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Sudan’s Humanitarian Crisis Expected to Worsen in 2025

Wed, 01/08/2025 - 06:47

The United Nations Security Council Meets on Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict in Sudan. Credit: UN Photo/Manuel Elías

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

As the Civil War rages on in Sudan, the nationwide humanitarian crisis continues to worsen. Armed conflict has caused an escalation in civilian casualties and displacement in the past few months. Additionally, famine looms in the nation’s most conflict-impacted areas, which is exacerbated by tightened restrictions that impede humanitarian aid deliveries. Despite numerous calls for a cessation of hostilities by the international community, relief efforts are severely underfunded.

In 2025, humanitarian organizations seek to assist approximately 21 million people in Sudan, which is roughly half of the country’s population. However, this number is projected to increase following the escalation of armed hostilities recorded in December of 2024. According to a report from the UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR), the ongoing siege in El Fasher, the capital city of Sudan, left at least 782 dead and 1,143 injured from May 2024 to December 2024.

According to Edem Wosornu, the Director of Operations and Advocacy for the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the Zamzam refugee camp, the nation’s largest refuge for internally displaced persons, has faced severe shelling in the final weeks of 2024. Approximately 80 people were killed and 400 were injured as a result of artillery shelling in western Darfur. Civilians and humanitarian aid groups, including Doctors Without Borders (MSF), have attributed these casualties to hostilities perpetrated by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Nathaniel Raymond, the executive director of Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, described the current situation in the Zamzam camp as a “kill box”. The escalation of warfare has forced Sudanese refugees to move toward dangerous RSF territories or toward the barren deserts where they face the risk of starvation. “We can see from space people camping under trees, on the side of the road. They’re going out of the frying pan and into the fire,” said Raymond, adding that many of these people have been severely injured or immunocompromised.

On January 6 2025, the United Nations (UN) Security Council warned that famine conditions are projected to spread throughout Sudan if humanitarian organizations do not effectively intervene soon. According to Wosornu, famine is present in five areas, including the Zamzam, Al Salam, and Abu Shouk camps, as well as regions in the western Nuba Mountains.

The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) states that five additional regions, including Um Kadada and El Fasher, as well as 17 other high-risk areas, could face severe famine-like conditions by mid-2025. Women, children, and the elderly are predicted to be disproportionately affected.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Deputy Director Beth Bechdol, the vast scale of famine is a direct result of extended warfare, displacement, and restricted humanitarian access. Additionally, the IPC report states that “only an immediate cessation of hostilities can prevent the crisis from worsening.”

It is crucial for humanitarian organizations to have unimpeded access to critically endangered areas in Sudan. The Adre border crossing, which provides direct passage from Chad to some of Sudan’s most affected areas, has seen numerous delays and blockages of aid. According to Wosornu, “key areas in South Kordofan are effectively cut off from external assistance,” while “visas for humanitarian personnel are not being granted swiftly enough”.

The start of 2025 is a major tipping point for the Sudan crisis as action must be taken now to ensure stability for millions of Sudanese people. Bechdol states that “immediate and unimpeded” humanitarian access is urgent at this time for humanitarian organizations to be able to deliver “multi-sectoral humanitarian assistance”.

The 2025 Humanitarian Needs Response Plan seeks approximately 4.2 billion dollars to provide life-saving assistance to 21 million Sudanese civilians that are struggling to stay alive. The funding from this plan would help to restore basic services such as access to food, water, and shelter, as well as protection services. “The risk of famine and its spread has been on our collective conscience since August, and now it is here, not only with people dying from hunger, but also with a breakdown of health systems, livelihoods and social structures,” warns Bechdol.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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Categories: Africa

Our Health is at Stake: The Solutions SIDS Need to Fight Climate Change

Wed, 01/08/2025 - 06:33

In the Pacific, Investing in Coral Reefs and the Blue Economy programme will channel finance towards the protection of Fijian coral reefs and communities. Credit: UNDP

By David Smith and Neisha Manickchand
KINGSTON, Jamaica, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

Climate change is one of the most serious global threats to the future of the world’s population. Its impact extends far and wide, from the economy to governance to the very health and well-being of society.

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that between 2030 and 2050, some 250,000 extra deaths per year will occur because of the climate crisis’ impacts on nutrition and health. Extreme weather events directly affect food and water security and quality of life, resulting in an increase in malaria, diarrhoeal diseases, respiratory illnesses, and heat stroke, among other illnesses and stressors.

And they will reach every country, city, and municipality, in every corner of the world — but some areas are more vulnerable than others. Some of the most vulnerable? Small Island Developing States (SIDS).

https://www.un.org/ohrlls/content/list-sids

SIDS health systems are rarely built or have the resources to withstand the ever-growing, ever-changing impacts of the climate crisis. In the Caribbean Islands, for example, drought and excess rainfall have caused outbreaks of diseases transmitted by insect vectors. Dengue Fever — perhaps the most well known — has surged in recent years, nearly reaching 57,000 in 2024, a 469% increase over the same period in 2023.

The surge was likely fueled by El Niño and unplanned urban growth. The Caribbean Public Health Agency (CARPHA) has also reported increased hospitalisations and deaths due to Dengue and other vector-borne diseases like Zika and Chikungunya.

Beyond vector-borne diseases, climate change also affects non-communicable diseases (NCDs) and other health-related issues. Trinidad, a Caribbean island, saw increased hospital admissions for asthma due to high temperatures, and Belize, a country in Central America, reported that increased heat resulting from climate change is impacting schoolchildren and other vulnerable persons.

In the Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICT), overall population health status has also deteriorated with increasing climate change-induced health risks. According to an internal report, surveys carried out by Fiji National University note that increased rainfall and flooding have caused crop insecurity, leading to changes in diet and water-borne illnesses.

The frequency of extreme weather events in SIDS is not expected to slow down. Major hurricanes in the Caribbean are projected to increase, and tropical cyclones are expected to carry more and more rain.

The first Category 5 hurricane, “Beryl”— the highest category on the Saffir–Simpson Hurricane Wind Scale — of 2024 was uncharacteristically early, badly damaging Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada, and parts of Jamaica. Beryl’s destruction is telling of future weather patterns and of small island nations’ vulnerability.

As this haunting trend progresses, climate experts, policymakers, and the global community are gathering the research to establish innovative and necessary solutions. The University of the West Indies (UWI) in the Caribbean, for example, is collaborating with other SIDS researchers to understand the impacts of climate on health which is demonstrated in the 2024 Small Island Developing States report of the Lancet Countdown on Health and Climate Change.

The report notes that addressing heat through adaptation efforts would be an extremely effective and life-saving intervention in SIDS. Establishing more urban green spaces, for example, can provide local cooling benefits and alleviate heat exposure in cities.

Furthermore, UWI and Fiji National University recently presented new research on the impacts of climate change on community health and wellbeing at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Samoa.

And at the COP29 in Azerbaijan, participants developed a Special Report on Climate Change and Health, outlining priority recommendations from the global health community for governments, policymakers, and other sectors to place health at the heart of climate solutions.

Yet, for SIDS to truly adapt or combat the effects of climate change, increased access to financing is also crucial.

The research is evident and the urgency has been established. For SIDS, adhering to these recommendations and other global commitments is vital. The health impacts of climate change will continue to persist unless the necessary actions are taken.

Dr. David Smith is a Coordinator of the Institute for Sustainable Development at the University of the West Indies and Chair of the SDSN Caribbean Network. Neisha Manickchand is a Project and Resource Mobilisation Officer for the Institute for Sustainable Development at the University of the West Indies and Network Manager of the SDSN Caribbean Network.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Genocidal President, Genocidal Politics

Tue, 01/07/2025 - 08:07

Displaced Palestinians walk through the Nour Shams camp in the West Bank. Credit: UNRWA/Mohammed Alsharif

By Norman Solomon
SAN FRANCISCO, USA, Jan 7 2025 (IPS)

When news broke over the weekend that President Biden just approved an $8 billion deal for shipping weapons to Israel, a nameless official vowed that “we will continue to provide the capabilities necessary for Israel’s defense.” Following the reports last month from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch concluding that Israeli actions in Gaza are genocide, Biden’s decision was a new low for his presidency.

It’s logical to focus on Biden as an individual. His choices to keep sending huge quantities of weaponry to Israel have been pivotal and calamitous. But the presidential genocide and the active acquiescence of the vast majority of Congress are matched by the dominant media and overall politics of the United States.

Forty days after the Gaza war began, Anne Boyer announced her resignation as poetry editor of the New York Times Magazine. More than a year later, her statement illuminates why the moral credibility of so many liberal institutions have collapsed in the wake of Gaza’s destruction.

While Boyer denounced “the Israeli state’s U.S.-backed war against the people of Gaza,” she emphatically chose to disassociate herself from the nation’s leading liberal news organization: “I can’t write about poetry amidst the ‘reasonable’ tones of those who aim to acclimatize us to this unreasonable suffering. No more ghoulish euphemisms. No more verbally sanitized hellscapes. No more warmongering lies.”

The acclimatizing process soon became routine. It was most crucially abetted by President Biden and his loyalists, who were especially motivated to pretend that he wasn’t really doing what he was really doing.

For mainline journalists, the process required the willing suspension of belief in a consistent standard of language and humanity. When Boyer acutely grasped the dire significance of its Gaza coverage, she withdrew from “the newspaper of record.”

Content analysis of the war’s first six weeks found that coverage by the New York Times, Washington Post and Los Angeles Times had a steeply dehumanizing slant toward Palestinians. The three papers “disproportionately emphasized Israeli deaths in the conflict” and “used emotive language to describe the killings of Israelis, but not Palestinians,” a study by The Intercept showed.

“The term ‘slaughter’ was used by editors and reporters to describe the killing of Israelis versus Palestinians 60 to 1, and ‘massacre’ was used to describe the killing of Israelis versus Palestinians 125 to 2. ‘Horrific’ was used to describe the killing of Israelis versus Palestinians 36 to 4.”

After a year of the Gaza war, Arab-American historian Rashid Khalidi said: “My objection to organs of opinion like the New York Times is that they see absolutely everything from an Israeli perspective. ‘How does it affect Israel, and how do the Israelis see it?’ Israel is at the center of their worldview, and that’s true of our elites generally, all over the West. The Israelis have very shrewdly, by preventing direct reportage from Gaza, further enabled that Israelocentric perspective.”

Khalidi summed up: “The mainstream media is as blind as it ever was, as willing to shill for any monstrous Israeli lie, to act as stenographers for power, repeating what is said in Washington.”

The conformist media climate smoothed the way for Biden and his prominent rationalizers to slide off the hook and shape the narrative, disguising complicity as evenhanded policy. Meanwhile, mighty boosts of Israel’s weapons and ammunition were coming from the United States. Nearly half of the Palestinians they killed were children.

For those children and their families, the road to hell was paved with good doublethink. So, for instance, while the Gaza horrors went on, no journalist would confront Biden with what he’d said at the time of the widely decried school shooting in Uvalde, Texas, when the president had quickly gone on live television.

“There are parents who will never see their child again,” he said, adding: “To lose a child is like having a piece of your soul ripped away. . . . It’s a feeling shared by the siblings, and the grandparents, and their family members, and the community that’s left behind.” And he asked plaintively, “Why are we willing to live with this carnage? Why do we keep letting this happen?”

The massacre in Uvalde killed 19 children. The daily massacre in Gaza has taken the lives of that many Palestinian kids in a matter of hours.

While Biden refused to acknowledge the ethnic cleansing and mass murder that he kept making possible, Democrats in his orbit cooperated with silence or other types of evasion. A longstanding maneuver amounts to checking the box for a requisite platitude by affirming support for a “two-state solution.”

Dominating Capitol Hill, an unspoken precept has held that Palestinian people are expendable as a practical political matter. Party leaders like Senator Chuck Schumer and Representative Hakeem Jeffries did virtually nothing to indicate otherwise.

Nor did they exert themselves to defend incumbent House Democrats Jamaal Bowman and Cori Bush, defeated in summer primaries with an unprecedented deluge of multimillion-dollar ad campaigns funded by AIPAC and Republican donors.

The overall media environment was a bit more varied but no less lethal for Palestinian civilians. During its first several months, the Gaza war received huge quantities of mainstream media coverage, which thinned over time; the effects were largely to normalize the continual slaughter. Some exceptional reporting existed about the suffering, but the journalism gradually took on a media ambience akin to background noise, while credulously hyping Biden’s weak ceasefire efforts as determined quests.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu came in for increasing amounts of criticism. But the prevalent U.S. media coverage and political rhetoric — unwilling to expose the Israeli mission to destroy Palestinians en masse — rarely went beyond portraying Israel’s leaders as insufficiently concerned with protecting Palestinian civilians.

Instead of candor about horrific truths, the usual tales of U.S. media and politics have offered euphemisms and evasions.

When she resigned as the New York Times Magazine poetry editor in mid-November 2023, Anne Boyer condemned what she called “an ongoing war against the people of Palestine, people who have resisted through decades of occupation, forced dislocation, deprivation, surveillance, siege, imprisonment, and torture.” Another poet, William Stafford, wrote decades ago:

I call it cruel and maybe the root of all cruelty
to know what occurs but not recognize the fact.

Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. His latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, was published in paperback this fall with a new afterword about the Gaza war.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Is Bangladesh’s Currency Reprint Pressing Delete on Bangabandhu’s Legacy?

Tue, 01/07/2025 - 07:47

The face of Bangladesh’s founding father, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, will soon be erased from the country’s currency. Credit: Kumkum Chadha/IPS

By Kumkum Chadha
DELHI, Jan 7 2025 (IPS)

History seems to be chasing Bangladesh even while the interim government is grappling with real issues of administering a country thrown into chaos.

In July last year, this south Asian country faced an upheaval when a students’ movement drove out Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina from office.

Protestors took to the streets over a quota system for government jobs. Their angst—disproportionate benefits to descendants of freedom fighters.

Once political parties and fundamentalists jumped in, the focus shifted, with protestors demanding Hasina’s resignation.

Hasina was forced to leave the country she had ruled for 15 years. She landed in India for what was then flagged as a temporary refuge: “For the moment only,” as India’s Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar had then told the Indian Parliament.

Back home in Bangladesh, an interim government headed by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus took charge of governing a country clearly at a crossroads—in other words, a toss-up between Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s legacy or charting a new course without the baggage of history.

It is against this backdrop that one must examine the new narrative of the interim government to reprint Bangladesh’s currency notes.

Initiated by the Central Bank of Bangladesh, the new notes will no longer carry the customary picture of Bangabandhu as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, as the former leader who led the country to independence is known. In common parlance, Bangabandhu means Friend of Bangla people.

“Phasing out” is how officials from Bangladesh Bank explained the move, while 70-year-old Alamgir, a witness to the War of Liberation, called it “an altered history,” in other words, pressing a delete button on Bangabandhu’s legacy.

