Europäische Union

Press remarks by President António Costa following the meeting with Prime Minister of Norway, Jonas Gahr Støre in Oslo, Norway

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In Addis Ababa, IPI convened a multi-day workshop on Women, Peace and Security and the Future of UN and AU Peace Operations, with the support of the Global Affairs Canada | Affaires mondiales Canada and in partnership with the Stimson Center, FBA, Amani Africa, The Nordic Africa Institute, and the Swedish Embassy on February 18th-19th.

Bringing together military practitioners, training institutes, researchers, and civil society leaders — with a particularly great turnout from the African military attaché community — the discussions were candid and operationally focused.

At the core of the conversation were the topics of:

• Preventing SEAH
• Role of gender advisors
• Gender-responsive leadership
• Kinetic and Non-kinetic operational environments
• Challenging persistent stereotypes impacting women’s roles in peace operations

Beyond the workshop, IPI’s WPS team held constructive bilateral meetings with colleagues at the Swedish Embassy and AU PSOD, and met with Ambassador Liberata Mulamula, Special Envoy for Women, Peace and Security, and members of her team at the African Union Headquarters.

The post Women, Peace and Security and the Future of UN and AU Peace Operations appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Elena Lazarou, Director General, ELIAMEP

The 2026 Munich Security Conference gave the sense of a forum negotiating the terms of what comes next. The tone was measured, but the subtext was unmistakable: the assumptions that underpinned three decades of relative geopolitical coherence are eroding. What replaces them remains unsettled. On the positive side, it could be an opportunity.

Three core dynamics defining Munich this year were particularly interesting: transatlantic recalibration, the rising agency of middle powers and the Global South, and the expanding definition of security itself to match the geotechnological nature of our times. These trends are not new: they echo debates and concerns from previous years, but the discussion has evolved and the participants have matured and diversified.

Transatlantic Recalibration?

There was no open rupture between Europe and the United States. Yet neither was there a return to complacency. European leaders continue to affirm NATO’s centrality, yet strategic autonomy is no longer abstract rhetoric. From defense industrial capacity to energy diversification and digital infrastructure, Europe is hedging against systemic volatility. For the United States, alliance unity remains central but increasingly framed through domestic political sustainability – and domestic competition of identity related narratives. At the same time, for the European audience, one thing is clear: burden-sharing and alignment must be reciprocal and measurable. The transatlantic relationship is indeed recalibrating. And while the point was made that partnership endures; dependency does not.

Middle Powers and the Global South: From Participants to Architects?

No one knows dependency as well as some of what we now refer to as the middle powers of the ‘Global South’. Perhaps the most striking shift in this year’s Munich was not in what Western leaders said, but in who spoke with confidence. Middle powers — India, Brazil, the Gulf states — are no longer navigating between blocs; they are shaping the environment in which blocs operate. Their diplomacy is pragmatic and transactional. Engagement is diversified. Alignment is selective. This is now referred to by pundits as ‘multi-vector’ foreign policy and is increasingly appealing to states north and south. It could be argued that it is a return to what we once simply called ‘realist’.

Voices from Africa, Latin America, and parts of Asia present in the Bavarian capital underscored a structural gap (and not for the first time): global governance structures lag behind contemporary realities. Security debates emphasise defence and deterrence but still sideline debt distress, development financing, and climate vulnerability. In so doing, they do not resonate in much of the world.

For many of these countries, instability is fiscal, climatic, and demographic long before it manifests as military or territorial crises. Middle powers and Global South actors are asserting agency — and demanding that the architecture of order accommodate it.

One of the ‘quieter’ but consequential conversations focused on the intersection of development, humanitarian support, and security. Delegates from the Global South stressed that fragile states are destabilized not only by military threats, but by chronic underinvestment in infrastructure, social services, and governance. Humanitarian crises — from conflict-driven displacement to climate-induced food insecurity — are immediate pressures, but short-term aid alone cannot stabilize societies. But rather than just voicing concern, they also offered solutions, or at least proposals. An important one is that predictable development financing is preventive security. Long-term investment in education, health, energy, and infrastructure reduces the likelihood of crises escalating into broader regional instability.

