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jQuery(document).ready(function($){$("#isloaderfor-fejmjs").fadeOut(300, function () { $(".pagwrap-fejmjs").fadeIn(300);});}); Upcoming Screenings

The Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) Section of the UN Department of Peace Operations’ (DPO) Office of Rule of Law and Security Institutions (OROLSI) and IPI cohosted a film screening of the documentary There Is Another Way followed by a post-screening discussion with Combatants for Peace on January 30th.

There is Another Way, directed by Stephen Apkon, follows the powerful journey of individuals who reject violence and choose peace, proving that reconciliation is not only possible but essential. As Mr. Apkon shared in the discussion, “This is about the freedom for all of us.”

Set in Israel and Palestine, following events on the ground over the past year(s), the documentary captures the personal and collective struggles of those embracing nonviolence as a path forward and their journeys of transformation from armed actors to peacebuilders. The film draws on the experiences of Combatants for Peace, a grassroots movement of former Israeli soldiers and Palestinian combatants who now work together, united by the conviction that violence cannot resolve the conflict.

“Former fighters and analysts can unite to become the most effective peacebuilders,” said Thomas Kontogeorgos, Chief of the DDR Section of the UN Department of Peace Operations, during his opening remarks ahead of the film screening.

“If they can do it, we should do it too!” asserted Veronique Dudouet, Senior Advisor at the Berghof Foundation, emphasizing the significance of empathy and understanding. Her call to action resonated deeply with attendees, who agreed on the need to widen the scope of compassion.

Combatants for Peace emerged in 2006 amid the turmoil of the Second Intifada, when former Israeli soldiers and Palestinian fighters—once sworn enemies—began meeting in secret to challenge their fates and the violent status quo. This movement, grounded in the principles of joint nonviolent struggle, continues to grow as individuals and organizations across the globe unite to reject separation and supremacy. Now, almost 20 years later, the movement has grown beyond its core of ex-combatants and has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize twice.

To learn more about the film and register for upcoming screenings click here >>

Opening Remarks:
Thomas Kontogeorgos, Chief of the DDR Section, United Nations Department of Peace Operations (DPO)

Speakers:
Mai Shahin, Palestinian Activist, Combatants for Peace
Iris Gur, Israeli Activist, Combatants for Peace
Stephen Apkon, Director/Producer, There Is Another Way
Chen Alon, Co-Founder, Combatants for Peace (Virtual)
Sulaiman Khatib, Co-Founder, Combatants for Peace (Virtual)

Closing Remarks:
Véronique Dudouet, Senior Advisor Conflict Transformation Research, Berghof Foundation

Moderator:
Adam Lupel, Vice President and COO, International Peace Institute

The post A Transformative Evening of Reflection, Hope, and Peacebuilding at IPI with Combatants for Peace appeared first on International Peace Institute.

CDU/CSU haben gestern einen Entschließungsantrag zur Migration auch mit Stimmen der AfD durch den Deutschen Bundestag gebracht. Am morgigen Freitag steht die Abstimmung zum sogenannten Zustrombegrenzungsgesetz an. Dazu eine Einschätzung von Marcel Fratzscher, Präsident des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):

Das Zustrombegrenzungsgesetz wird Deutschland schaden. Die von der Union initiierte Gesetzgebung wird keines der erklärten Ziele erreichen, sondern das Gegenteil bewirken: Sie wird die Integration erschweren, die Arbeitskräftelücke vergrößern und die Kosten für den Staat erhöhen. Grenzschließungen und Stigmatisierung werden nicht die Sicherheit verbessern, sondern sie eher verschlechtern. Menschen, die aus Kriegsgebieten fliehen, haben keine andere Wahl, und eine Abschottungspolitik wird qualifizierte Fachkräfte fernhalten, die Deutschland dringend benötigt. Die Wirtschaft sucht händeringend nach Arbeitskräften und leistet hervorragende Arbeit, um junge Geflüchtete zu qualifizieren – die Unionspläne unterlaufen diese Bemühungen. Gleichzeitig wird die Enttäuschung über unerfüllbare Versprechen nur die AfD stärken. Die Konsequenz ist eine Verschlechterung der Integration und höhere Kosten für den Staat. Der Fall der „Brandmauer“ dürfte unumkehrbar sein. Verlierer sind unsere Demokratie, die Menschenrechte und unsere offene Gesellschaft.