To say that the sins of a daughter have adversely impacted her father’s legacy may be a bit of a stretch because even on his own, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was a controversial figure.

A folk hero turned dictator, he failed to address the real issues of Bangladesh. Instead, he became authoritarian and suspended rights. As Prime Minister, his daughter Hasina followed in her father’s footsteps.

Hence the anger of the people that spilled to the streets last year took a toll both on Sheikh Hasina and the legacy.

For starters, the current generation, many in the forefront of the students’ protest in Bangladesh, resent the undue space accorded to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through the years, particularly when Hasina ruled. Not only do they want to erase his imprint, but they also intend to rewrite and, if possible, clean up the bloody chapters of history.

In this context, is the currency note redesign the first substantive step taken by the interim government headed by Yunus?

Fazal Kamal, former editor of The Independent and Bangladesh Times, does not think so.
“It is not the government that has taken the initiative. It is an intense reaction from among the people of Bangladesh to Hasina’s insistence on ensuring Mujib’s seal on everything. It is this overkill that Bangladeshis want to end. The interim government is only going along,” he told IPS.

Given the hullabaloo, it must be pointed out that this is not the first time that Mujibur Rahman’s mugshot, if one may be allowed to use the term, has been taken off currency notes.

In 1976, a year after Bangabandhu and some of his family members were assassinated, the series of notes that were introduced did not have his image. It was only in 1998 that he made a comeback on the taka and has remained since. A taka is a basic monetary unit in Bangladesh.

Therefore, when Farid Hossain, who has served as Minister at the Bangladesh High Commission in New Delhi, calls the currency issue “much ado about nothing,” he is not off the mark.

“On ground, people want governance—they want law and order and currency, which can buy more rather than which image it carries,” Hossain said, adding that the move is indicative of the interim government “giving in to pressure” from the radicals.

To many, Hasina’s ouster is nothing short of a “second independence.” Yet there is a large segment that is against what Hossain has termed “wholesale erosion” of history and legacy: “Today Bangladesh faces an ideological divide and the narrative that was buried years ago seems to have resurfaced.”

In other words, today’s generation in Bangladesh wants to resurrect the real face of Mujibur Rahman and strip him of the legacy draped in grandeur. And in this, the interim government has been an active player.

“The intention of the interim administration is to take the country away from its historical legacy. The current regime has pandered to its unruly student followers who have been crushing every symbol of history,” says political analyst Syed Badrul Ahsan.

As for succumbing to pressure, the interim government is in the eye of a storm on another issue—the tricky and sensitive issue of Hasina’s extradition.

Bangladesh has sent a note verbale to the Indian government saying that it wants Hasina back for a judicial process. A note verbale is a diplomatic communication from one government to another.

There has been a persistent demand, as Kamal points out, for leaders of the previous regime to be brought back and tried. Call it vendetta politics if you will but the popular sentiment seems to be that Hasina should be sent to the gallows.

Though India and Bangladesh have an extradition treaty in place, it exempts political vendetta.

Article 6 of the treaty states that extradition may be denied if the alleged offence is of a political nature. That Hasina is being tried for her political offences is a given: “A note verbale is not enough. The interim government does not have a mandate. It is there to administer and steer reforms and not indulge in politicking. But it seems to be taking up the side issue of radicals and seems to be giving in,” Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty, former Indian High Commissioner to Bangladesh, told IPS.

Dismissing the extradition request as “mere rhetoric resulting from domestic pulls and pressures,” the former ambassador says India is unlikely to accommodate its neighbor on this issue.

He also did not rule out Yunus using this as a “pressure tactic” to tell India to restrain Sheikh Hasina from making political statements from Indian soil.

For record, in a virtual address last month, Hasina stated that Yunus was running a “fascist regime” that encouraged terrorists and fundamentalists. Interestingly, the extradition request had followed soon after.

Both issues seem to be hanging in the air—the new currency notes are yet to be printed and on Hasina’s extradition, the Indian government is silent.

As for Mujib’s legacy, his statue can be vandalized, his images defaced and his daughter’s sins denigrate his legacy, but Bangabandhu’s footprint from history, however controversial, cannot be erased.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Current Financing for Development Priorities Today

Tue, 01/07/2025 - 07:11

By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Jan 7 2025 (IPS)

The forthcoming fourth United Nations Financing for Development conference must address developing countries’ major financial challenges. Recent setbacks to sustainable development and climate action make FfD4 all the more critical.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

FfD4
The FfD4 conference, months away, will mainly be due to efforts led by the G77, the caucus of developing countries in the UN system. The G77 started with 77 UN member states and has since expanded to over 130.

The 1944 Bretton Woods conference outcome was primarily a compromise between the US and the UK. In 1971, when its Bretton Woods obligations threatened to undermine its privileges, President Richard Nixon refused to honour the US pledge to deliver an ounce of gold for US$35.

Over two decades later, President Bill Clinton promised a new international financial architecture. It rejected Professor Robert Triffin’s characterisation of international monetary arrangements after the early 1970s as an incoherent ‘non-system’.

Foreign aid
Several issues are emerging as G77 priorities for FfD4. In 1970, wealthy nations at the UN agreed to provide 0.7% of their national income annually as official development assistance (ODA).

This was much lower than the 2% initially proposed by the World Council of Churches and others. Only 0.3% has been delivered in recent years, or less than half the promise.

Most ODA conditions reflect the priorities of donors, not recipient countries. New aid definitions, conditions, and practices undermine ‘aid effectiveness’, reducing what developing nations receive.

Despite breaking its ODA promises, the new European Parliament voted overwhelmingly to contribute 0.25% of national income to Ukraine. By early December 2024, Europe had provided well over half the USD260 billion in aid to Ukraine!

Some European nations now insist that only mitigation qualifies as climate finance. Although most developing countries are tropical and struggling to cope with planetary heating, little assistance is available for adaptation.

Debt
More recently, developing countries’ new debt has been more commercial and conditional but less concessional. With the transition to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, the World Bank encouraged much more commercial borrowing with its new slogan, ‘from billions to trillions’.

Following the 2008 global financial crisis, Western countries adopted unconventional monetary policies, eschewing fiscal efforts. Quantitative easing enabled much more borrowing, which grew until 2022.

However, most Western governments did not borrow much. Some private interests borrowed heavily, often for unproductive purposes, with some using cheap funds to finance shareholder buyouts to get more wealth.

Meanwhile, many developing countries went on borrowing binges as creditors pushed debt in developing countries in various ways. Rapidly mounting government debt would soon become problematic.

From early 2022 until mid-2024, interest rates rose sharply, ostensibly to counter inflation. The US Fed and European Central Bank raised interest rates in concert, triggering massive capital outflows from developing countries with the poorest worst affected.

Institutional reform
A third priority is reforming multilateral financial institutions. While these institutions have changed much over time, they remain dominated by the Global North, especially the West.

Most countries at the 1944 Bretton Woods conference were from Latin America. Initially, 47% of voting rights were the standard ‘basic votes’ for all members. By 2008, Global South membership had increased severalfold as its votes fell to 11%.

The West, especially Europe, still dominates the International Monetary Fund. Many alternative governance arrangements have been proposed. Consideration of alternative regional monetary arrangements grew after the 1997-98 Asian financial crises.

The Chiang Mai Initiative (Multilateralisation) is now a multilateral currency swap arrangement among the finance ministries and central banks of ASEAN+3 countries when liquidity is needed. The Latin American Reserve Fund (FLAR) was created later in 2014.

Taxation
The Global South has long wanted the UN to lead negotiations on international taxation arrangements to provide more financial resources for development. However, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) rich nations’ club has long undermined developing countries’ interests.

The OECD achieved this by misleading finance ministries in developing countries. It bypassed foreign ministries that had long worked well together on contentious Global South issues. With the OECD making up new rules for the world, developing country finance ministries signed on to a biased tax proposal on which they were nominally consulted.

At the FfD3 conference in mid-2015, the OECD blocked Global South efforts to advance international tax cooperation. An independent international commission proposed a minimum international corporate income tax rate of 25%.

Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen counter-proposed a 21% rate, the US minimum rate. However, at the G7 meeting he was hosting, Boris Johnson pushed this down to 15% while adding exemptions, reducing likely revenue.

Instead of distributing revenue as with a corporate income tax on profits from production, the OECD proposed revenue sharing according to consumption spending, much like a sales tax.

Poor countries would receive little as their population can afford to spend much less, even if they produce much at low wages. Rather than progressively redistribute, OECD international corporate income tax revenue distribution would be regressive.

Dollar
The US dollar remains the world’s principal currency for international transactions. US Treasury bond sales enable this, subsidising the world’s largest economy. Trump recently threatened the BRICS and others considering de-dollarization.

The leading BRICS proponents of de-dollarisation, Brazil and South Africa, have failed to persuade the other BRICS to de-dollarize. Instead, China’s central bank has issued dollar-denominated bonds for Saudi Arabia.

Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) should be issued regularly to augment discretionary IMF financial resources. This can be done without Congressional approval, as happened after the 2008 global financial crisis and the COVID-19 outbreak. Such resources can be committed to the SDGs and climate finance.

But this cannot happen without collective action by the Global South seriously mobilising behind pacifist, developmental non-alignment. Inclusive and sustainable development is impossible in a world at war.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

The most Secret Memory of Men and the Disgraceful Condemnation of Two African Authors

Mon, 01/06/2025 - 09:05

By Jan Lundius
STOCKHOLM, Sweden, Jan 6 2025 (IPS)

In 2021, the Senegalese novelist Mohamed Mbougar Sarr became the first writer from sub-Saharan Africa to be awarded the Prix Goncourt, France’s oldest and most prestigious literary prize.

Literature

His novel, La plus secrète mémoire des hommes, The most Secret Memory of Men, tells the story of a young Senegalese writer living in Paris, who by chance stumbles across a novel published in 1938 by an elusive Senegalese author named T.C. Elimane. This author had once been hailed by an ecstatic Paris press, but had then disappeared from view. Elimane had before every trace of him had vanished, been accused of plagiarism. After losing a legal process connected with the plagiarism charge, Elimane’s publisher had been forced to withdraw and destroy all available copies of The Labyrinth of Inhumanity. However, a few extremely rare copies of the novel remained, profoundly affecting anyone who happened to read them. The novel’s main protagonist (there are several others) eventually became involved in a desperate search for the illusive Elimane, who had left some rare imprints in France, Senegal and Argentina.

A reader of Sarr’s multifaceted, exquisitely written novel is confronted with a choir of different voices mixing, harmonizing and/or contradicting each other. The story turns into a labyrinth, where boundaries between fiction and reality become blurred and lose ends remain unravelled. Sarr moves in an ocean of world literature. It seems as if he has read everything worth reading and allusions are either in plain sight, or remain invisible. Ultimately, the novel investigates the limits between myth and reality, memory and presence, and above all the question – what is storytelling? What is literature? Does it concern the “truth”, or is it constructing a parallel version of reality?

A disturbing issue shimmers below the surface of the intriguing story. Why were two excellent West-African authors before Sarr severely scrutinized and condemned for plagiarism? Why were they accused of not being “African” enough? Are African writers doomed to linger within a shadowy existence as exotic curiosities, judged from the outside by a prejudiced literary establishment, which persistently consider African authors, except white Nobel laureates like Gordimer and Coetze, either as being exotic natives, or epigons of European literature?

The most Secret Memory of Men has a disturbing prehistory, echoing real-life experiences of the Guinean writer Camara Laye and the likewise unfortunate Malian Yambo Ouologuem.

At the age of 15, Camara Laye came to Conakry, the French colonial capital of Guinea, to attended vocational studies in motor mechanics. In 1947, he travelled to Paris to continue his studies in mechanics. In 1956, Camara Laye returned to Africa, first to Dahomey, then to the Gold Coast and finally to newly independent Guinea, where he held several government posts. In 1965, after being subject to political persecution, he left Guinea for Senegal and never returned to his home country.

In 1954, Camara Laye’s novel Le regard de Roi, The Radiance of the King, was published in Paris and at the time described as “one of the finest works of fiction to come out of Africa”. The novel was quite odd, and remains so, particular since its main protagonist is a white man and the story develops from his point of view. Clarence has, after in his home country having failed at most things, recently arrived in Africa to seek his fortune there. After gambling all his money away, he is thrown out of his hotel and in desperation decides to pursue a legend stating that somewhere in the inner depths of Africa a wealthy king can be found. Clarence hopes that this king might provide for him, maybe give him a job, and a purpose in life.

Laye’s novel becomes an allegory for man’s search for God. Clarence’s journey develops into a road to self-realisation and he obtains wisdom through a series of dreamlike and humiliating experiences; often harrowing, sometimes lunatically nightmarish, though the story is occasionally lightened by an absurd and alluring humour.

However, some critics asked if this really was an African novel. The language was beguilingly simple, but the allegorical mode of telling the story made critics assume that it was tinged with Christianity, that the African lore was “superficial”, and the narrative style “kafkaesque”. Even African authors considered that Laye “mimicked” European literary role models. The Nigerian author Wole Soyinka characterized Le regard de Roi as a feeble imitation of Kafka’s novel The Castle, implanted on African soil and within France suspicions soon arose that a young African car mechanic could not have been able to write such a strange and multifaceted novel as Le regard de Roi.

This unkind and even mean criticism became increasingly vociferous, deprecating what was actually an intriguing work of genius. The harassment continued until a final blow was delivered by an American professor. Adele King’s comprehensive study The Writing of Camara Laye did in 1981 “prove” that Le regard de Roi actually had been written by Francis Soulé, a renegade Belgian intellectual who in Brussels had been involved in Nazi- and Anti-Semitic propaganda and after World War II had been forced to establish himself in France. According to Adele King, Soulé had together with Robert Poulet, editor at Plon, the publisher that issued Le regard de Roi, concocted a story that his novel actually had been written by a young African, thus securing its success. To support her theory, Adele King presented an exhaustive account of Camara Laye’s life in France, tracing his various acquaintances and coming to the conclusion that Laye had been paid by Plon to act as the author of Le regard de Roi.

Among other observations Adele King stated that Laye’s novel was of an “un-African nature, with a European sense of literary form”, thus indicating Francis Soulé’s handiwork. This in spite of Soulé’s very meagre literary output (King mentions that he had in his ”youth dabbled in exotic writing”) and the fact that Laye wrote several other, very good novels.

Among other indications that Laye could not have written Le regard de Roi, King argued that the novel’s “Messianic message” sounded false, originating as it did from an African Muslim. She thus ignored that Laye came from a Sufi tradition where similar notions abounded and when it came to the “kafkaesque” flavour of the novel, which is far from being overwhelming – why could not a young African author living in France, like so many others, have been inspired by Franz Kafka’s writing?

