the advocacy  activities might only take place at the domestic level targeting national actors, many domestic issues are framed by civil society organisations (CSOs) as part of transnational campaigns. As development challenges are not confined to national  borders, CSO networks can contribute to policy processes at different policy levels through transnational advocacy. The contribution engages with an advocacy programme that sought cooperation between government and civil society actors,  challenging not only the state–civil society divide, but also the power-laden relationship between donors and implementing partners. Although this approach could not tackle structural imbalances in the aid system, the programme still showed that complementary action between government and civil society actors can contribute to stronger transnational advocacy.

Advocacy is a strategy to fight the root causes of poverty and exclusion, including activities to influence policies, awareness-raising, legal action and networking (van Wessel, Hilhorst, Schulpen, & Biekart, 2020, p. 730). While some of the advocacy  activities might only take place at the domestic level targeting national actors, many domestic issues are framed by civil society organisations (CSOs) as part of transnational campaigns. As development challenges are not confined to national  borders, CSO networks can contribute to policy processes at different policy levels through transnational advocacy. The contribution engages with an advocacy programme that sought cooperation between government and civil society actors,  challenging not only the state–civil society divide, but also the power-laden relationship between donors and implementing partners. Although this approach could not tackle structural imbalances in the aid system, the programme still showed that complementary action between government and civil society actors can contribute to stronger transnational advocacy.

Advocacy is a strategy to fight the root causes of poverty and exclusion, including activities to influence policies, awareness-raising, legal action and networking (van Wessel, Hilhorst, Schulpen, & Biekart, 2020, p. 730). While some of the advocacy  activities might only take place at the domestic level targeting national actors, many domestic issues are framed by civil society organisations (CSOs) as part of transnational campaigns. As development challenges are not confined to national  borders, CSO networks can contribute to policy processes at different policy levels through transnational advocacy. The contribution engages with an advocacy programme that sought cooperation between government and civil society actors,  challenging not only the state–civil society divide, but also the power-laden relationship between donors and implementing partners. Although this approach could not tackle structural imbalances in the aid system, the programme still showed that complementary action between government and civil society actors can contribute to stronger transnational advocacy.

Dank erneutem Rekordstand an Reisenden schreiben die SBB im Geschäftsjahr 2023 erstmals seit 2019 wieder schwarze Zahlen. Die Bundesbahnen vermelden einen Gewinn von 267 Millionen Franken.

Neoliberal institutionalism frames international institutions as being able to “obviate the need for national power” (Barkin, 2003, p. 334). As the concept of transnational cooperation is informed by the school of neoliberal institutionalism, the question  arises as to how relevant power relations are in settings of transnational cooperation, and in what way power can actually be obviated in these settings? Transnational cooperation formats are often seen as an ideal space for diverse actors to cooperate with each other, but like other political spaces, they are not free of questions of power – instead they are very much shaped by power relations. For the case of Sámi-EU relations as a para-diplomatic and post-colonial relationship, it is decisive to  understand the dimension of power in order to comprehend this relationship and in what way power relations are challenged and changed in these transnational cooperative settings.

Neoliberal institutionalism frames international institutions as being able to “obviate the need for national power” (Barkin, 2003, p. 334). As the concept of transnational cooperation is informed by the school of neoliberal institutionalism, the question  arises as to how relevant power relations are in settings of transnational cooperation, and in what way power can actually be obviated in these settings? Transnational cooperation formats are often seen as an ideal space for diverse actors to cooperate with each other, but like other political spaces, they are not free of questions of power – instead they are very much shaped by power relations. For the case of Sámi-EU relations as a para-diplomatic and post-colonial relationship, it is decisive to  understand the dimension of power in order to comprehend this relationship and in what way power relations are challenged and changed in these transnational cooperative settings.

Neoliberal institutionalism frames international institutions as being able to “obviate the need for national power” (Barkin, 2003, p. 334). As the concept of transnational cooperation is informed by the school of neoliberal institutionalism, the question  arises as to how relevant power relations are in settings of transnational cooperation, and in what way power can actually be obviated in these settings? Transnational cooperation formats are often seen as an ideal space for diverse actors to cooperate with each other, but like other political spaces, they are not free of questions of power – instead they are very much shaped by power relations. For the case of Sámi-EU relations as a para-diplomatic and post-colonial relationship, it is decisive to  understand the dimension of power in order to comprehend this relationship and in what way power relations are challenged and changed in these transnational cooperative settings.

Für Wirtschaftsminister Guy Parmelin bedeutet das Efta-Freihandelsabkommen mit Indien für einige Jahre einen Wettbewerbsvorteil. Da grosse Wirtschaftsmächte protektionistische Massnahmen verstärkten, sei es für kleine Länder wichtig, ihre Märkte zu diversifizieren.

Le président de la République du Sénégal est en fin de mandat. Macky Sall quitte le pouvoir après deux mandats. Son successeur sera connu le 2 avril prochain. Quel bilan pour le chef de l'Etat sortant.