How to harness nuclear deterrence in a perilous world

Zusammenfassung:

30. Januar 2025 – Die aktuelle Schuldenbremse muss reformiert werden. Dies darf nicht symbolisch und kosmetisch erfolgen, wie es sich in der Debatte bisher andeutet, sondern muss eine signifikante Verbesserung bringen. Die Reform muss insbesondere den blinden Fleck der Generationengerechtigkeit berücksichtigen. Eine generationengerechte Schuldenregel erfordert vier konkrete Änderungen: (1) Eine nominale Ausgabenregel muss eingeführt werden: Staatsschulden dürfen jedes Jahr so stark steigen, wie das nominale Potenzialwachstum ausfällt. Dadurch würde sich die Staatsschuldenquote bei etwa 60 Prozent stabilisieren – und nicht bei 20 Prozent wie die aktuelle Regel implizit fordert. Zudem ermöglicht es dem Staat in wirtschaftlichen Schwächephasen stärker kontrazyklisch zu agieren. (2) Eine Goldenen Regel, die öffentliche Investitionen von Schuldenbegrenzungen ausnimmt, sollte wiedereingeführt werden. Nettoinvestitionen müssen dauerhaft positiv bleiben. Zudem müssen die öffentlichen Konsumausgaben proportional zur Demografie schrumpfen. (3) Implizite Staatsschulden, wie die zukünftigen Kosten für die Sozialsysteme und die Klimakrise, dürfen nicht weiter steigen, sondern müssen proportional mit dem Rückgang des Erwerbstätigenpotenzials abnehmen. (4) Die Verteilungswirkungen staatlicher Ausgaben und Investitionen müssen bei den Staatsausgaben berücksichtigt werden. Der Staat muss Daseinsfürsorge und Chancengleichheit für alle gewährleisten.

Ishiba Shigeru became prime minister of Japan in October 2024, after unexpectedly winning the leadership of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). His long-desired success came with a bitter aftertaste, however. After a poor showing for the LDP in the lower house elections at the end of October 2024, Ishiba now heads a minority government. His party is mired in crisis over the largest political funding scandal in decades, while upper house elections are scheduled for the summer of 2025. Domestic politics will undoubtedly demand Ishiba’s attention in the coming months – at a time when the country faces tremendous foreign and security challenges.

The published R-Syntax file can be used to replicate the results reported in the study by Bettina Rudloff, "Die EU zwischen unilateralen Nachhaltigkeitsansätzen und Handelsabkommen. Wege zu besseren Partnerschaften, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik", which investigates the economic implications of the European Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) on international trade, focusing on high-risk commodities such as cattle, cocoa, coffee, palm oil, rubber, soya, and wood. Using trade data from ITC, Eurostat, and UN Comtrade spanning 2018-2022, the study assesses trade exposure, revenue importance, and import relevance for partner countries and regions like Mercosur. The results emphasize the strategic relevance of EUDR-regulated trade flows for both the EU and its partners. This dataset supports replication of the findings and future analyses using similar methodologies.

We do not recommend reusing the data for further analysis, as it will quickly be replaced by more recent and correct data for subsequent years. However, the analysis file can be used to replicate the calculations for future years. 

Further information on the sources can be found in the download area and in the method report.

The data covers the following time period: 01.12.2017-01.01.2022.

In zahlreichen Ländern kam es jüngst durch restriktivere Regelungen zu Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen zu einer Schwächung der sexuellen und reproduktiven Gesundheit und Rechte (SRGR). Diese nationalen Bestrebungen spiegeln sich in Diskussionen in internationalen Foren wider, da sie menschenrechtliche Standards und den Zugang zu Gesundheitsdienstleistungen berühren. Während Deutschland sich stets aus menschenrechtlicher Perspektive für den weitreichenden Schutz von SRGR ausspricht, fällt auf, dass die Bundesregierung SRGR in internationalen Foren inhaltlich wenig konkretisiert – ganz im Gegensatz zu den Opponent:innen. Der deutsche Ansatz der diplomatischen Zurückhaltung birgt die Gefahr, den Gegner:innen eines weitreichenden Verständnisses von SRGR ein Einfallstor für Umdeutungen des Inhalts zu bieten. Wenn die deutsche Bundesregierung ihren globalen Einsatz für Menschenrechte und individuelle Freiheiten auch in der globalen Gesundheit verfolgen will, ist ein aktiveres Eintreten gefordert. Ziel des Beitrags ist es, vor diesem Hintergrund zu untersuchen, in welchem Umfang sich Staaten mit SRGR in internationalen Foren am Beispiel des WHO-Exekutivrats auseinandersetzen. Dazu bedarf es einer detaillierten Analyse der Sitzungsprotokolle.

Die Daten decken den folgenden Zeitraum ab: 01.12.1994-01.01.2023.