Notwithstanding, through these and many other shaky assumptions King concluded that Le regard de Roi had been written by the otherwise almost unknown Francis Soulé and her verdict became almost unanimously accepted. It did for example in 2018 prominently appear in Christoffer Miller’s popular and otherwise quiet good book Impostors: Literary Hoaxes and Cultural Authenticity.

Another resounding condemnation of an excellent West-African author occurred in 1968 when the groundbreaking and original novel Le devoir de violence, Bound to Violence, after a short time of praise was smashed due to accusations of plagiarism. Le devoir de violence dealt with seven centuries of violent history of an African, fictious kingdom (actually quite akin to present-day Mali). In a feverish first-rate, free flowing language the novel does not shy away from depicting extreme violence, royal oppression, religious superstition, murder, corruption, slavery, female genital mutilation, rape, misogyny, and abuse of power. All intermingled with episodes of real love and harmony, but there is no doubt about Yambo Ouologuem’s opinion that a powerful, age-old and corrupt African elite enriched itself and prospered through its collaboration with an equally corrupt and brutal colonial power, all done for their respective gain.

Quite expectedly, Ouologuem arose violent reactions from authors adhering to the concept of négritude, denoting a framework of critique and literary theory developed by francophone intellectuals, who stressed the strength of African solidarity and notions about a unique African culture. Ouologuem provided the négritude movement with his own denigrating term – negraille, accusing négritude authors of ingraining servility and an inferiority complex in Africa’s black population. He accused such authors of depicting Africa as a ridiculous Paradise, when the continent in fact had been, and was, just as corrupt and violent as its European counterpart. Ouologuem also wondered why an African writer could not be allowed to be as critical, outspoken and politically improper as, for example, the French authors Rimbaud and Céline.

The final judgment that befell Ouologuem was delivered by the generally admired Graham Greene, who launched a lawsuit against Ouologuem’s publisher accusing the African author of plagiarizing parts of Greene’s novel It’s a Battlefield. Greene won the lawsuit and Ouologuem’s novel was banned in France and the publisher had to see to the destruction of all available copies of it. Ouologuem did not write another novel, he returned to Mali where he in a small town directed a youth centre, until he withdrew in a secluded Muslim life as a marabout (spiritual advisor).

Considering the framework of Ouologuem’s entire and quite mindboggling novel, Graham Greene’s reaction appears to be petty, if not outright ridiculous. The plagiarism was limited to a few sentences describing a French mansion, which in itself was quite absurd within its African setting, and the description is clearly quoted with a satirical intention (in his novel Greene described a slightly ridiculously decorated apartment of an English communist).

The condemnation of Laye’s, and in particular Ouologuem’s novels may be discerned as an inspiration to Mohamed Sarr’s novel. Sarr writes about a young African author finding himself in a limbo between two very different worlds, Senegal and France, while he has found home and solace in literature, a world within which he has discovered a real gem, his talisman – Elimane’s novel. However, the bewildered young man’s pursuit of the man behind the book turns out to be in vain, and so is probably also his search for himself in this labyrinth that constitutes our life and the world we live in.

Sarr’s novel reminds us of the fate of two other West-African authors before him, who were accused of not being “genuine”, of being “plagiarists”, thus Sarr also succeeds in asking us what is genuine in a floating globalized world?

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Why Russia’s Ban on Child-Free ‘Propaganda’ Impacts Human Rights

Mon, 01/06/2025 - 08:28

Big families are promoted on billboards in Russia. Credit: Sky News screengrab

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Jan 6 2025 (IPS)

“A lot of people are very scared,” says Zalina Marshenkulova. “This is obviously another tool of repression. The state is waging war on the remnants of free-thinking people in Russia and trying to suppress all dissent and freedom,” the Russian feminist activist tells IPS.

The warning from Marshenkulova, who left Russia soon after the country’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and now lives in Germany, comes just days after new legislation came into force in her home country banning “child-free propaganda.”

Under the law, any person, organisation or government official deemed to be promoting a “child-free” lifestyle or encouraging people, either in person or online, not to have children can face huge fines and, in some cases, may be deported.

While MPs have stressed the legislation would not infringe on the right of individuals not to have children, critics fear it will be used in what some have described as an ongoing “crusade” by the Kremlin to promote a deeply conservative ideology centred around ‘traditional values’ and rejecting decadent Western ways of life—even at the expense of women’s reproductive rights.

“Women are already buying up all sorts of contraceptive pills [fearing they may not be able to get them in the future]. Abortions are already hard to get and that’s only going to get even harder now,” says Marshenkulova.

The legislation, which came into effect on December 4, introduces fines for individuals spreading “child-free propaganda” in broadcast media or online of up to 400,000 rubles (€3,840), while companies doing so can be fined up to 5 million rubles (€48,000) for the same offence. Foreign citizens who fall foul of the legislation will face deportation.

Its supporters have said the legislation is essential to protect Russia against a harmful Western ideology that could have devastating consequences for a country struggling with worrying negative demographic trends.

“We are talking about protecting citizens, primarily the younger generation, from information disseminated in the media space that has a negative impact on the formation of people’s personalities,” Vyacheslav Volodin, chairman of the lower house of parliament, said ahead of the vote. “Everything must be done to ensure that new generations of our citizens grow up centred on traditional family values.”

But human rights groups and activists say they have grave concerns about it. They point out that it has similarly vague language to other repressive laws passed in Russia in recent years that have been used to persecute minorities, such as LGBT+ people, and government critics, including civil society groups, as well as opponents of the invasion of Ukraine.

The relative novelty of the legislation means it is hard to gauge how strictly it will be implemented and what exactly authorities will see as ‘childfree propaganda’.

But it has already had some effect.

“The law is vague and broadly formulated so we can’t predict what things will be considered punishable—no one knows,” Anastasiia Zakharova, a lawyer at the Memorial Human Rights Defence Centre, told IPS.

“For example, a situation where women share publicly things like how hard it can be as a mother, how difficult it can be raising kids—will that be considered childfree propaganda? We have already seen that groups on social media where women talk about how hard it is raising children and being a mother have closed down to avoid potentially being fined. This law will have a chilling effect on what people will say,” she added.

Others say experience with Russian laws such as those introduced in the last decade banning “LGBT+ propaganda” provides a guide for how this legislation could impact women’s lives.

“This is another part of the Kremlin’s harmful ‘traditional values’ crusade. It will limit women’s freedom, their reproductive freedoms, and will stifle freedom generally,” Tanya Lokshina, Europe and Central Asia associate director at Human Rights Watch (HRW), told IPS.

“We can predict what the effects of this law will be because it is similar to the anti-LGBT+ propaganda law in Russia and we have seen the effects of that. It’s not so much that this kind of law targets individuals; it’s about purging the cultural arena of anything that could be even vaguely interpreted as propaganda,” she added.

She said while this could see a vast amount of films, shows and books disappearing from shop shelves, TV schedules, and online streaming services—”for example, a ‘romcom’ film in which you see a woman in her thirties with no children pursuing her career—anything like that is going to be outlawed. Can you imagine how many films, TV shows, books, etc. might have to be banned because of that? It’s mind-boggling,” she said—it could also significantly impact reproductive health.

“Will children be able to get information about abortion and birth control? We saw what happened with the anti-LGBT+ law when teachers and others who should have been helping them could not, or would not, talk about [LGBT+ sexual health issues]. If children needed help, they couldn’t get it,” she said.

Other rights activists agreed.

“There will be problems for women to get information about abortions, contraception, and other reproductive health matters and it will be particularly difficult for young people who already might already be struggling with getting hold of information on these things and now won’t have any way at all to access it,” Natalia Morozova, Head of the Eastern Europe/Central Asia Desk at the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), told IPS.

This comes at a time when women’s access to abortion is already being curtailed.

Elective abortion is legal in Russia up to the 12th week of pregnancy, and in some exceptional cases, such as rape, up to the 22nd week. However, in recent years there have been moves to limit access to the procedure.

Laws have been introduced in some regions outlawing “coercing” women—the legislation defines this as persuading, bribing, or deceiving a woman into undergoing the procedure—to have an abortion, while hundreds of private clinics across the country have followed a ‘voluntarily initiative’ supported by the Health Ministry and have stopped offering abortions.

The state has also introduced guidelines for doctors to encourage female patients to have children, but also to dissuade them from abortions.

“Already in state clinics in Russia, doctors put pressure on women to have children. There are women who have gone to a clinic and been questioned by doctors on why they have no children and why they don’t want to have them yet,” said Lokshina.

Health experts have already pointed to the dangers of restricting abortions, with World Health Organisation (WHO) officials previously warning that bans on private clinics performing abortions would force more women in Russia into having surgical abortions rather than medical abortions. Private clinics mainly offer medical abortions, whereas state hospitals perform surgical abortions, which carry higher risks of complications, side effects and injuries.

The WHO also raised concerns that tightening access to legal abortions could lead to a spike in dangerous illegal procedures.

This tightening of access to abortion and the passing of the ‘childfree propaganda’ law come as the Kremlin battles a demographic crisis amid rising mortality as Russia’s brutal war in Ukraine grinds on and the country’s birth rate falls.

Data from statistics service Rosstat showed 599,600 children were born in Russia in the first half of 2024, which is 16,000 fewer births year-on-year and the lowest figure since 1999. Meanwhile, the number of newborns fell 6 percent in June to 98,600, which is the first time the number fell below 100,000. There were 325,100 deaths recorded between January and June, which is 49,000 more than in the same period of 2023.

The Kremlin has called the demographic situation a “catastrophe” for the nation and lawmakers who backed the ‘childfree propaganda’ legislation see it as a way to help halt population decline.

But Morozova said the Kremlin’s main motive was bolstering its armed forces to continue fighting in Ukraine.

“They want a population that produces soldiers, women that produce soldiers. The only goal of this regime is to produce as many soldiers as possible,” she said.

According to Lokshina, the law will also give the Kremlin an extra tool in its fight against a group that many experts see as potentially the biggest threat to President Putin’s hold on power.

“The most notable protests [against the Russian regime] since the start of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine have been women’s protests. The Kremlin sees women as being problematic and wants to silence them,” she said.

While it remains to be seen how the law will be implemented and interpreted by authorities in the future, some activists have already left the country in response to its passage, fearing it could be used against them.

But there are doubts the legislation will have any effect on the birth rate.

Some Russian women who spoke to western media ahead of the legislation’s approval said women’s decisions on whether to have children or not are largely rooted in financial concerns at a time when the economy is struggling, rather than anyone else’s opinion on their right to have children or not.

And research carried out by the All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center (VTsIOM) in October showed that 66 percent of Russians doubted fines for promoting childfree ideology would be effective.

“The law has no potential to influence the birth rate,” said Lokshina. “It is aimed at stifling dissent—in this case, the rejection of so-called traditional family values.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Will Trump Seize the Opportunity for an Israeli-Palestinian Breakthrough?

Mon, 01/06/2025 - 08:09

The Separation Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and behind it an Israeli settlement. Credit: Ryan Rodrick Beiler

By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Jan 6 2025 (IPS)

Trump, who wants an end to the Israeli-Hamas war even before he reassumes the Presidency, must know that denying the Palestinian right to statehood and conceding further Palestinian land to Israel is a recipe for the next horrific inferno that will overshadow even the present calamitous Israel-Hamas war.

Hamas’ horrific October 7 attack and Israel’s massive retaliatory war have fundamentally changed the dynamic of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. New political, psychological, and factual regional conditions have been created since October 7 that cannot be ignored, as they directly impacted not only Israeli-Palestinian relations for a generation but also regional stability.

Trump will have to choose between paving the way toward the establishment of a Palestinian state or setting the stage for the next catastrophic conflagration that will dwarf the current war.
Trump should carefully consider the following five crucial changes in regional dynamics if he wants to revive “the deal of the century,” however remote it may seem at this particular juncture.

Hamas’ Massacre and its Psychological Implications

It is hard to overestimate the psychological ramifications of Hamas’ October 7 attack on Israelis as it brought to life images from the Holocaust. In many ways, it reaffirmed Netanyahu’s tragically misleading two-decades-long public narrative and reinforced the pervasive public mindset that the Palestinians posed a perpetual existential threat to Israel.

Thus, any effort that could lead to a two-state solution will face vehement Israeli resistance, which can be mitigated once Israelis come to terms with the fact that their ultimate national security rests on the establishment of a Palestinian state. This must be firmly tied to comprehensive security arrangements to allay the Israelis’ psychologically ingrained national security concerns.

Mutual Realization that Neither can Destroy the Other

After 14 months of brutal war, both sides have failed to achieve their stated objective. Even if Israel captures or kills every Hamas combatant, it cannot liquidate it as a national movement and as an idea. Hamas will survive any losses and terrorize Israel for as long as it takes, albeit knowing that Israel is a formidable military power, far beyond their capacity to destroy.

This mutual realization has changed the dynamic. Though nearly decimated, Hamas largely achieved its goal. It has fundamentally shaken the status quo, making it unequivocally clear that the Palestinian cause will no longer be ignored.

Saudi Arabia’s role

Before October 7, the US had been negotiating Israeli-Saudi normalization. At the time, the Saudis were willing to settle for a vague commitment by Israel ‘to make major progress toward a solution to the Palestinian conflict.’ But as the horror of the war in Gaza unfolded, the Saudis changed their position, mainly due to the public’s outcry about what the Palestinians have tragically endured.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) publicly stated, “The Kingdom will not cease its tireless efforts to establish an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, and we affirm that the kingdom will not establish diplomatic relations with Israel without one” [emphasis added]. It should be noted that this statement is not political posturing. Saudi Arabia will no longer settle for a vague reference to the Palestinians’ right to statehood, but MBS can pressure the Palestinians to moderate their position.

Jordan’s Growing Trepidation

Jordan faces significant challenges in maintaining internal stability amid rising public anger towards Israel. It must balance its historical commitments to the Palestinian cause and its peace treaty with Israel, while managing complex regional dynamics. There are also fears of a spillover of Palestinian refugees into Jordan, which can destabilize Jordan, especially if Israel annexes further Palestinian territories in the West Bank. Recently, Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich declared that “2025 is the year of sovereignty in Judea and Samaria,” which terrifies the Kingdom.

The ongoing conflicts could also increase militant activity and exacerbate existing vulnerabilities, particularly among Jordanian youth. Moreover, other regional dynamics further complicate Jordan’s position, compelling it to navigate threats from Iranian proxies while managing its relationships with Israel, Western allies, and neighboring Arab states. The creation of a Palestinian state will prevent instability in Jordan, which is critical to Israel’s national security.

