Africa

Installée dans la région de Yadga, plus précisément au secteur 15 de Ouahigouya, Binta Sawadogo s'est investie pleinement dans la transformation des céréales locales depuis un peu plus de 30 ans. Bouillies infantiles, biscuits de pommes de terre et de patate douce, macaronis à base de niébé et de pomme de terre, couscous de riz, Boussi, granulés de jus, sont autant de produits qu'elle propose à travers son unité Ri-Songo. Avec l'appel à la consommation massive des produits locaux, Dame Sawadogo entend transformer son unité semi-industrielle en une unité industrielle afin de satisfaire la demande. A la faveur du Salon régional de l'artisanat qui s'est déroulé du 24 au 31 octobre 2025 à Tenkodogo, nous lui avons tendu notre micro.

Lefaso.net : qu'est-ce qui vous a poussé à vous intéresser à la transformation agroalimentaire ?

Binta Sawadogo : Au départ, je produisais du couscous à la maison pour la consommation familiale. Mais cela prend beaucoup de temps, pour faire du couscous il faut au moins deux à trois heures. Je me suis dit : pourquoi ne pas essayer de réduire le temps de préparation, en faisant du précuit ? C'est ainsi que j'ai commencé à transformer nos différentes céréales en précuit et en 30 minutes de préparation le plat est prêt. C'est de là que tout est parti. À ce jour, nous disposons de deux unités de production : une coopérative pour transformer la pomme de terre en pâtes alimentaires, la farine infantile, et une deuxième unité pour les biscuits, le couscous, les granulés, etc.

Quels sont les différents produits transformés que vous proposez ?

Dans la région de Yadga, nous avons beaucoup de pommes de terre, surtout quand c'est la période. Donc nous transformons cela en macaronis, biscuits. Nous avons aussi des biscuits à base de sésame, de patate douce, des granulés de jus, des couscous. Et cette année, nous avons expérimenté la transformation de la patate douce 100% en grumeaux de bouillie. Nous avons aussi amélioré notre Boussi (Bassi pour certains) pour que nos enfants et nos petits-enfants aussi connaissent ce mets que les gens consommaient avant quand ils partaient pour de longs voyages.

Quelle est la particularité des pâtes alimentaires faites à base de pomme de terre par rapport à celles vendues dans les grandes surfaces ?

Lorsque vous prenez la pomme de terre, elle contient beaucoup de vitamines. Donc au lieu d'utiliser la farine de blé seulement, nous avons utilisé la pomme de terre, un peu de blé et nous avons ajouté des œufs. Ce qui fait que nos pâtes sont très riches. Les gens adhèrent progressivement à nos pâtes et nous allons accroître la visibilité pour qu'ils puissent les adopter complètement.

Quelques produits proposés par la transformatrice Binta Sawadogo

Les premières autorités mettent un point d'honneur à la promotion du consommer local, comment appréciez-vous l'adhésion des populations à vos produits ?

Avec le mot d'ordre du président qui invite à consommer ce que nous produisons, les Burkinabè consomment de plus en plus nos produits transformés localement. C'est d'ailleurs grâce à cela que nos unités ne sont pas fermées malgré le fait que nous soyons dans une zone rouge, car nous arrivons à écouler nos produits et cela un peu partout, même hors du pays. Nous déposons nos produits dans presque toutes les surfaces à Ouahigouya et nous avons des commerciaux qui font de la vente de proximité. Dans les grandes villes comme Ouagadougou, nous avons des revendeurs. Certains clients commandent directement de l'extérieur et nous livrons.

Vos produits ont plusieurs fois été primés dans des foires et expositions, pouvez-vous nous en dire plus ?

En effet, nous avons reçu plusieurs prix avec nos produits. Par exemple nos granulés de bissap ont remporté un prix UEMOA à Cotonou en 2016. Notre farine infantile enrichie a eu le premier prix au salon régional de l'artisanat à Kaya, nos macaronis de pommes de terre ont été primés en 2024 par l'AFP/PME, les macaronis à base de niébé ont aussi été primés à une édition du SIAO.

Quelles sont les principales difficultés auxquelles vous êtes confrontées dans votre activité ?

La difficulté majeure, c'était au niveau de l'écoulement car nous avions assez de problèmes à cause de l'insécurité. En plus de cela, nous voulons passer d'une unité semi-industrielle à industrielle pour pouvoir produire en très grande quantité et de très bonne qualité car plusieurs de nos produits sont certifiés. Mais cela nécessite beaucoup de moyens financiers.

Quelles sont vos perspectives en vue de développer un peu plus votre activité ?