European actors are increasingly relying on strategic communication tools in their external relations, especially in key partner countries like Kenya. Based on a large-scale media screening and interviews with media experts, this paper examines which issues related to the EU/Europe and China have received the most media coverage in Kenya over the past decade (2013–2023). The paper finds, among other things, that European actors involved in communication efforts increasingly need to communicate about the EU’s role in global affairs and the impact of European decisions, products, and standards on African markets, without resorting to a “West versus China” framing. The research data here includes the embeddings for the articles as well as scripts to understand the topic modelling and the process. For legal reasons (copyrighted data) we cannot share the original research data.

The data covers the following time period: 01.01.2023-01.07.2023.

This methodological report focuses on the analysis and visualization of trade data between Germany and Turkey from 2012 to 2023, specifically examining the export flows from Turkey to Germany in 2023, the import flows from Germany to Turkey in 2023, and the trends in the top sectors of trade from 2010 to 2023. Germany and Turkey maintain strong economic ties, particularly in trade, which forms a crucial pillar of their bilateral relationship. These economic ties, alongside shared political, cultural, and institutional dimensions, highlight the potential for even deeper cooperation.

The analysis is based on data from the UN Comtrade database, processed and aggregated to provide insights into key trends in bilateral trade. The Harmonized System (HS) 2012 classification was used to ensure consistency across the years, enabling the generation of figures that capture the dynamics of trade flows. This report details the methods used to clean and aggregate the raw data into intermediate products, allowing for the replication and further use of the figures and results. While Germany and Turkey's relationship is multi-faceted, this report emphasizes the economic aspect, providing a solid foundation for understanding the evolving trade patterns and their implications for future cooperation.

The data covers the following time period: 01.12.2023-31.12.2023.

Der deutsche Review-Prozess zur globalen Gesundheitsstrategie bietet die Chance, einen stärkeren Fokus auf die horizontale Verzahnung der deutschen Bemühungen mit denen europäischer Partner und der EU zu legen. Dies ist dringend notwendig, da das deutsche Konzept bislang wenig Bezug auf die EU nimmt und die Mitgliedstaaten vollständig ausklammert. Die Berücksichtigung der strategischen Prioritäten dieser Akteure durch Deutschland würde es aber sowohl ermöglichen, geschlossen und kohärent vorzugehen, als auch, in einzelnen Politikbereichen neue Partnerschaften zu bilden. Ansatzpunkte dafür liefert eine systematische Analyse von Strategietexten anderer EU-Regierungen und der EU selbst. Die Identifikation von Schwerpunkten zeigt, wo Andockstellen für eine bessere Vernetzung und Koordination mit den globalen Gesundheitspolitiken anderer EU-Staaten liegen. Auf diese Weise können die für Deutschland besonders relevanten Partner in einzelnen Handlungsfeldern bestimmt und blinde Flecken deutscher globaler Gesundheitspolitik aufgedeckt werden.

Die Daten decken den folgenden Zeitraum ab: 01.01.2019-31.12.2023.

The publication “The rise of radical right and Eurosceptic political forces and the impact on the EU’s enlargement policy” is a result of the initiative think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration, funded by the Open Society Foundations – Western Balkans.

The initiative contributes to reimagining the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans, as well as the region’s attractiveness for the EU in order to ensure a resilient EU integration strategy and ever-closer integration with a full membership perspective in mind.

The report authored by Ioannis Alexandris, Research Fellow, South-East Europe Programme, ELIAMEP delves into the recent electoral victories of radical right parties and explores how these parties are reshaping the EU’s political landscape, particularly regarding its enlargement agenda. Key themes include public discontent over immigration, economic disparities, and concerns about national sovereignty, all of which fuel opposition to EU expansion.

While the positions of radical right parties vary, their collective influence introduces complexities into EU decision-making. This report provides valuable insights for policymakers, researchers and actors navigating these challenges and shaping the EU’s future trajectory.

Summary:

This think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration report examines the growing influence of radical right and Eurosceptic political forces within the European Union (EU) and their implications for EU enlargement policy. As these parties continue to gain traction across member states, they are altering the political landscape and challenging the long-standing consensus on EU integration.

The analysis takes stock of the recent electoral victories of radical right parties, such as Georgia Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia (FdI) in Italy and Geert Wilders’ Freedom Party (PVV) in the Netherlands. These electoral results reflect a broader trend of rising right wing Euroscepticism, potentially posing substantial challenges to the EU’s enlargement agenda. Key drivers behind this significant shift of the political pendulum to the right include public discontent with immigration, economic disparities, and a perceived loss of national sovereignty.

The report delves deeper into how these political dynamics could shape the bloc’s decision-making processes, particularly those involving candidate countries pursuing EU membership. The radical right’s scepticism over further enlargement raises doubts over the feasibility of integrating countries such as Ukraine and Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly in light of ongoing conflicts and political instability. Through a comprehensive examination of party manifestos, official statements, and expert interviews, this study identifies major patterns and trends among these parties with regard to their views on enlargement. It identifies the major enlargement-related concerns that may resonate with the public, hence influencing the EU’s future trajectory.