International Recognition of a Palestinian State

One hundred forty-six countries have recognized the Palestinian state, which is a significant step because it legitimizes the Palestinians’ right to statehood and places Palestine on equal footing with other states. Three Western European countries, Ireland, Norway, and Spain, have recognized Palestine this year, which may encourage others to follow suit. Unquestionably, the Palestinians have made significant international inroads in support of a Palestinian state.

Trump Faces a Historic Opportunity

Trump may well be in the best position to start a genuine peace process that will eventually lead to Palestinian statehood. Given his commitment to Israel’s security, he must not allow Israel to annex any more territory in the West Bank or resettle in Gaza, as this will only set the stage for the next horrific conflagration and throw the entire region into unprecedented turmoil. Due to the affinity that most Israelis hold towards Trump, he is in a much stronger position than many of his predecessors, not only to call for a two-state solution but act on it.

Working toward Palestinian statehood would dramatically allay Jordan’s deep anxiety about the country’s stability, meet the Saudis’ demand to establish a Palestinian state as a prerequisite to normalizing relations with Israel, give hope to the Palestinians that the day of their salvation is near, and temper extremism and anti-Israeli sentiments. The collapse of the Assad regime in Syria and the dramatic weakening of Iran and Hezbollah will deprive them of exploiting the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to advance their regional agendas.

The biggest obstacle Trump will face is the current Israeli government, which has sworn to block the creation of a Palestinian state. This government has learned nothing from decades of occupation. It wants now to annex much of the West Bank, resettle Gaza, and plunge Israel into interminable violence and destruction. There is nothing more ominous for Israel if, indeed, the government implements such a plan. It will shatter the Palestinians’ final glimmer of hope as it will lead to horrific consequences unless Trump prevents it from happening.

For Trump to revive the “deal of the century,” he will have to go over Netanyahu’s head and address the Israeli public directly, pointing out the stark reality that the Israelis continue to be oblivious to. He should emphasize that:

After 57 years of occupation, it has become abundantly clear: the occupation is not sustainable, evidenced by the fact that Israeli-Palestinian relations are worse today than ever before. The situation is bound to explode time and again with ever-increasing death and destruction.

Nearly seven million Palestinians are living in the West Bank, Gaza, and Israel proper, equal to the number of Jews living in the same area. By what means and for how much longer, he must ask, can Israel oppress the Palestinians of an equivalent population with no endgame in sight?

Ninety percent of all Palestinians were born under occupation; they will deprive Israel of peace until they free themselves from the shackles of the occupation that has dehumanized them and robbed them of their dignity.

Coexistence is not one of many options; it is the only option. The Israelis must choose to live in peace or maintain a state of constant hostilities while poisoning one generation after another against the Palestinians.

Conclusion

Trump faces a historic opportunity. He can lay the foundation for a Palestinian state or set the stage for the next catastrophic war. His appointment of an extraordinarily supportive team of Israel gives him the latitude and credibility to persuade the Israelis that only a two-state solution offers them peace and security, and his “Deal of the Century” provides the framework to that en

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center fo Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.
alon@alonben-meir.com Web: www.alonben-meir.com

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Carter’s Virtue Trumps Mendacity

Fri, 01/03/2025 - 11:19

Credit: White House

By James E. Jennings
ATLANTA, Georgia, Jan 3 2025 (IPS)

The fireplace in the State Dining Room of the White House that says, “May none but honest and wise men ever rule under this roof.” President John Adams wrote that in a letter to his wife Abigail in 1800.

Jimmy Carter was by all accounts a wise, just, and decent man—a man of deep religious faith, who was also circumspect—some may say old fashioned—about his rhetoric.

He was refreshingly candid in using the country-boy phrase “I’ll whip his ass!” against Democratic primary opponent Sen. Edward Kennedy. Most reporters in that era considered it too harsh or nearly obscene, so instead, they wrote, “I’ll whip his donkey!”

Carter was honest. When asked by a reporter amid stories of the Kennedy brothers’ sexual indulgences, if he had ever had lust in his heart, he responded straightforwardly, “Yes.” That’s something no other politician would ever do. But it was easy for Carter to admit because he followed the Christian and Calvinist doctrine that “We are all sinners.”

Historians view his administration as a watershed in the civil rights struggle, especially in the South. As president he negotiated the first ever peace agreement between Israel and the Arabs. In his post-presidential years, he made a worldwide impact as a humanitarian.

Civic virtue must be faithful to the original concept of American nationhood—favoring citizens ahead of government. Liberty and justice are the watchwords of democracy, not blind obedience to politicians.

George Washington said, “There exists an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness.” Lincoln advised “Malice toward none…charity for all…firmness in the right.” Carter followed these sentiments at his inauguration with a pledge from the Biblical Prophet Micah: “Do justly, love mercy, walk humbly.”

There are two ways of recognizing people as honest and wise—by their words and by their deeds. Carter told the truth straight out—even if it was inconvenient or might hurt him. His policies were based on simple fairness, especially in his efforts to overcome the endemic racism of the Old South.

By contrast, President-elect Trump is famous for the lies and invective-filled slander constantly dripping from his lips: “When somebody hurts you, just go after them as viciously and as violently as you can…. When somebody screws you, screw them back in spades.” Trump’s brand, he said, means, “Power is the only true value.”

We teach our kids differently. “Be nice,” we always say. Sesame Street TV and First Grade teachers call out children for “Courtesy Lacking.” Why can’t we demand as much from our leaders?

Trump is a symptom of the ills of our society, not the cause. Today most of us tolerate curses and obscenities that would have scandalized our grandmothers. Trump is simply riding the crest of a flood of indecency that already exists among the public.

Let’s bring back civic virtue. Jimmy Carter may be the best example of personal rectitude among US leaders in our lifetimes. Let him be your model—not the empty, sleazy suit that is soon to be the next occupant of the White House.

James E. Jennings PhD is President of Conscience International.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Tanzania’s Disaster Preparedness: A Nation on Edge

Fri, 01/03/2025 - 10:18

The recent collapse of a high-rise building in Dar es Salaam, killing 16 people and injuring more than 80, has reignited concerns about the city’s disaster preparedness. Credit: Kizito Makoye Shigela/IPS

By Kizito Makoye
DAR ES SALAAM, Jan 3 2025 (IPS)

As the dust settled over Kariakoo’s bustling streets, Halima Abdallah’s voice trembled through the cracks of a collapsed four-story building. “Help me, please! I don’t get air,” she gasped, trapped under the rubble. For four hours, rescue workers scrambled to locate her. Their efforts, hampered by the lack of proper equipment, relied on tools hastily borrowed from a private company. By the time they reached her, it was too late. Abdallah had died.

Moments before the building collapsed, Husna Faime, a single mother, was humming softly inside her tailoring shop, finishing a client’s order. Minutes later, her harmony shattered—literally.

“I felt the ground shaking, and before I knew it, everything was falling,” she recounted from her hospital bed a week later. Trapped under the rubble, she used the last of her phone’s battery to send her sister a haunting text: “If I don’t make it, please take care of Aisha. Tell her mom loves her.”

Local volunteers dug through the rubble with their bare hands, managing to rescue Faime hours later. Her survival was miraculous, but her ordeal exposed a grim truth: disasters—both natural and man-made—regularly strike unprepared communities in Tanzania, leaving a trail of destruction in their wake.

The Perfect Storm

Tanzania, home to over 62 million people, faces a myriad of hazards: floods, droughts, cyclones, and earthquakes. Compounding these are man-made disasters like road accidents, industrial mishaps, and collapsing buildings. For the 34 percent of Tanzanians living below the poverty line, the financial burden of recovery is overwhelming.

In Kariakoo, a bustling hub of markets and skyscrapers, a hidden danger lurks behind the concrete walls. Systemic corruption and shoddy workmanship have turned many buildings into potential death traps. Investigations reveal that dishonest developers, in collusion with corrupt officials, routinely use substandard materials to cut costs, ignoring safety regulations and bypassing inspections.

At least five major building collapses have been reported in Dar es Salaam over the last decade, claiming many lives. Kariakoo in particular has emerged as a hotspot for such tragedies. Experts warn that many other buildings in the area remain structurally unsound, putting lives at constant risk.

Lack of Preparedness

Tanzania’s vulnerability is exacerbated by poor disaster preparedness and infrastructure. Rapid urban sprawl, informal settlements, and inadequate drainage systems leave communities exposed to climate-induced disasters.

“Our cities are not built to absorb the shocks caused by natural disasters,” said Pius Yanda, a climate change adaptation specialist at the University of Dar es Salaam. Informal settlements are particularly vulnerable, with little to no infrastructure to mitigate flooding or other hazards.

Man-made disasters are equally concerning. Weak enforcement of building regulations makes building collapses tragically routine. “The warning signs are always there,” said Peter Kazimoto, a disaster risk reduction expert at the Tanzania Red Cross Society. “Developers prioritize saving money over safety, and enforcement is weak.”

Rural areas face their own struggles. In the eastern Morogoro region, floods destroyed Ahmed Selemani’s maize crop, his sole source of income. “We heard warnings on the radio, but no one came to evacuate us,” Ahmed said. “Now we have nothing.”

Institutional Gaps

Tanzania has a disaster response framework—the Tanzania Emergency Preparedness and Response Plan (TEPRP)—but its implementation remains weak. Agencies like the Disaster Management Department (DMD) operate on limited budgets, meeting only 35 percent of their funding needs in 2023.

“We have made some progress with early warning systems,” said Jim Yonazi, an official in the Prime Minister’s Office. “But we need more resources to mitigate risks effectively.”

With limited government intervention, many Tanzanians have taken matters into their own hands. In Tandale, a sprawling slum in Dar es Salaam, residents like John Mnyamasi have built rudimentary flood defenses with sandbags and canals. “We can’t wait for the government,” Mnyamasi said.

During building collapses, local volunteers are often the first responders. Kariakoo resident Emmanuel Joseph recounted rescuing 12 people trapped under rubble. “When you hear someone crying for help, you just act—even if it means risking your own life,” he said.

Pathways to Resilience

Experts emphasize the need for disaster risk reduction to protect Tanzanians. “Disaster risk reduction isn’t just about emergencies—it’s about prevention,” said James Mbatia, a former legislator and disaster risk specialist.

Investments in early warning systems, stronger infrastructure, and public awareness campaigns are critical. Neighboring Kenya, for instance, uses mobile apps to provide real-time weather updates, enabling faster evacuations. “Empowering communities with tools and knowledge can save lives,” said Mbatia.

Critics argue that Tanzania’s government must take greater responsibility for disaster management failures. “It’s like watching a fire spread while holding a bucket of water you never use,” Mbatia said, pointing to predictable disasters such as annual floods in low-lying regions.

Gordian Kazaura, an urban planning specialist at Ardhi University, highlighted the human cost. “The poorest suffer the most. They lack the resources to recover, and the government’s response often comes too late,” he said.

A glimmer of Hope

Despite the challenges, there is growing momentum for change. Organizations like the Tanzania Red Cross are training volunteers and advocating for better early warning systems. Workshops are equipping local authorities with emergency planning skills.

“Disasters are local by nature,” said Kazimoto. “Empowering communities and regional committees to act swiftly without waiting for central government instructions is critical.”

For survivors like Faime, recovery is uncertain, but hope persists. “We need help, but we also need change,” she said. “People like me can’t keep starting over.”

Halima Abdallah’s final plea must serve as a wake-up call. Tanzania must transition from reactive responses to proactive resilience, ensuring that no cry for help goes unanswered. Observers agree—the time for action is now—before the next disaster strikes.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

A Renewed Vision for Prosperity for Landlocked Developing Countries

Fri, 01/03/2025 - 08:10

OHRLLS Office Banner. Credit: The United Nations Office of the High Representative for the Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing Countries and Small Island Developing States (UN-OHRLLS)

By Rabab Fatima
UNITED NATIONS, Jan 3 2025 (IPS)

Over 570 million people live in the world’s 32 Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDCs), spanning across Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America. These nations face unique and complex development challenges. Their lack of direct access to the sea, geographical isolation, limited infrastructure, and difficulty integrating into global trade and value chains hinder sustainable development and progress.

The lingering impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, rising vulnerability to external shocks, climate change, and mounting debt burdens have further compounded these challenges, eroding progress achieved under the last developmental roadmap for LLDCs—the Vienna Programme of Action.

However, a pivotal moment for LLDCs is at hand. In the lead-up to the Third United Nations Conference on LLDCs (LLDC3), to be held next year, the international community has adopted a new Programme of Action (PoA) to guide LLDCs’ development from 2025 to 2035.

UN Under-Secretary-General (USG) and High Representative, cr. Credit: OHRLLS

A new decade of opportunity and progress

The new PoA is a landmark achievement designed to address the structural challenges of LLDCs and accelerate their socio-economic integration into the global economy. This vision focuses on five priority areas critical to transforming LLDCs into resilient and competitive economies:

Structural Transformation and Science, Technology, and Innovation (STI)

Economic diversification is crucial for LLDCs. Their dependence on a narrow range of commodities leaves them highly vulnerable to external shocks. The new PoA prioritizes value-added industries and leveraging technology and innovation to help LLDCs integrate more effectively into global value chains and build more resilient economies.

Digital connectivity, which is pivotal for sustainable development, is also an important focus of the PoA. In 2023, only 39% of LLDC populations used the internet, compared to the global average of 67%. The PoA aims to create regional digital platforms for peer learning and capacity building while increasing support to LLDCs to leverage technology for sustainable growth.

Trade, Trade Facilitation, and Regional Integration

Trade drives economic growth, yet LLDCs account for just 1.1% of global merchandise exports. High trade costs—averaging 30% more than coastal countries—significantly hamper their competitiveness.

The new PoA highlights LLDCs’ interest in establishing a dedicated work programme at the World Trade Organization (WTO) to address their unique needs. It also recommends developing a high-level panel of experts to examine the application of existing international laws on freedom of transit for LLDCs, ensuring that LLDCs can engage in international trade under fairer conditions.

Transit, Transport, and Connectivity

Transport infrastructure is a critical link for LLDCs to global markets. Bridging the current gap—nearly 200,000 km of paved roads and over 46,000 km of railways—will require over half a trillion dollars.

To address this, the PoA proposes an Infrastructure Investment Finance Facility (IIFF) for LLDCs to mobilize resources for sustainable transport infrastructure, thereby reducing trade costs and enhancing connectivity.

Enhancing Adaptive Capacity and Resilience to Climate Change and Disasters

LLDCs face significant vulnerabilities to climate-related disasters. Between 2012 and 2022, 447 such events affected 170 million people in LLDCs—double the global average.

The PoA emphasizes climate-resilient infrastructure, sustainable agriculture, and improved access to climate finance. It also notes LLDCs’ interest in developing a dedicated work programme under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).

Lastly, but more importantly,

Means of Implementation

The success of the new Programme of Action depends on robust means of implementation, including adequate resources, technical support, and strong partnerships. The PoA calls for increased development assistance and emphasizes the role of public-private partnerships in realizing its ambitious goals.