La fin de mandat du président Macky Sall a été quelque peu mouvementé dans un contexte où il était soupçonné de vouloir briguer un troisième mandat.
Mais le système démocratique sénégalais avec ses institutions fortes a su calmer les ardeurs des uns et des autres pour relancer le processus devant conduire à une élection pacifique, transparente et inclusive.
Mais en attendant de connaître le successeur de Macky Sall, quel bilan peut-on faire de la gestion du président sortant.

Dans son dernier message à la Nation à la fin de l'année dernière, le président Macky Sall a dressé un bilan de ses mandats à la tête du pays. Il a d'abord exprimé ses regrets pour les scènes de violences qui ont secoué le pays avec des pertes en vies humaines, des blessés et de nombreux dégâts matériels.

Malgré les défis, le président de la République a mis l'accent sur « les progrès tangibles réalisés » par le Sénégal.

Sur le plan économique, les réformes engagéses par le Président Macky Sall ont permis de relancer le développement du Sénégal dans plusieurs secteurs. Ainsi le niveau de la croissance économique a permis d'améliorer les conditions de vie des populations.

Un budget de l'Etat en constante augmentation, est passé de 2344 milliards FCFA en 2012 à 7003 milliards FCFA en 2024.
Le pays a attiré de nombreux investissements dans divers secteurs productifs pour le Sénégal émergent.

D'importants progrès ont été réalisés notamment dans les domaines de l'énergie, de l'éducation, des infrastructures, de la santé et l'emploi.

Dans le domaine de la sécurité alimentaire, d'importants fonds ont été investis dans l'agriculture, l'élevage et la pêche. Il en est de même pour l'artisanat et la culture.

Des progrès remarquables ont été notés dans le secteur de l'énergie. Avec 500 MW et un réseau vétuste de 501 km de lignes électriques avant 2012, le pays a aujourd'hui plus que triplé ses capacités électriques, avec 1787 MW, et un réseau de lignes porté à 1552 km.

Dans le domaine du transport, de 1500 km de routes en 2012, le Sénégal est passé à 2900 km de routes avec la construction d'autoroutes, qui vont passant de 32 km à 189 km voire 500 km. La flotte de bus électriques et de trains a été aussi renforcée.

En matière d'hydraulique, le taux d'accès à l'eau potable est passé à 98% en milieu urbain et périurbain et à 96% en milieu rural.

Sur le plan de diplomatique, le Sénégal a renforcé son influence sur le continent africain et au plan international. Les médiations du président Sall pour la paix et de la stabilité dans la région ouest-africaine sont appréciées.

Sur le plan politique, le chef de l'Etat a œuvré pour le renforcement des institutions démocratiques, la stabilité et la promotion les droits de l'Homme. Sans oublier l'organisation régulière des élections présidentielle, législatives, communales et locales.

Dans le secteur de l'éducation, de nombreuses universités ont été créées en dehors des deux qui existent en 52 ans d'indépendance.

Concernant le développement durable, des initiatives ont été prises pour protéger l'environnement et garantir une économique durable pour les générations actuelles et futures.

En matière de bonne gouvernance, le président sénégalais s'est illustré aussi dans la lutte contre la corruption, renforçant ainsi la confiance des citoyens dans les institutions de la République.

Il est prévu de lancer le chantier du Mémorial de Gorée et de créer de nouveaux villages artisanaux dans plusieurs régions du pays. Sans oublier la Zone d'activités des mécaniciens et professionnels de l'automobile qui vont générer des milliers d'emplois.

Le Sénégal s'apprête à vivre une nouvelle alternance au pouvoir conformément à sa tradition démocratique. Le président sortant après deux mandats consécutifs (2012-2019 et 2019-2024) renonce à un troisième mandat.

Par cette décision, le président Macky Sall confirme son respect pour les institutions de la République et son engagement à garantir des élections inclusives, libres, transparentes et pacifiques au Sénégal.

La décision de Macky Sall de quitter le pouvoir en avril prochain témoigne de son souci de la stabilité politique et sociale du Sénégal.
Le bon déroulement de la prochaine présidentielle permettra de renforcer la stabilité du pays pour un développement économique et social. Ainsi, les Sénégalais pourront garder de Macky Sall, l'image d'un grand homme d'Etat, qui a su passer le témoin dans la paix et la stabilité et la cohésion nationale.

Global development governance has traditionally been dominated by states. Recent trends towards transnationalisation and multi-stakeholderism, however, emphasise non-state actor inclusion in more horizontal structures. This paper investigates the  extent of genuine transnationalisation in global development governance, focussing on the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC) as an ambitious attempt at transnationalisation. Although we find that the GPEDC  demonstrates a strong commitment to formally incorporating non-state actors, (wealthy) states continue to wield decisive influence. Despite apparent inclusivity, we observe a condition we term “transnationalisation light”: the limited realisation of  substantive non-state stakeholder inclusion. Notably, power imbalances persist between and among state and non-state actors, often favouring Northern stakeholders and exacerbating evolving North/South divisions.