Nous avons plusieurs projets en gestation que nous espérons réaliser dans le court terme. Il y a principalement l'industrialisation dont j'avais parlé plus haut qui nous tient particulièrement à cœur. Nous essayons de voir également si nous pouvons avoir des compétences locales pour pouvoir réaliser ce projet.

Propos recueillis par Armelle Ouédraogo
Lefaso.net

Depuis quelques semaines, le « ring » des smartphones haut de gamme est très animé. D'un côté, le maître de cérémonie Mahamadi Ouédraogo, alias « Mdi », fidèle d'Apple et détenteur du tout dernier iPhone 17 Pro Max. De l'autre, le porte-étendard des supporters du Samsung Galaxy S25 Ultra, Moumini Koudougou. Et voici qu'arrive dans le jeu le photographe Ussen Nachire Sawadogo, brandissant fièrement son nouveau joujou, Google Pixel 10 Pro XL. Un duel à trois qui amuse.

« Quand Samsung domine le match au Tour du Faso, les détenteurs de frigophones, quant à eux, sont assis avec pour eux dans leurs poches comme des cailloux inutiles : ça pèse seulement, sinon ça ne peut pas prendre de photo à cause de la chaleur. Si je parle, l'autre va penser que c'est à lui je fais allusion alors que lui-même il sait que c'est Samsung qui mène le match. ». Pour qui connaît Moumini Koudougou, alias Mouni Mouni, possesseur d'un Samsung Galaxy S25 Ultra, sait déjà à qui ce missile sol-air, tiré depuis le 1ᵉʳ novembre 2025, à 13h15, est destiné. Eh bien ! Ce n'est ni plus ni moins que le trois fois benguiste Mahamadi Ouédraogo alias Mdi, détenteur du tout dernier d'Apple, l'iPhone 17 Pro Max.

Cette guerre faite d'humour et de piques sur les réseaux sociaux amuse tout autant que les chamailleries que se livrent depuis toujours les utilisateurs de MacBook et de Windows. Le ring est animé et chaque adversaire envoie comme il peut des uppercuts. Mais derrière les taquineries, il y a de vraies différences techniques et d'usage entre ces bijoux, surtout au niveau des caméras.

iPhone 17 Pro Max, l'élégance et la puissance

L'iPhone 17 Pro Max est sans doute le modèle le plus cher de ces smartphones. Son design soigné ne laisse pas indifférent. Avec son triple capteur 48 MP (principal + ultra-large + téléobjectif) et un zoom optique jusqu'à 8× via la lentille de 200 mm et un zoom numérique jusqu'à 40×, ce smartphone ne plaisante pas côté photo. Même s'il reste un pur régal en photo, l'iPhone 17 Pro Max est un monstre en vidéo. Sur ce terrain, aucun smartphone ne lui arrive à la cheville. Avec une autonomie annoncée de vidéo jusqu'à 39 h et une charge rapide de 50 % en 20 min, ce smartphone relève un peu la tête de l'eau.

Ce qui décourage les utilisateurs, c'est le prix élevé des iPhones. En dehors du prestige de détenir un iPhone, si vous n'en faites pas un outil professionnel qui puisse vous faire gagner de l'argent, mieux vaut aller voir ailleurs. Il y a certes le plaisir à détenir la marque à la pomme, mais quel plaisir y a-t-il à claquer 1 200 000 F CFA dans un smartphone ?

Samsung Galaxy S25 Ultra, la démesure

De l'autre côté, le S25 Ultra de Samsung incarne tout ce qu'Android peut faire, même si certains utilisateurs regrettent une faible avancée par rapport à la génération précédente, le S24 Ultra. Il embarque le processeur Snapdragon 8 Elite et un module photo impressionnant. Un ultra-large de 50 MP, un téléobjectif de 10 MP et surtout un capteur principal de 200 MP, qui vous permettra, à 350 000 km, d'offrir la lune à votre dulcinée.
Même s'il a une bonne autonomie de 5000 mAh, le S25 Ultra reste très lourd avec ses 218 g.

Il reste quand même le champion tout-terrain de la marque Android. Et pour montrer qu'il ne craint pas l'eau, Moumini Koudougou lui a même donné une douche froide en invitant son adversaire Mdi à faire de même avec son iPhone 17 Pro Max acheté en une tranche. Un défi que n'a pas voulu relever le maître de cérémonie. Il a certainement eu peur que son joujou ne soit allergique au bain de jouvence.