On humanitarian support, experts from across the globe re-emphasized that it must complement, not replace, structural solutions. Emergency aid is essential to alleviate suffering, but without sustained development mechanisms, fragile states remain vulnerable to repeated shocks. Several voices emphasized that equitable financing, and mechanisms to address systemic vulnerabilities are critical to prevent recurring humanitarian crises. This is perhaps more important than ever, as the future of the United Nations and their reform enters the microscope – North and South. An opportunity is there, but a risk too. But the related conversations inside and outside closed doors highlighted a simple but often overlooked principle: stability is built before crises erupt, and humanitarian support is only one pillar in that architecture. Development and crisis response are inseparable in designing durable security strategies. We are focusing a lot on crises these days (in fact ELIAMEP has launched a series of events entitled precisely ‘Crises in Focus’) but we should be doing the same for the other part of security: development.

Technology and Artificial Intelligence: The accelerator?

Technology shaped nearly every conversation. Artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, digital infrastructure, and data governance are now integral to national power. Competitiveness in AI is by now established as a key source of strategic leverage, which allows states to ‘punch’ way above their size and to do so successfully. It has also changed irreversibly the nature of expertise that is required for geopolitical and foreign policy analysis, thus also becoming an important part of the conversation for the future of think tanks and policy advisory services.

Three undercurrents particularly stood out. First that technological sovereignty equals a degree of strategic autonomy: resilience in digital infrastructure is as fundamental as energy independence and military operational capacity. Second, that we stand at what is only the beginning of a major negotiation on the future of digital governance. From a European perspective, AI governance is seen as a mechanism for stability and for the upholding of fundamental human rights: without a governance framework with clear guardrails, AI-enabled disinformation, cyber disruption, and opaque military applications risk miscalculation. But to reconcile this with Mario Draghi’s urgency for global competitiveness, in a world of less or non-regulated actors, is a challenge. Finally, and related to global development, the AI divide has emerged as a strategic fault line: unequal access risks marginalizing countries and entrenching geopolitical inequality.

Details aside, the big question on everyone’s mind was: will technology set the agenda, or will it accelerate and support agenda setters?

Bringing it home: energy, connectivity and opportunities for Greece?

The Conference reaffirmed that energy and regional connectivity are central instruments of influence and security. European states are recalibrating energy sourcing, infrastructure, and cross-border supply chains to mitigate risk. Connectivity — from transport corridors to ports and digital networks — is not just economic facilitation; it is geopolitical leverage.

For Greece, these insights are particularly relevant. Its geographic position makes it a natural hub linking the Balkans, Eastern Mediterranean, and Middle East. Pipelines, LNG terminals, and interconnections with regional grids enhance both diplomatic leverage and energy resilience. Port and transport projects, including Piraeus and rail networks, strengthen Greece’s role as a regional hub for trade and strategic partnerships. Diversifying energy sources and linking energy and digital infrastructure amplifies national influence and mitigates vulnerability to external shocks. Engaging in multipolar diplomacy and regional connectivity initiatives allows Greece to build flexible coalitions that advance its foreign policy objectives while supporting EU strategic autonomy. Going back to one of the initial points made, multi-vector foreign policies are not just about diversifying partners, it is also about diversifying across policy areas, to raise leverage and set the agenda in as many fields as possible.

All in all, the MSC 2026 did not produce a grand doctrine. Instead, it revealed a world in transition. The international order is not collapsing outright (or under destruction as the catchy title of this year’s MSC publication framed the question). However, it is no longer comfortably anchored. The world is indeed witnessing some of its old assumptions falter. But it is also under renegotiation, and the stakes have never been clearer.