Even though several of these parties, including VOX in Spain and the Sweden Democrats, have yet to form cohesive views on enlargement or take clearly anti-enlargement positions, the issue is likely to become more politicised in the coming years. This is largely due to its linkages with other areas of political sensitivity for these parties, including migration, fiscal policy, agricultural policy, and national sovereignty, all of which are fundamental to their agendas. Building on its findings, the report concludes that radical right parties share core thematic concerns shaping their views towards EU enlargement. These can be categorised into five main driving forces:

1. Financial concerns: Opposing the financial costs associated with the accession of economically less developed states is a recurring theme among these parties. For example, the PVV in the Netherlands supports a “frugal” economic position, arguing that admitting less developed countries would place undue financial strain on net-contributing member states. Similar concerns are echoed by the Rassemblement National (RN) in France RN, AfD in Germany, SD in Sweden, and FPÖ in Austria, all of which represent net contributor countries concerned over further budgetary burdens.
2. Migration and security: Enlargement is also closely tied to migration and freedom of movement, which are key issues for radical right parties. The RN in its discourse often associates enlargement with increased illegal immigration and organised crime, a stance aligned with its broader domestic agenda. Both the AfD and FPÖ focus on anti-migration narratives targeting Muslim populations, while the PVV places more emphasis on cultural and social risks.
3. Foreign policy: Relations with Russia as well as concerns about geopolitical ramifications can also be a factor influencing the positions of these parties. The AfD’s longstanding tolerant –if not favourable- stance toward Russia drives its opposition to Ukraine and Moldova’s accession. Conversely, Italy’s FdI under Giorgia Meloni has so far adopted a pro-enlargement position, reflecting its broader pro-Western and NATO-aligned foreign policy strategy.
4. Popular support and electoral strategy: Public opinion and domestic political dynamics can also influence these parties’ positions. In Austria and Germany, where public scepticism towards enlargement is significant, the FPÖ and AfD have aimed to capitalise on these sentiments to gain electoral support. Additionally, these two parties have sought to appeal to specific demographics, formulating narratives that resonate with their target voter bases.
5. Concerns over EU functionality and sovereignty: Finally, radical right parties often link enlargement to broader discussions about EU governance. They claim that incorporating new members would necessitate institutional reforms, such as a shift to Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) in areas such as foreign policy and tax policy, which they perceive as undermining national sovereignty. This could signal a departure from traditional anti-federalist methods that favoured enlargement as a counterbalance to deeper EU integration. Even though a shift to QMV could streamline decision-making, it might also exacerbate tensions among member states, providing fertile ground for radical right parties to amplify their Eurosceptic discourse.

The EU needs to navigate these complexities carefully, balancing the challenges posed by radical right parties with its broader goals of unity and expansion. The growing influence of these parties introduces complexities into the EU’s decision-making processes. On the one hand, their scepticism can slow down or derail enlargement policy, particularly concerning Ukraine and the Western Balkans. On the other hand, their focus on sovereignty and national identity raises questions about the EU’s integration model, potentially leading to alternative frameworks such as “multi-speed Europe” or associate memberships.

It is important, however, to mention that the dividing lines between support and opposition to enlargement among radical right parties are far from uniform. For example, Italy’s FdI has adopted a pragmatic, pro-enlargement stance emphasising economic and strategic benefits, while parties such as the Netherlands’ PVV and Austria’s FPÖ maintain staunch opposition. Hence, a much more nuanced picture emerges from the findings, where radical right parties can be categorised as ‘’supportive’’, like the FdI, ‘’ambiguous’’, like VOX, and ‘’against’’, like the AfD, when it comes to their EU enlargement position.

Overall, this report intends to serve as a resource for understanding the intersection of radical right-wing political forces and the EU’s enlargement policy, offering valuable insights for policymakers involved in shaping the future of the EU in the coming years.

You can read the report here.

The South-East Europe Programme of ELIAMEP is a member of the IGNITA network which is led by led by OSF-WB.

 

 

 

 

You can learn more about think nea by visiting the website of ELIAMEP and OSF-WB.

 

Funded: OSF WB

 

 

 

Norms play a pivotal role in fostering peace. Yet, there is a dearth of comparative empirical studies testing which norms exhibit the strongest connection. Moreover, peace is usually only measured in terms of the absence of violent conflict, neglecting its positive dimensions. This article uses fresh data from the World Values Survey to assess how different norms correlate with negative and positive measures of peace. It confirms that societal endorsement of democracy, tolerance, and gender equality significantly correlate with reduced violent conflict. However, only gender equality also correlates with interpersonal trust as a key indicator of positive peace.