Driving Progress through Partnerships – a call for global solidarity and action

The adoption of the new Programme of Action is more than a commitment—it is a renewed call to action. Global solidarity is essential to provide LLDCs with the financial, technical, and capacity-building support they need. Strengthened partnerships and concerted efforts will enable LLDCs to leverage their potential and contribute meaningfully to the global economy.

The upcoming LLDC3 Conference in 2025 will serve as a critical platform to build this momentum and strengthen international collaboration and multi-sectoral partnerships for the implementation of the PoA.

With political resolve, enhanced partnerships, and tangible actions, LLDCs can emerge as dynamic contributors to the global economy, charting a path toward sustainable prosperity over the coming decade.

Ms. Rabab Fatima, United Nations Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for the Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing Countries and Small Island Developing States.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

‘Digital platforms amplify the Israeli narrative while systematically silencing Palestinian voices’

Thu, 01/02/2025 - 13:18

By CIVICUS
Jan 2 2025 (IPS)

CIVICUS discusses the challenges Palestinian civil society faces in resisting digital suppression and advocating for justice with Palestinian lawyer and researcher Dima Samaro.

As the director of Skyline International for Human Rights, Dima advocates for digital freedoms and human rights in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). She is a board member of Innovation for Change, MENA Hub, and the Surveillance in the Majority World Network, and volunteers with Resilience Pathways, which helps Palestinian civil society organisations (CSOs) reclaim the narrative amid Israeli efforts to manipulate public opinion, block funding and restrict civic space.

Dima Samaro

How are digital platforms influencing the narrative on Palestine?

Digital platforms have become key to shaping narratives about Palestine, often amplifying the Israeli narrative while systematically silencing Palestinian voices. Platforms such as Meta, TikTok and X, formerly Twitter, routinely remove Palestinian content under vague ‘policy violations’. This has intensified since October 2023, with the Israeli Cyber Unit issuing over 9,500 takedown requests, 94 per cent of which were approved. These actions have resulted in the removal of posts, shadow bans – a form of censorship that limits visibility of pro-Palestinian content without user notification – and account suspensions, and have extended to the censorship of hashtags such as #FreePalestine.

Algorithmic bias further marginalises Palestinian narratives. For example, Instagram once mistranslated the Arabic phrase ‘alhamdulillah’ – praise be to God – next to a Palestinian flag as ‘terrorists fighting for their freedom’. On WhatsApp, AI-generated images depicted militarised scenes as illustrations for ‘Palestinian’ but benign cartoons for terms such as ‘Israeli boy’ or ‘Israeli army’. While these incidents are often dismissed as technical errors, they reveal a systemic bias.

Policies such as Meta’s Dangerous Organisations and Individuals framework are heavily influenced by US terrorism designations and stifle Palestinian discourse by prohibiting expressions of ‘praise’ or ‘support’ for major political movements. Meanwhile, hate speech targeting Palestinians – including posts celebrating violence or calling for the destruction of Gaza – often goes unchecked. While ads inciting violence against Palestinians are allowed, the use of terms like ‘Zionist’ is flagged as hate speech. This double standard silences Palestinian voices while enabling propaganda that justifies collective punishment and shields atrocities from scrutiny.

Platform complicity goes beyond censorship. In April, +972 Magazine reported that WhatsApp, which belongs to Meta, played a role in supporting the Israeli AI surveillance system Lavender, which has been linked to the killing of civilians in Gaza. These disturbing revelations suggest direct corporate complicity in violations of international law.

Digital platforms are distorting narratives, dehumanising Palestinians and normalising violence against an already oppressed and besieged population. They actively suppress efforts to document war crimes and manipulate information. They must be held accountable for this.

What challenges does Palestinian civil society encounter?

Palestinian CSOs work under immense pressure, facing arbitrary arrests, travel bans, funding cuts and violence. In October 2021, Israel designated six prominent Palestinian human rights groups as terrorist organisations. These unfounded accusations delegitimised their work, fuelling defamation campaigns and enabling harassment and other restrictions on their work.

Many human rights defenders have also become targets of digital surveillance. Pegasus spyware, developed by the Israeli company NSO Group, has been used to hack the devices of Palestinian activists and human rights defenders, putting their safety and work at risk. This surveillance has been widely condemned by organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.

But the crackdown on Palestinian civil society goes beyond digital tactics: human rights defenders are harassed, arbitrarily detained and physically attacked. In Gaza, the situation has worsened after October 2023. Several civil society workers have been killed, injured or detained, and many have been displaced by the ongoing bombardment. The destruction of infrastructure has further hampered their work.

Journalists also face violence. Gaza has become the world’s deadliest place for journalists, with 195 media workers killed to date, many of them deliberately targeted while carrying out their duties. This loss of independent reporting creates a massive information gap, leaving human rights violations unreported and unchecked.

To make matters worse, international donors such as Germany, Sweden and Switzerland have suspended funding over unsubstantiated allegations of links to terrorism. The European Union’s imposition of ‘anti-incitement’ clauses also stigmatises Palestinian CSOs by forcing them to prove their neutrality, limiting their ability to document human rights violations without risking their safety.

How is Skyline International helping address these challenges?

We work at the intersection of technology, social media and human rights in Palestine and the region. We track, monitor and document human rights violations committed by states and corporations, particularly in the digital sphere. This includes tracking digital surveillance, analysing the ethical implications of AI in conflict settings and advocating for the protection of fundamental online rights such as freedom of expression, access to information and the right to privacy.

In Palestine, we support civil society activists and journalists by tackling online censorship and digital bias. We work closely with human rights defenders to document cases of over-enforcement of policies, content takedowns, account suspensions and algorithmic bias by social media platforms, as well as the illegal use of spyware and new technologies to target media workers. We also condemn Israel’s use of digital tools to target journalists in Gaza and Lebanon. Our aim is to draw national and international attention to these violations and advocate for the protection of press and online freedoms, ensuring that journalists can report without fear of retribution.

We also hold technology companies to account for their impact on human rights. In September, for example, we sent an open letter to Binance, a leading cryptocurrency exchange, expressing serious concerns about allegations of a mass seizure of Palestinian crypto wallets at Israel’s request. These actions exacerbate the economic and financial blockade of Gaza, making it even more difficult to access essential resources such as water, food and medical supplies. We demanded transparency regarding the criteria used to determine which accounts were frozen and immediate action to mitigate the humanitarian impact on Palestinian users. Although Binance responded, it didn’t provide a clear explanation or take any action.

What can the international community do to support Palestinian civil society?

Support for the work of Palestinian civil society is crucial to documenting abuses and advocating for justice. But this support must go beyond expressions of solidarity or charity. We need our allies to support our struggle for freedom and dignity.

The international community must move beyond empty rhetoric and take tangible action. It must also do more than just provide financial aid: it must put political pressure on Israel to end its occupation and respect Palestinian human rights. This includes protecting activists, fighting Israel’s constant attempts to criminalise and silence our work and holding accountable those who profit from the ongoing genocide. It means stopping arms exports to Israel and holding tech platforms accountable for their complicity in suppressing Palestinian voices, amplifying hate speech and facilitating Israeli surveillance and repression.

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Categories: Africa

Education Cannot Wait Interviews UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Afghanistan Richard Bennett

Thu, 01/02/2025 - 12:37

By External Source
Jan 2 2025 (IPS-Partners)

Richard Bennett was appointed as the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan in April 2022. He has served in Afghanistan on several occasions in different capacities, including as the Chief of the Human Rights Service with the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan. He has previously played a role in the promotion and protection of human rights in Afghanistan and supported the United Nations on a number of human rights issues, such as protection of civilians, transitional justice, child rights, rule of law, rights of people with disabilities, protection of human rights defenders and a range of economic, social and cultural rights.

Bennett also served with the United Nations as the Representative of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and head of the human rights components of peacekeeping operations in Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste and South Sudan – as well as twice in Afghanistan (2003-2007 and 2018-2019). He has been a long-term adviser to the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission. From 2007 to 2010, Bennett was the Representative of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Nepal and head of OHCHR’s office there. He has also been Chief of Staff for the UN Secretary-General’s Panel of Experts on Sri Lanka and Special Adviser to the Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights in New York.

Bennett worked for Amnesty International from 2014–2017 initially as its Asia-Pacific Program Director, and later as head of Amnesty’s United Nations Office in New York. From mid-2019, he worked as a consultant on UN human rights assignments in Afghanistan, Myanmar and New York.

ECW: For more than three years, girls in Afghanistan have been banned from attending school beyond the sixth grade. In your latest report to the UN General Assembly, you describe a worsening human rights situation under the de facto authorities, particularly for girls and women. What impact is the education ban having on Afghan girls and on Afghan society as a whole?

Richard Bennett: The ban on education for girls above the sixth grade is of course having a devastating impact on Afghan girls. They see their future lives and opportunities having been narrowed almost entirely to the domestic sphere, and this, combined with the prospect of early or forced marriage, has driven thousands of them into depression. Self-harm, including suicides and suicidal ideation, has risen dramatically. Families are being torn apart, with siblings separated, and communities fractured. The education ban is impacting Afghan society as a whole. Let alone the denial of the fundamental right to education, no society can prosper if half the population is not able to contribute to its economy. The long-term consequences include deepening poverty and gender inequality, an increase in gender-based violence and child marriage, and more child labour and other forms of exploitation. The devastating consequences will be intersectional and intergenerational. Education is a fundamental right and also provides crucial protection. Society as a whole suffers almost irreparably when half the population is systematically excluded from life opportunities.

ECW: Despite the ban, many girls and young women are finding alternative ways to continue to learn. Why is it crucial for donors to continue funding multilateral organizations, such as Education Cannot Wait, who are working together to provide education access and support to Afghan girls and women?

Richard Bennett: Continuing donor support for organizations like Education Cannot Wait is crucial in this time of crisis for girls’ education in Afghanistan. Despite the ban, alternative and informal educational pathways are emerging to offer hope and learning opportunities for Afghan girls and women. However, for these programmes to be effective, resilient and safe, they must be equipped with adequate resources and expertise to support both student learning and emotional well-being.

Programmes supported by Education Cannot Wait offer a lifeline at a very difficult time for girls in Afghanistan, enabling them to continue learning, equipping them for a better future and providing hope and psychological sustenance. Moreover, they align with the international community’s commitment to the right to education as a universal value and do so within the principles of universality and inclusion.

Funding ECW’s initiatives is not only an investment in resilience and gender equality, but also in the future of today’s children – and, ultimately, in the prospects for peaceful, sustainable, long-term recovery of Afghanistan. Without such support, millions of girls and young women risk being left in the shadows, perpetuating cycles of despair and marginalization.

ECW: Your analysis emphasizes that the denial of girls’ and women’s right to education is part of a broader system of gender-based oppression amounting to “gender persecution,” a situation that many Afghans and human rights advocates describe as “gender apartheid.” Could you elaborate on this concept and explain why it needs to be urgently addressed?

Richard Bennett: The Taliban’s system of discrimination, segregation, disrespect for human dignity, and exclusion is pervasive and methodical. It is enforced through edicts, decrees and policies, often with strict implementation and sometimes violent punishment for transgressions. Every restriction on the rights of women and girls – whether on their rights to education, healthcare, freedom of movement, access to justice, or women’s right to work – is interlinked and mutually reinforcing.

Cumulatively, these deprivations are so severe and extensive, I have concluded that they may amount to crimes against humanity, in particular the crime of gender persecution. These are crimes under international law. They are not only ongoing, they are intensifying.

Further, in my discussions with Afghans, especially women, they consistently emphasize that the term “gender apartheid” most accurately describes their lived experiences and best captures the ideological and institutionalized nature of the Taliban’s discrimination and oppression of women and girls. There is a growing movement, which I support, advocating for the formal codification of gender apartheid in a future treaty on crimes against humanity.

Whether we describe what is happening in Afghanistan as gender persecution or gender apartheid, it is clear that the situation is not only unacceptable – it is unconscionable. We all have a collective responsibility to challenge and dismantle this appalling system and to hold those responsible to account.

ECW: You have been an early supporter of Education Cannot Wait’s #AfghanGirlsVoices global advocacy campaign, which amplifies testimonies of Afghan girls denied access to education and who are fighting for their rights. What message would you like to share globally to further mobilize support for their right to education?

Richard Bennett: To the global community, I say this: the courage and resilience of Afghan girls fighting for their right to learn is nothing short of heroic. Their voices remind us that education is a fundamental right, not a privilege. We must amplify their stories and rally resources to ensure they are heard everywhere and are not forgotten.

My personal interactions with Afghan girls, whether they are 11th grade students I met in the north of Afghanistan in 2022 who continue to pursue education despite the subsequent closure of their school, or the survivors of the Kaaj Academy bombing who I’ve met in Kabul, Türkiye and Europe, or the members of the winning Afghan Girls’ Robotics Team, they continue to inspire and motivate me. The world must stand in solidarity with Afghan girls and women, sending a clear message that their dreams and potential matter and that the denial of education to them is an injustice that may rise to the level of a crime against humanity.

Together, we can create pathways to hope and opportunity, even in the face of adversity. The message is clear: we cannot allow the dreams and potential of millions of Afghan girls to be extinguished. The time to act is now, and every effort counts.

ECW: We know that ‘readers are leaders’ and that reading skills are key to every child’s education, no matter who or where they are. What are three books that have most influenced you personally and/or professionally, and why would you recommend them to others?

Richard Bennett: It’s hard to choose three, but here is my list:

No Good Men Among the Living: America, the Taliban, and the War Through Afghan Eyes by Anand Gopal; often the first book I recommend to newcomers to Afghanistan and essential reading for those who wish to understand how America got it so wrong.

A Fine Balance by Rohinton Mistry; Almost 30 years ago, I read this exquisitely written, somewhat bleak but transformative novel set in India and it left an indelible mark on me. The balance is, of course, between hope and despair, so relevant for Afghans today.

Outspoken: My Fight for Freedom and Human Rights in Afghanistan by Sima Samar; published in 2024, this memoir by my first boss in Afghanistan is recommended reading for Afghan girls and boys looking for a role model. She is a doctor, human rights defender and, not least, the founder of schools and a fighter for girls’ education.

Categories: Africa

Who Will Save Nigeria’s Coastal City on the Brink of Extinction?

Thu, 01/02/2025 - 07:50

A welcome sign harks back to a more prosperous time. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
AYETORO, Nigeria, Jan 2 2025 (IPS)

In 2021, Ojajuni Olufunsho, a 53-year-old resident of Ayetoro, a town along the Atlantic coast, southwestern Nigeria, saw her home swept away by the encroaching sea. What was once a spacious 10-room house, a sanctuary for Olufunsho and her five children, was swallowed by the relentless force of rising sea waters.