Photo: from the Munich Security Conference 2026 website

Green, circular buildings are crucial for climate change mitigation and resource efficiency, yet their employment impact in Sub-Saharan Africa remains unclear. This paper explores green job potential in Kigali, Rwanda—an urbanizing city with strong policy commitments and urgent housing needs. Employing a sequential mixed-methods design, we conducted 33 expert interviews and surveyed 546 firms across five construction value chain segments. We find that (1) many green jobs already exist, with 5.1% highly green and about 58% partly green based on practices performed; (2) green and circular practices are emerging through both policy support and grassroots innovation, (3) greening is positively, significantly correlated with employment growth for highly green firms, and (4) greening is significantly associated with improved job quality for all firms. Targeted support for firms in critical greening phases could boost job creation and quality. A mix of interventions is required to tackle cost competitiveness, skills and attitudes.

Noch zu Beginn des Jahres suchte das Restaurant Wyhof in Sursee LU Verstärkung. Jetzt sind die Türen bereits geschlossen. Eine Baustelle treibt die Beiz in den Ruin. Sie ist dabei längstens nicht die einzige.

Wenn wir zwischendurch auf das Essen verzichten, aktivieren wir das Gen, das unsere Zellen repariert, Krankheiten vorbeugt und das Leben verlängert.

The Council designated the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran as a terrorist organization under the sanctions regime set out in Common Position 2001/931/CFSP (the so-called EU terrorist list).

ENTWURF EINES BERICHTS über die Empfehlung des Europäischen Parlaments an den Rat, die Kommission und die Vizepräsidentin der Kommission/Hohe Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zu der Förderung der transnationalen Governance im Bereich Wasser im Interesse der Konfliktverhütung und des Friedens
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Leoluca Orlando

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

The High Representative issued a statement on behalf of the EU on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2026/260 of 29 January 2026 concerning restrictive measures in view of Russia’s destabilising activities.

In diesen Wochen findet der Prozess gegen Marius Borg Høiby statt. Ihm werden unter anderem Vergewaltigung, häusliche Gewalt und Drogenmissbrauch vorgeworfen. Blick hält dich über die Entwicklungen auf dem Laufenden.

Die Medikamentenkosten in der Schweiz steigen: Nun sollen neue Regeln den Anwuchs stoppen. Der Bundesrat hat heute die Vernehmlassung eröffnet.

Ski-Bergsteigen feiert bei den Olympischen Winterspielen in Mailand und Cortina seine Premiere. Beim Sprint-Wettbewerb sind je zwei Männer und Frauen aus der Schweiz dabei. Hier im Ticker bleibts du ab den Vorläufen um 9.50 Uhr bis zu den Finals auf dem Laufenden.

Die Schweizer Uhrenhersteller haben zu Jahresbeginn 2026 verglichen mit dem Vorjahresmonat erneut weniger Uhren ins Ausland exportiert. Damit setzt sich der Negativtrend fort.

Der US-Truppenaufbau im Nahen Osten ist beinahe abgeschlossen. Nun fehlt nur noch der Angriffsbefehl des Präsidenten. Der Iran befestigt derweil seine Militäranlagen.

Rapper Samra wurde in Thailand nach einer Polizeikontrolle festgenommen. Beamte fanden laut Behörden Drogen der Kategorie 4. Der Musiker bestreitet die Vorwürfe und hat bereits rechtliche Schritte eingeleitet.

Verunreinigte Babymilch und kein Ende. Der Bund hat über das Ausmass in der Schweiz informiert und in zwei Laborproben den Giftstoff Cereulid nachgewiesen. Wie konnte es so weit kommen und wie geht es nun weiter?

Camille Rast wird im House of Switzerland in Cortina für ihre Silbermedaille gefeiert. Blick konnte mit ihr über das Rennen und die Party sprechen.

Die Kita Rambazamba in Oberwil BL kämpft ums Überleben. Weil das Geld fehlt, verzichtete Kitaleiterin Cécile Mollenkopf bereits auf ihren 13. Monatslohn. Zusätzlich hat sie per Brief bei mehreren wichtigen Personen aus der Region um Unterstützung gebeten.

Neunmal gabs in den zehn Skirennen bei Olympia Schweizer Medaillenjubel. Nur einmal waren unsere Stars noch erfolgreicher.