With no place to go, Olufunsho was forced to beg a family living on higher ground to take her family in. A tiny temporary shelter made from wood and aluminium sheets replaced the comforts of her previous home. She now struggles to survive by mending clothes as her once-thriving tailoring business was destroyed by the waters.

“I used to be a big tailor, and I also sold clothes, but the waters carried away everything. My shop was always full,” she said, tears streaming down her face as she recounted her losses.

Ayetoro’s battle with sea level rise dates back to the early 2000s, but its impact has only worsened with time. Local residents claim that nearly 90 percent of the town is now submerged by water.

Ayetoro resident Akinwuwa Omobolanle gestures towards a swampy expanse, a result of recurrent floods. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Ojajuni Oluwale lost two houses to the encroaching waters. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Emmanuel Aralu lost his business to the raging waters and now struggles to feed his family. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Streets, homes, schools, and even cemeteries have been swallowed by the rising tides, displacing thousands of residents. Many have been forced to move several times, seeking higher ground to escape the encroaching waters.

The buildings that once stood as symbols of the community’s resilience now lie as empty shells, victims of the sea.

“Many people have left the town,” said Comrade Omoyele Thompson, Ayetoro’s Public Relations Officer, noting that the population has dwindled from around 30,000 in 2006 to just 5,000 in recent times.

“Properties worth millions of dollars have been destroyed. Hundreds of residential houses, including a maternity centre and factories built through communal efforts, have been ravaged by the sea surge,” he added, highlighting that many residents now live in shanties.

The struggles of Ayetoro are not unique. Coastal communities around the world are facing similar challenges. Rising sea levels, fueled by climate change, are causing significant destruction, and projections suggest that the problem will only worsen.

According to data from the African Centre for Strategic Studies, African coastlines have experienced a consistent rise in sea levels over the past four decades. If this trend continues, sea levels are expected to increase by 0.3 meters by 2030, posing a threat to 117 million people on the continent.

Nigeria, with its vast coastline along the Gulf of Guinea, is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change. While desertification threatens the northern parts of the country, the southern coastal areas face the growing menace of rising sea levels.

According to USAID, a 0.5-meter rise in sea levels could force as many as 27 to 53 million Nigerians living along the coast to relocate by the end of the century. Sea rise could have devastating effects on human activities in these regions, including agriculture and fishing, all of which form the backbone of Ayetoro’s economy.

While rising sea levels pose a global threat, many countries are taking proactive measures to address the problem. For instance, about one-third of the Netherlands lies below sea level, and parts of the country have even been reclaimed from the sea. However, observers told IPS that the Nigerian government has shown minimal concern for Ayetoro’s plight. Without urgent intervention, they warn, the town may soon exist only in photographs and history books.

A once-thriving technical school now stands battered and desolate. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The community’s only remaining school, a fragile makeshift structure, has been repeatedly relocated due to relentless sea surges. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The Fading Jewel of the Atlantic

Ayetoro, originally founded in 1947 by Christian Apostolic missionaries, was once a beacon of self-sufficiency and progress. The town’s community-focused way of life, based on religious values, fostered a sense of unity that earned it the nickname “The Happy City.”

During the 1960s and 1970s, Ayetoro became known for its development in sectors such as agriculture, industry, and education. The town was home to Nigeria’s first dockyard, which spurred industries like boat building and fishing. In 1953, it became only the second town in Nigeria to have electricity. These advancements made Ayetoro an attractive destination for tourists and settlers alike.

However, the town’s once-beautiful beaches and thriving infrastructure have now become distant memories. Ayetoro, once known for its vibrant economy and cultural significance, now stands as a stark reminder of the destruction wrought by climate change.

Key landmarks such as the market, football pitch, community library, a technical workshop and the community’s first church have been submerged or destroyed by the sea. Even the monarch’s palace, a symbol of the town’s rich cultural heritage, is now surrounded by swampy water.

Disrupted Lives

For many residents of Ayetoro, fishing has long been their primary livelihood. However, rising sea levels have made it increasingly difficult to secure a good catch. The distance to the water has expanded, and fuel costs for longer trips have soared, putting additional strain on their already limited finances.

Additionally, farmland and water sources have been contaminated by saltwater, making agriculture nearly impossible.

Thompson, who has been fighting for the rights of Ayetoro residents, said, “People are living in complete poverty because businesses have been lost.”

In May 2024, he helped organize a peaceful protest, with thousands of residents—including children and the elderly—marching to demand government action. Their placards read “Save Our Souls” and “Save Ayetoro Now,” but despite their efforts, the government has failed to respond.

The town’s only surviving hospital is also in terrible condition and poorly equipped. Qualified healthcare workers have fled the area. In emergencies, residents must transport the sick by boat to hospitals in neighbouring communities. Tragically, many do not survive the journey.

Battered shanties dot Ayetoro. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The ruins of buildings stand as silent witnesses to the relentless sea surge. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Broken Promises

Ayetoro’s calls for help have not gone unanswered in the past, but the response has often been inadequate or marred by corruption.

In 2000, the community wrote numerous letters to the government, pleading for help as the sea incursions worsened. The government didn’t respond till 2004, when it launched the Ayetoro Shore Protection Project through the Niger Delta Development Commission, promising to build a sea embankment to protect the town from further flooding. However, millions of dollars allocated for the project were allegedly siphoned off, and no work was done.

“We read about the intervention in newspapers, but no contractor or equipment ever came to the site,” Thompson said.

In 2009, the project was re-awarded to another company, Dredging Atlantic, but once again, nothing materialized.

Nigeria introduced the Climate Change Act in 2021 with the goal of addressing climate challenges. However, critics argue that, like other policies on paper, it lacks the political will to see the light of day.

Idowu Oyeneyin, the 38-year-old mother of three, is angry that no one has been held accountable for the failed projects. She said politicians only visit the community during election periods to make empty campaign promises.

“The rising coastal sea levels have brought immense hardship to my family. My shop, where I sold provisions to support my children, was completely destroyed by the floods. It wasn’t just a shop—it was our primary source of income. Since the flood ruined my business, I can no longer afford to care for my children or meet their school needs,” Oyeneyin said.

“We need support from the government and organizations to help us rebuild our lives. Many of us have lost not just our businesses but also our homes and stability. Providing financial aid and awareness programs could make a significant difference.”

Her children now attend the only remaining school in the community, a makeshift structure of wooden huts precariously connected by unstable boardwalks and supported by stilts in the swampy ground. The school has been relocated multiple times due to relentless ocean surges.

Residents say there used to be three schools in the community. With the loss of two and the strain on the only one left, hundreds of children are now out of school.

“One time, schools were closed for about four years, and even when they reopened, the devastation in the area made it impossible for children to access their schools. This has been our greatest pain,” Thompson told IPS.

Zikora Ibeh, Senior Programme Manager at Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA), is of the belief that the Nigerian government should recalibrate its priorities.

“Until state authorities in Nigeria recognise community welfare and environmental justice as essential components of their legacy, communities like Ayetoro will continue to bear the brunt of neglect, exploitation, and climate change,” Ibeh said.

The monarch’s palace, now surrounded by swampy waters, tells a tale of loss. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The Curse of Fossil Fuels

Ayetoro’s vulnerability to rising sea levels is compounded by the oil exploration activities in the region. Located in Nigeria’s oil-rich belt, Ayetoro contributes to the country’s total oil production.

Akinwuwa Omobolanle, who was the queen to the former king of Ayetoro, wants local and international oil companies to stop operating in the area.

“The crude oil drilling in the ocean and the arrival of foreigners who discovered natural resources in Ayetoro in the 1990s are one of the main causes of what we are facing. Since they started drilling oil, problems have been escalating,” Omobolanle said.

While oil companies deny responsibility for the destruction, environmental experts want justice.

“While rising sea levels are undoubtedly driven by global warming, the plight of Ayetoro, like many oil-rich communities in the Niger Delta, is also a direct consequence of reckless extractivism perpetuated by multinational oil and gas corporations. For decades, these corporations have operated with near-total impunity, leaving a trail of environmental destruction in their wake,” Ibeh posited.

The Nigerian government, she added, does not hold these corporations accountable and demand reparations for the damage done, but rather “successive governments have chosen complicity, upholding corporate interests and revenue generation over the welfare of communities like Ayetoro. This negligence has left the town doubly vulnerable—first to the global impacts of climate change and second to the unchecked greed of profit-driven industries that treat the environment as disposable.”

Cynthia N. Moyo, Greenpeace Africa’s Climate and Energy Campaigner, told IPS that it is essential for Africa to transition from fossil fuels to sustainable energy sources. She argued that fossil fuels represent not only an environmental threat but also a perpetuation of oppression, exploitation, and neocolonialism.

“The science is clear: the extreme weather events we’re experiencing in our communities are a direct consequence of continued reliance on fossil fuels. These events are wreaking havoc on vulnerable communities worldwide. In Africa, the effects of climate change are devastating—cyclones, typhoons, floods, and billions of dollars in damage occur annually,” she said.

Moyo warned that increased investment in offshore oil and gas drilling would lead to severe environmental damage, including the risk of spills that harm marine ecosystems and destroy the livelihoods of coastal communities. This, she explained, would only exacerbate the climate crisis.

“Such activities undermine meaningful efforts and commitments to transition towards renewable energy. Fossil fuels like coal and oil lie at the core of a broken, unjust, and unsustainable energy system that harms both people and the planet,” she noted.

A Bleak Future?

For the residents of Ayetoro, time is running out. Amid the lack of government support, they have been attempting to find local solutions to their worsening plight but without success.

“We have tried to build local barriers to stop the flood,” said Ojajuni Oluwale, a father of seven who has lost two houses to the encroaching waters. “We’ve tried bagging sand and placing it along the coastline, but when the sea rises, it scatters everything.”

“Solving this will require huge financial investment,” Oluwale said.

At COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, developed nations agreed to allocate USD 300 billion annually to help developing countries address climate impacts. However, developing countries criticized this amount as inadequate, with Nigeria describing it as a “joke.”

There is widespread skepticism that developed nations, responsible for nearly 80 percent of historical greenhouse gas emissions, will honor their commitments. In 2009, they pledged to provide USD 100 billion annually to support vulnerable countries grappling with worsening climate disasters, but the promise was slow to materialize, even though, according to the OECD, developed countries exceeded the amount in the end.

In 2022, after years of pressure, developed nations agreed to establish a Loss and Damage Fund to offer financial support to nations most vulnerable and severely impacted by the consequences of climate change. Contributions to the fund have exceeded USD 70 million, with disbursement expected to begin by 2025.

Tolulope Theresa Gbenro, a climate expert in Nigeria, worries about the disparity between the climate financing needs of developing countries, especially African nations, and the pledges made by developed countries. She noted that at present, climate finance and accountability are somewhat disorganized and lacking a clear, unified approach across various funding sources.

“It’s one thing to have enough funding to meet the needs, but another to have the right accountability, monitoring, and auditing frameworks in place to ensure that funds are properly disbursed and reach the most vulnerable groups. At this stage, I would say it is still a work in progress because negotiations related to this will continue moving forward,” Gbenro highlighted.

While Ayetoro awaits any form of assistance to prevent its complete destruction, residents report that the psychological toll of their suffering is overwhelming.

“The trauma is unbearable,” said Emmanuel Aralu, who lost his barbershop to the encroaching sea. “The entire shop was wiped out overnight. Not a single item could be saved. Now, I’m struggling to make ends meet, support my wife and children, pay school fees, and cope with the rising cost of living.”

He continued, “I’m suffering for something I didn’t cause. Oil exploration drains resources from our offshore areas, but the benefits go to cities like Abuja and Lagos, leaving us to bear the brunt of the damage. It’s emotionally exhausting.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Excerpt:

Ayetoro, a Nigerian town once known for its vibrant economy and cultural significance, now stands as a stark reminder of the destruction wrought by climate change. Key landmarks such as the market, football pitch, community library, a technical workshop and the community’s first church have been submerged or destroyed by the sea. Even the monarch’s palace, a symbol of the town’s rich cultural heritage, is now surrounded by swampy water.

Categories: Africa

Remembering Jimmy Carter: a UN Perspective

Thu, 01/02/2025 - 07:28

Carter was a man of decency and integrity who devoted his life to promoting peace and democracy. Credit: Courtesy Kul Chandra Gautam

Former US President Jimmy Carter, a leader of impeccable integrity and decency who devoted his life to promoting peace and democracy worldwide. I recall his contribution to the peace process in Nepal and his leadership in combatting deadly diseases in Africa.

Jimmy Carter enthusiastically supported the child survival campaign led by UNICEF. He had nominated Jim Grant to be the Executive Director of UNICEF and said that it was one of the most important decisions of his presidency.

By Kul Chandra Gautam
KATHMANDU, Nepal, Jan 2 2025 (IPS)

Former American President Jimmy Carter was a man of peace and principles. He presided over a tumultuous period in American history from 1977 to 1981, working hard to restore trust in government after the Watergate scandal and the divisive era of the Vietnam War. He brokered a landmark peace deal between Israel and Egypt and negotiated a historic treaty to hand over the Panama Canal to Panama.

Carter, a champion of human rights both in the US and around the world, passed away at 100 on December 29, 2024.

More than any recent American president, Carter pressed gently but firmly on autocratic regimes worldwide to respect human rights and the rule of law. When he led the country with immense moral authority, it encouraged many human rights advocates, while dictators worried about the US sanctions.

At home, Carter got many progressive legislations passed in areas of consumer protection, welfare reforms and the appointment of women and minorities in America’s judiciary. However, he had difficulties managing the US economy, the Iran hostage crisis and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. And in the 1980 Presidential election, when he lost his bid to Ronald Reagan, his active political career came to an end.

Kul Chandra Gautam

But he didn’t retire to a comfortable life, rather, he embarked on a noble mission as one of the world’s highly respected elder statesmen, deeply committed to promoting democracy and human rights. He founded the Carter Center with a motto of “Waging Peace, Fighting Disease and Building Hope”.

With his team, he worked tirelessly to help resolve conflicts, monitor elections and improve human health through campaigns to eliminate several neglected diseases afflicting the poorest people worldwide, particularly in Africa.

“For his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights and to promote economic and social development,” Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002.

Links with UNICEF and Nepal

Carter greatly admired UNICEF Executive Director James Grant and strongly supported the UNICEF-led global child survival and development campaign. Further, the organisation was a key partner in the Carter-led global campaign to eradicate a debilitating disease called dracunculiasis or Guinea-worm disease.

My first substantive meeting with Carter took place on August 3, 1995, at an event in Washington, DC, organised jointly by the Carter Center, USAID, WHO and UNICEF to mark the 95 percent reduction in Guinea worm cases worldwide and to recommit to its total eradication. I had a long and fruitful discussion with Carter on strengthening our collaboration in the global campaign to eradicate Guinea-worm disease.

In February 2004, I joined President Carter and WHO Director-General JW Lee on a 3-day field visit to observe and advocate for Guinea-worm eradication in Ghana. I learned about Carter’s humble personality, deep commitment to many worthy causes and impressive advocacy skills.

In our informal interactions, we often talked about Nepal.

Carter’s involvement in Nepal

Carter visited Nepal twice to observe Nepal’s Constituent Assembly Elections. He advised Nepali leaders, including the Election Commission, based on his worldwide experience and credibility in observing elections and conflict resolution. Over the years, the Carter Center produced several reports on Nepal dealing with issues related to the peace process, challenges in drafting Nepal’s Constitution and other important issues of social justice and equity.

I instinctively supported Carter’s noble efforts to promote peace, democracy and development. However, like everybody else, Carter was human and fallible, and some aspects of the Carter Center’s reports on Nepal were flawed.

In particular, Carter’s hasty verdict that Nepal’s first Constituent Assembly election was free, fair and peaceful ignored the fact that there was an unusually high degree of intimidation in many rural constituencies. The non-Maoist parties’ candidates were prevented from campaigning, and voters were threatened with physical violence for weeks preceding the actual voting.

There were well-intentioned but inaccurate analyses of Nepal’s socio-political dynamics by the Carter Center, the International Crisis Group, and even the United Nations. In their effort to appear “balanced and even-handed”, they gave the undue benefit of the doubt to the progressive-sounding rhetoric of the Maoists, ignoring their violent and corrupt practices.

Carter witnessed the insincerity and duplicity of the Maoists when they initially welcomed the 2013 election for the second Constituent Assembly but then denounced it as rigged and unfair when the results showed that they had suffered a humiliating loss.

Unlike during the first CA election, Carter took the necessary time to analyse the second CA election better. He left somewhat sobered by a deeper understanding of the Maoists’ opportunistic and undemocratic nature.

A man of faith and integrity

Jimmy Carter was a deeply religious and spiritual man who often turned to his faith during his political career. But as a progressive man and defender of human rights and gender equality, he found himself at odds with his Southern Baptist Church when it opposed gender equality, citing a few selected verses from the Bible that women must be “subservient” to their husbands and must not be allowed to serve as priests.

Carter protested and took a painful decision to sever ties with his Baptist Church, saying that parts of its rigid doctrine violated the basic premises of his Christian faith. He wrote to his fellow Baptists and published an op-ed article “Losing my religion for equality”.

Carter had a philosophical and spiritual perspective on death. As he suffered from multiple bouts of cancer treatment, he remarked, “I didn’t ask God to let me live, but I just asked God to give me a proper attitude toward death. I found that I was absolutely and completely at ease with death”.

May Carter’s noble soul rest in eternal peace.

Source: Kathmandu Post, Nepal

Kul Chandra Gautam is a distinguished diplomat, development professional, and a former senior official of the United Nations. Currently, he serves on the Boards of several international and national organizations, charitable foundations and public-private partnerships. Previously, he served in senior managerial and leadership positions with the UN in several countries and continents in a career spanning over three decades. As a former Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF and Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations, he has extensive experience in international diplomacy, development cooperation and humanitarian assistance.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

IPS – Year End Video, 2024

Sat, 12/28/2024 - 21:21

By External Source
Dec 28 2024 (IPS-Partners)

The world’s troubles deepened in 2024. Civilians bore the brunt of war.

Violence in Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine, Haiti, and more displaced over 100 million people worldwide.

Over 70% of those killed in Gaza were women and children, according to the UN Human Rights Office.

With critical infrastructure in ruins, an estimated 1 million children are now displaced, according to UNICEF.

In Sudan, 10 million people were displaced by conflict in 2024.

2024 became the hottest year on record, with global temperatures 1.4°C above pre-industrial levels.

Over 2 billion people experienced extreme heatwaves this year.

At COP29, leaders failed to reach a breakthrough on climate finance.

Developing nations are still waiting for the $100 billion pledged annually since 2009.

Floods in the Sahel displaced 2 million people.

Southern Africa’s drought put over 20 million at risk of food insecurity.

Efforts to protect biodiversity also fell short.

1 million species remain at risk of extinction, warns the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES).

But hope emerged from renewable energy.

Solar and wind capacity increased by 25% globally, pushing emissions toward a long-awaited peak.

The world now has 281 million international migrants, with remittances exceeding $800 billion annually, boosting economies in low-income nations.

Gender violence remains a global crisis.

Nearly 1 in 3 women worldwide experience abuse, according to UN Women.

Women human rights defenders were targeted and silenced.

In 2024, over 30 journalists were killed covering conflict zones.

Gaza saw the highest number of journalist deaths in three decades.

Haiti’s crisis worsened, with over 700,000 people displaced by gang violence.

Small farms provided 80% of food consumed in Africa, highlighting their critical role in food security.

New breakthroughs in malaria vaccines are expected to save over 10 million lives by 2050.

In Bangladesh, mass protests ousted corrupt leaders.

Dr. Muhammad Yunus hailed the movement as a triumph of “ordinary people’s power.”

The world may feel like a runaway train heading for disaster, but collective action can slow it down.

2024 highlighted our vulnerabilities, but it also reminded us of humanity’s capacity for resilience.

When people unite, they can spark real, transformative change.

Organizations, activists, and individuals are working tirelessly for a better tomorrow.

Every step forward, no matter how small, brings us closer to hope.

2024 tested us all, but it also showed us that change is possible.

2025 is a blank canvas.

Together, let’s paint a brighter future

Categories: Africa

This Year’s Three UN Summits Set the Stage for COP30 to Transform Food Systems

Tue, 12/24/2024 - 18:57

12 November 2024, Baku, Azerbaijan. FAO Director-General QU Dongyu and Ismahane Elouafi, EMD of CGIAR attend the inauguration of the Food and Agriculture Pavilion FAO/CGIAR during COP29. Credit: FAO/Alessandra Benedetti

By Aditi Mukherji and Cargele Masso
NAIROBI, Kenya, Dec 24 2024 (IPS)

This year has been a landmark one for climate and environment policy. Starting with the UN’s COP16 biodiversity talks in October, followed by the COP29 climate talks in November, and closing with the desertification COP16 in December, few years have offered such critical moments back-to-back.

This created an unprecedented opportunity to bolster food systems against climate change, improve their environmental impacts, and concretize support for smallholder farmers – some of the people most affected by climate change, land degradation, and biodiversity loss.

Across the summits, negotiators broadly agreed on the need to integrate food systems into the UN’s three environmental frameworks, a step in the right direction given the interconnectedness of food and agriculture, and the environment at large. However, to build on the flagship UAE Declaration on food systems at the COP28 climate talks in 2023, the global community must urgently ramp up financing and action to make good on the ambitious goals set.

In other words, the next 12 months to the COP30 climate talks in Brazil are critical for “walking the talk” of the COPs this year. To make the most of the opportunity for food systems to support environmental and climate goals, several steps are needed.

The first is increased investment into low-emissions technologies and innovations for food systems. This includes both investment into new and emerging solutions as well as financing for scaling up existing technologies.

Just as increased investment and support in recent decades led to a solar energy boom, causing the price of solar panels to fall sharply and became cheaper than fossil fuels, food systems need similar long-term and sustained investments. Channelling international finance towards agricultural research and development would accelerate and scale affordable, impactful, and clean technologies that curb emissions and enhance biodiversity while also supporting adaptation and rural livelihoods.

Green ammonia, for instance, is a promising new sector for food and agriculture. It reduces emissions from fertiliser production by utilising renewable energy sources, such as wind or solar power, to fuel the traditional Haber–Bosch process. But at present, green ammonia is more expensive than its fossil fuel-based alternative, and requires more research to achieve cost-effective production in the years to come.

Second, finance is urgently needed to cover the costs and potential short-term losses as farmers adopt low-emission, regenerative agricultural practices. The transition to sustainable agriculture is not without costs, and supporting countries and communities as they make this shift is essential to long-term implementation. For example, payment for ecosystem services, including carbon credits, is worth exploring and implementing.

As it stands, food systems receive only around 0.8 per cent of climate finance, totalling $28.5 billion average yearly. This is far from the estimated $212 billion needed annually to reduce food systems’ environmental footprint, which currently account for one third of all global greenhouse gas emissions. Increased finance in food systems represents a huge opportunity to bring the world back on track to reach climate targets.

The need for finance goes beyond just climate goals. There is also a need for increased finance for biodiversity to fully implement the Global Biodiversity Framework and land degradation neutrality. At the same time, these seemingly competing finance needs can be coordinated to make best use of resources to make progress across the board. Reducing and phasing out harmful subsidies and mobilizing financial resources to enhance biodiversity and ecosystem gains, both targets under the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, are paramount to deliver on all three Rio Conventions.

Finally, harmonizing policy can help address this by optimizing the use of resources like finance. Improving policy coherence across climate adaptation and mitigation can help maximize impacts and reduce trade-offs.

For instance, there are currently different country-level policy frameworks to reduce emissions and protect biodiversity: Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs). While both acknowledge the interconnectedness between climate and biodiversity, their implementation has been fragmented and siloed. This means we are missing out on the “double-wins”, more often duplicating efforts and even undermining sustainability goals.

Integrating the three Rio Conventions on biodiversity, desertification, and climate is fundamental. Though they are separate frameworks, they cannot operate in siloes, especially regarding food systems, because they are deeply interconnected.

This includes improved coordination to minimize competition for resources like finance and transaction costs, while enhancing systems thinking.

Food systems offer an opportunity for just and fair climate action, simultaneously vulnerable and powerful when it comes to the impacts of climate change, biodiversity loss, and land degradation. Given that next year will be a single-COP year, attention must return to the opportunities for food systems to reduce emissions and enhance biodiversity and ecosystem gains, at the same time as supporting a just transition to ensure we sustain not only the planet, but all humanity too.

Aditi Mukherji, CGIAR’s Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation Impact Action Platform and IPCC author

Cargele Masso, Director of the CGIAR Impact Platform on Environmental Health and Biodiversity

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Civil Society Trends for 2025: Nine Global Challenges, One Reason for Hope

Tue, 12/24/2024 - 18:26

By Andrew Firmin and Inés M. Pousadela
LONDON / MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Dec 24 2024 (IPS)

It’s been a tumultuous year, and a tough one for struggles for human rights. Civil society’s work to seek social justice and hold the powerful to account has been tested at every turn. Civil society has kept holding the line, resisting power grabs and regressive legislation, calling out injustice and claiming some victories, often at great cost. And things aren’t about to get any easier, as key challenges identified in 2024 are likely to intensify in 2025.

Andrew Firmin

1. More people are likely to be exposed to conflict and its consequences, including humanitarian and human rights disasters, mass displacement and long-term trauma. The message of 2024 is largely one of impunity: perpetrators of conflict, including in Israel and Russia, will be confident they can resist international pressure and escape accountability. While there may be some kind of ceasefire in Gaza or halt to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, those responsible for large-scale atrocities are unlikely to face justice. Impunity is also likely to prevail in the conflicts taking place largely off the global radar, including in Myanmar and Sudan. There will also be growing concern about the use of AI and automated weapons in warfare, a troublingly under-regulated area.

As recent events in Lebanon and Syria have shown, changing dynamics, including shifting calculations made by countries such as Iran, Israel, Russia, Turkey and the USA, mean that frozen conflicts could reignite and new ones could erupt. As in Syria, these shifts could create sudden moments of opportunity; the international community and civil society must respond quickly when these come.

Inés M. Pousadela

2. The second Trump administration will have a global impact on many current challenges. It’s likely to reduce pressure on Israel, hamper the response to the climate crisis, put more strain on already flawed and struggling global governance institutions and embolden right-wing populists and nationalists the world over. These will bring negative consequences for civic space – the space for civil society, which depends on the freedoms of association, expression and peaceful assembly. Funding for civil society is also likely to be drastically reduced as a result of the new administration’s shifting priorities.

3. 2025 is the year that states are required to develop new plans to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to climate change under the Paris Agreement. The process will culminate in the COP30 climate summit in Brazil, likely the world’s last chance to limit the global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees above preindustrial levels. This will only happen if states stand up to fossil fuel companies and look beyond narrow short-term interests. Failing that, more of the debate may come to focus on adaptation. The unresolved question of who will pay for climate transition will remain central. Meanwhile, extreme weather events such as heatwaves and floods can be expected to continue to devastate communities, impose high economic costs, drive migration and exacerbate conflicts.

4. Globally, economic dysfunction is likely to increase, with more people struggling to afford basic necessities, increasingly including housing, as prices continue to rise, with climate change and conflict among the causes. The gap between the struggling many and the ultra-wealthy few will become more visible, and anger at rising prices or taxes will drive people – particularly young people deprived of opportunities – onto the streets. State repression will often follow. Frustration with the status quo means people will keep looking for political alternatives, a situation right-wing populists and nationalists will keep exploiting. But demands for labour rights, particularly among younger workers, will also likely increase, along with pressure for policies such as wealth taxes, a universal basic income and a shorter working week.

5. A year when the largest number of people ever went to the polls has ended – but there are still plenty of elections to come. Where elections are free and fair, voters are likely to keep rejecting incumbents, particularly due to economic hardship. Right-wing populists and nationalists are likely to benefit the most, but the tide will eventually turn: once they’ve been around long enough to be perceived as part of the political establishment, they too will see their positions threatened, and they can be expected to respond with authoritarianism, repression and the scapegoating of excluded groups. More politically manipulated misogyny, homophobia, transphobia and anti-migrant rhetoric can be expected as a result.

6. Even if developments in generative AI slow as the current model reaches the limits of the human-generated material it feeds on, international regulation and data protection will likely continue to lag behind. The use of AI-enabled surveillance, such as facial recognition, against activists is likely to increase and become more normalised. The challenge of disinformation is likely to intensify, particularly around conflicts and elections.

Several tech leaders have actively taken the side of right-wing populists and authoritarians, putting their platforms and wealth at the service of their political ambitions. Emerging alternative social media platforms offer some promise but are likely to face similar problems as they grow.

7. Climate change, conflict, economic strife, repression of LGBTQI+ identities and civil and political repression will continue to drive displacement and migration. Most migrants will remain in difficult and underfunded conditions in global south countries. In the global north, right-wing shifts are expected to drive more restrictive and repressive policies, including the deportation of migrants to countries where they may be at risk. Attacks on civil society working to defend their rights, including by assisting at sea and land borders, are also likely to intensify.

8. The backlash against women’s and LGBTQI+ rights will continue. The US right wing will continue to fund anti-rights movements in the global south, notably in Commonwealth African countries, while European conservative groups will continue to export their anti-rights campaigns, as some Spanish organisations have long done throughout Latin America. Disinformation efforts from multiple sources, including Russian state media, will continue to influence public opinion. This will leave civil society largely on the defensive, focused on consolidating gains and preventing setbacks.

9. As a result of these trends, the ability of civil society organisations and activists to operate freely will remain under pressure in the majority of countries. Just when its work is most needed, civil society will face growing restrictions on fundamental civic freedoms, including in the form of anti-NGO laws and laws that label civil society as agents of foreign powers, the criminalisation of protests and increasing threats to the safety of activists and journalists. Civil society will have to devote more of its resources to protecting its space, at the expense of the resources available to promote and advance rights.

10. Despite these many challenges, civil society will continue to strive on all fronts. It will continue to combine advocacy, protests, online campaigns, strategic litigation and international diplomacy. As awareness grows of the interconnected and transnational nature of the challenges, it will emphasise solidarity actions that transcend national boundaries and make connections between different struggles in different contexts.

Even in difficult circumstances, civil society achieved some notable victories in 2024. In the Czech Republic, civil society’s efforts led to a landmark reform of rape laws, and in Poland they resulted in a law making emergency contraception available without prescription, overturning previous restrictive legislation. After extensive civil society advocacy, Thailand led the way in Southeast Asia by passing a marriage equality law, while Greece became the first predominantly Christian Orthodox country to legalise same-sex marriage

People defended democracy. In South Korea, people took to the streets in large numbers to resist martial law, while in Bangladesh, protest action led to the ousting of a longstanding authoritarian government. In Guatemala, a president committed to fighting corruption was sworn in after civil society organised mass protests to demand that powerful elites respect the election results, and in Venezuela, hundreds of thousands organised to defend the integrity of the election, defeated the authoritarian government in the polls and took to the streets in the face of severe repression when the results weren’t recognised. In Senegal, civil society mobilised to prevent an attempt to postpone an election that resulted in an opposition win.

Civil society won victories in climate and environmental litigation – including in Ecuador, India and Switzerland – to force governments to recognise the human rights impacts of climate change and do more to reduce emissions and curb pollution. Civil society also took to the courts to pressure governments to stop arms sales to Israel, with a successful verdict in the Netherlands and others pending.

In 2025, the struggle continues. Civil society will keep carrying the torch of hope that a more peaceful, just, equal and sustainable world is possible. This idea will remain as important as the tangible impact we’ll continue to achieve despite the difficult circumstances.

Andrew Firmin is Editor-in-Chief and Inés M. Pousadela is Senior Research Specialist at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation. The two are co-directors and writers for CIVICUS Lens and co-authors of the State of Civil Society Report.

Categories: Africa

Innovative Financing to Unlock Africa’s Blue Economy

Tue, 12/24/2024 - 08:32

Mangroves, Madagascar. Credit: Rod Waddington

As part of the Great Blue Wall initiative, the goal is to safeguard 30% of the countries’ Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) by 2030, focusing on achieving a net gain in critical ecosystems such as mangroves, corals, and seagrasses.

By Jean-Paul Adam
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 24 2024 (IPS)

Securing new financing for global good has become more challenging than ever. Negotiations at the recently-concluded COP16 on Nature and Biodiversity failed to reach an agreement on establishing a fund to support the implementation of the Framework for Nature agreed in 2022 under the Montreal-Kunming agreement.

As with all multilateral action, commitments without resources lead to questions on the effectiveness of these global processes. The gap between global commitments and actual resource allocation hits African countries the hardest, as these countries often have limited capacity to generate those resources in the first place.

African negotiators have underscored the need for accountability in honouring multilateral commitments and will continue to maintain this stance at the upcoming climate negotiations.

Meanwhile, many African countries are actively seeking to unlock new funding streams for climate and environmental resilience through financial innovations such as debt swaps, green bonds, and blue bonds.

The Blue Economy has emerged as a key area of focus for Africa, and one of the priorities outlined in AU’s Agenda 2063. However, African countries continued to struggle in controlling and benefitting from their own resources.

A good example is the continuing deployment of harmful fisheries subsidies. The value of subsidies by distant fishing nations for their fleets operating in African waters representing on average twice the value of support that African nations are able to provide for their own fishing fleets.

This disparity undermines local economies and depletes Africa’s Ocean resources, further complicating efforts to build a sustainable and resilient blue economy.

The Great Blue Wall

African countries have sought to redefine the way in which they leverage their oceanic spaces to develop a ‘regenerative blue economy’. This implies re-investing in the ocean to create jobs that engage the community who are the stewards of oceans and coastal eco-systems.

This has been conceptualized through the Great Blue Wall initiative, an ambitious project that seeks to create a network of conserved and restored seascapes that benefit both the natural biodiversity and local communities’ livelihoods.

The initiative aims to protect 30% of the countries Exclusive Economic Zones by 2030 and produce a net gain in critical ecosystems like mangroves, corals and seagrasses. It is hoped that the initiative can contribute up to 70 million livelihoods in the region and up to 10 million blue jobs by 2030.

The Great Blue Wall initiative brings together 10 countries: Comoros, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Seychelles, Somalia, South Africa, Tanzania, and France (through its overseas department of La Réunion). These countries are working together to enhance socio-ecological resilience, improve livelihoods, and strengthen climate change adaptation efforts.

Financing

Crucially, the initiative is seeking to raise financing towards a collective goal, while building on efforts being made by individual countries. This brings certain advantages, notably in creating economies of scale.

This common approach can also provide significant leverage in addressing issues such as fisheries management and moving away from the current extractive nature of fisheries subsidies to a community-led approach to the management of the resource.

Additionally, many other African countries are looking to tap into innovative climate finance opportunities to generate resources for investment in their blue economy.

For example, Cabo Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe have entered into agreements with Portugal to convert portions of their national debt into climate investments. For Cabo Verde, the agreement involves a debt swap of $12.9 million (€12 million), while São Tomé and Príncipe’s agreement covers $3.7 million (€3.5 million). These funds are redirected into climate investment projects rather than being paid directly to Portugal.

In Cabo Verde, the focus is on water, sanitation, and energy projects, including the expansion of a photovoltaic plant and the development of desalination and water treatment facilities. The initiative aims to use solar energy to produce desalinated water, addressing both energy and water needs.

São Tomé and Príncipe will similarly channel their debt repayments into a national climate fund, supporting various green investments and climate change adaptation projects.

This innovative approach ensures that the debt repayments contribute to sustainable development and environmental protection in these countries. While the amounts are relatively small, they can be catalysts for mobilizing larger funds.

It is with this in mind that Sao Tome and Principe have also announced the creation of a Conservation Trust Fund aimed at channeling resources into the preservation of their unique natural heritage and leveraging new associated economic opportunities such as eco-tourism.

All of these efforts to mobilize innovative climate financing are rooted in the needs of populations who are on the front line of climate change. This is perhaps the most meaningful part of these efforts, because it underscores the greatest challenge of multilateralism: ensuring that support is delivered to the most vulnerable in the community.

Investing in the nexus between climate, nature, and resilience is one of the most urgent and effective actions we can take. The right investments can help unlock the true value of Africa’s natural assets, estimated by the African Development Bank (AfDB) to be worth as much as USD $6.2 trillion.

We need global processes to deliver on the promise of predictable flows of finance at scale. However, equally important is the need to unlock African-driven initiatives that are built within communities. These innovations are helping to start that journey, paving the way for a meaningful change, empowering communities while addressing the challenges of climate change.

Jean-Paul Adam is the Director, Policy, Monitoring and Advocacy at the UN Office of the Special Adviser on Africa.

Source: Africa Renewal, United Nations

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

‘It’s Very Tough’: Turning Youth Employment Dreams Into Reality

Tue, 12/24/2024 - 07:33

Young Jordanians undertake soft skills training organized by local youth development organization, LOYAC Jordan. Credit: LOYAC Jordan

By Catherine Wilson
SKOPJE, North Macedonia , Dec 24 2024 (IPS)

It’s a bright winter day in Skopje, the capital of North Macedonia in the southern Balkans. By lunchtime, the cafes are full. The atmosphere is busy and social, and it is not difficult to see why the city, home to one-third of the country’s population of 2 million, is the focus of hope for young jobseekers. But, for many, it is not an easy road.

“It’s very tough to get employment. Young people here are waiting up to 18 months to find their first job,” 28-year-old Aleksandra Filipova told IPS. “But I am hopeful for the future,” she added. Filipova understands the challenges her generation faces and is determined to make hope a reality through her work with the National Youth Council of Macedonia, where she is Program Manager.

Last year, the global youth unemployment rate of 13 percent marked a significant decline in 15 years, reports the International Labour Organization (ILO). But the situation varies widely across regions. Large youth populations, uneven post-COVID-19 economic recovery, the Ukraine war and energy crisis, structural labour market issues, and socio-cultural expectations have contributed to above-average unemployment rates in parts of the Balkans, Middle East, and North Africa (MENA).

Skopje, the capital of North Macedonia, is home to one quarter of the country’s population and a focus for young jobseekers. Credit: Catherine Wilson/IPS

The Republic of North Macedonia is a landlocked nation located south of Serbia and north of Greece. It gained independence from the former Yugoslavia in 1991 and is planning accession to the European Union (EU). Economic growth has been slow in recent years. But a major obstacle in securing a job, even for the highly educated, is a mismatch between educational qualifications and skills required by employers. It’s a key factor in the youth unemployment rate of 28 percent, more than double the national rate of 13 percent.

“Our education system is based on theoretical knowledge and not on technical and vocational skills. Employers want to employ young people, but they need them to have other skills,” Filipova said. For the private sector, especially small and medium-sized businesses, “soft skills are missing, even just how to write an email or how to talk to people in a business environment. Entrepreneurial skills are needed. There is also a lack of people who speak foreign languages for global businesses,” she pointed out.

The National Youth Council of Macedonia has rolled out a paid internship program, in association with the government’s Youth Guarantee policy, which is generating employment success for the country’s youth. Credit: National Youth Council of Macedonia

The transition from education to work can be a disappointing experience for new jobseekers. And many, up to 45 percent of those employed, are turning to jobs unrelated to their education or informal work, such as market selling and seasonal hospitality work. Young women who face traditional social expectations are also highly represented in informal employment.

Long-term joblessness is a real risk. Last year, more than 73 percent of all unemployed people in the country had been out of work for more than a year, while one in five young people were not in employment or education, reports the ILO.

But, in 2018, the North Macedonian Government launched the Youth Guarantee policy—a pledge to respond to youth challenges. Four years later, aligned with the policy, the youth council launched a paid internship program, now hailed a major success. Today, 2,000 employers participate in offering two-month work placements.

“It works well for them [the employers] because they say that, after two months, they have long-term employees. During the internship, youths have learned the skills needed by the business,” Filipova said. “So they are investing in the long-term future of their business.” And 70 percent of young people who have taken a paid internship are now employed.

North Macedonia was the first Balkan country to implement the Youth Guarantee and demonstrate its success.

“About 60,000 young people have taken part in the Youth Guarantee program in North Macedonia so far. I’d like to point out that since 2019, statistics related to the labour market show significant and major improvement in relation to young people. The youth employment rate has increased by 3.5 percentage points compared to 2018,” North Macedonia’s Minister for Labour and Social Policy, Jagoda Shahpaska, told the media in 2021.

Youth employment is a significant focus of the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development Goals, and other internationally agreed frameworks emphasize the importance of youth development and engagement, and youth are seen as key to achieving the SDGS.

One of the challenges youth face in the transition from education to employment is a skills mismatch with what recruiters require. Credit: LOYAC Jordan

Across the Mediterranean in the Levant region, youth face a similar plight in Jordan, where 63 percent of the population of 11 million people are aged under 30 years. The Hashemite Kingdom, which has managed economic stability while hosting more than 3 million refugees fleeing from conflicts in neighbouring Syria and the occupied Palestinian Territories, has a youth unemployment rate of 40 percent. It’s a common challenge across the MENA region, where one in three young people are unemployed and where 33 million new jobs will need to emerge by 2030 to meet the demands of working-age populations, forecasts the United Nations.

Every year, 100,000 young Jordanians, many highly educated, strive to enter the workforce. Economic growth is not generating enough jobs, and even the large public sector is unable to absorb increasing jobseekers.

“Jordan is one of the few Arab countries outside of the Gulf that has continued to provide fairly large numbers of public sector jobs to new jobseekers as part of its social pact, but this is fiscally very costly and distorts labour market incentives,” Dr. Steffen Hertog, Associate Professor in Comparative Politics at the London School of Economics and Political Science, told IPS.

Amman, Jordan’s capital, a sprawling city on the edge of the Jordan Valley, is the administrative and commercial heartbeat of the country. Here, Ali Haddad, Executive Director of the Jordan Youth Innovation Forum, a national youth development organization, told IPS that many youths have “a strong preference for public sector jobs, as they are seen as more stable,” but growing the private sector was vital.

“Expanding businesses can absorb the increasing numbers of young jobseekers; private industries encourage skills development and innovation; and a robust private sector contributes to GDP growth, benefiting the economy and opening more opportunities for youth,” he said.

However, ensuring people can access opportunities is also essential. Ahmad Asfour, General Manager of LOYAC Jordan, a local social enterprise focused on youth skills development, said there were also rural-urban disparities in the country. “Employment opportunities are concentrated in urban areas, making it difficult for rural youth to access jobs,” while “women often face extra challenges such as societal norms, lack of childcare, and unequal pay.”

The skills mismatch with labour market expectations is a major hurdle too. Youths need communication, teamwork, and problem-solving skills, and an entrepreneurial mindset with critical thinking, innovation, digital, and business skills, Asfour said. LOYAC has also found success in bridging the gap with a national internship program. “We annually train 1,200 students and match 850 with internships on a national level, providing many with the skills, confidence, and connections necessary to secure employment,” Asfour said.

Empowering the younger generation is part of the Jordan Government’s 10-year development and modernization strategy, announced in 2021. It is committed “to provide a stimulating environment that enables young people to unleash their creative energies and contribute effectively to economic and social development,” Eng. Yazan Al-Shdeifat, Jordan’s Minister for Youth, said in a statement on 24 November.

And there have been entrepreneurial successes, Haddad emphasised, such as Arab Therapy, an online service that offers expert mental health support by Arab-speaking professionals to people worldwide. And Mawdoo3, founded by young Jordanian entrepreneurs, Mohammad Jaber and Rami Al Qawasmi, is now the world’s largest Arabic content platform and, in 2021, was listed by Forbes as one of the most visited websites in the Middle East.

Beyond the unemployment statistics, there are increasing numbers of youth finding employment success through dedicated initiatives in both regions. There is still a long way to go. But growing the successes is crucial for the generation that will determine future sustainable economic and national development in their countries and beyond.

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

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