Google Pixel 10 Pro XL, l'outsider s'invite dans la mêlée

Le photographe Ussen Nachire Sawadogo, alias Sambiga Wambi, lui, a choisi un sérieux outsider. Le Pixel 10 Pro XL de chez Google. Un smartphone qui, même s'il ne bénéficie pas des mêmes projecteurs marketing que ceux des géants Apple ou Samsung, séduit par sa qualité photo, inégalable lorsque vous photographiez la nuit. C'est aussi un condensé de technologies IA. Pour un photographe qui désire supprimer rapidement des objets ou des photos, appliquer la réduction de bruit sur ses vidéos, il n'y a rien de tel que ce téléphone. Pas besoin d'être un expert pour affirmer que le Pixel 10 Pro XL peut faire jeu égal avec iPhone et Samsung.

Nous avons déjà utilisé ces trois marques de smartphones. Nous avons apprécié Apple pour sa fidélité et sa sécurité, Samsung pour sa simplicité et Google Pixel pour sa créativité. Mais attention ! Au-delà de ces trois géants, d'autres smartphones méritent d'être cités. Le Huawei Pura 80 Ultra, le OnePlus 15 et le Xiaomi 17 Pro sont également des machines de guerre en photo et en vidéo.

Possesseur actuellement d'un iPhone, s'il y a bien une marque que j'affectionne particulièrement et qui me rend nostalgique depuis l'université, c'est bien le Sony Xperia. J'ai bien aimé le modèle Z. Dommage que les boutiques à Ouaga ne proposent plus les modèles de cette marque qui évolue en solo mais qui a tout pour plaire au monde du cinéma. Le Xperia 1 VII, il faut le posséder pour l'apprécier.
Ces modèles peu connus montrent que l'on peut être hors du ring et tout de même faire très mal. Vivement que ce spectacle marketing qui amuse la toile profite à chacun.
Et vous, quelle est votre marque préférée de smartphone ? Dites-le nous en commentaires.

Fredo Bassolé
Lefaso.net

Après l'obtention de son baccalauréat en 2018, Aïda Kouenao quitte sa région natale pour Ouagadougou afin d'y poursuivre ses études supérieures. Mais la vie urbaine, souvent rude pour les nouveaux arrivants, la contraint à abandonner les bancs de l'université. Déterminée à s'en sortir, elle enchaîne les petits boulots : vigile, secrétaire, vendeuse de pain et de brochettes (pain bro) ….

C'est dans cette dernière activité qu'elle découvre par hasard sa future vocation. « Quand on vend du pain bro, on a besoin d'oignons. Or à un moment de l'année, il n'y a plus suffisamment d'oignons et le prix grimpe. C'est ainsi que j'ai eu l'idée de sécher les oignons. Donc, j'ai commencé à en acheter quand il y en avait abondance pour le sécher et l'utiliser quand il en manquera. Quand j'utilisais l'oignon séché j'ai constaté que mes clients ont commencé à apprécier. Je me suis dit que je vais essayer d'en vendre pour voir ce que ça va donner. C'est ainsi que j'ai créé une page Facebook et j'ai publié. Et les gens ont commencé à commander avec moi et c'est ainsi qu'est née mon activité, mon aventure entrepreneuriale », explique la jeune entrepreneure de 29 ans.

Avec le progrès de son activité Aïda décide de fabriquer des bouillons. Mais elle le faisait avec du sel. Son frère d'une trentaine d'années fait une crise de tension artérielle. C'est alors qu'elle prend conscience des dangers liés à la consommation excessive du sel. Pour éviter que son frère ne consomme le sel, elle lui fabriquait des bouillons 100% naturels. C'est ainsi qu'elle eut l'idée de commercialiser ses bouillons sans sel ni additif ajouté.

Aujourd'hui, Aïda emploie deux personnes à temps plein et des contractuels pendant la haute saison, de décembre à février-mars. Elle sèche plus de trois tonnes d'oignons par an, sans compter les autres légumes. Son ambition est claire, offrir aux consommateurs des produits sains issus du terroir burkinabè.

Mais la jeune entrepreneure ne cache pas les obstacles de l'entrepreneuriat au Burkina Faso. Le principal défi, selon elle, reste l'accès au marché. « Le défi majeur, c'est l'accès au marché. Quand on parle d'entreprise, on parle de vente. Si on a une entreprise et qu'on ne fait pas de vente, c'est évident que l'entreprise risque de ne pas survivre. Je suis allée dans une boutique et j'ai constaté que mes bouillons n'étaient pas dans le rayon des produits locaux. Mes bouillons étaient dans le rayon des produits importés. C'est sûrement à cause du packaging, ils ont cru que c'était un produit importé. Et j'ai constaté que le stock que j'avais envoyé était fini. Par contre, le rayon des produits locaux était rempli et à peine les clients passaient vers là-bas pour voir les produits. C'est vraiment décevant de faire un tel constat. Beaucoup parlent de consommer local mais leur attitude prouve le contraire », déplore notre interlocutrice.

Consciente que le pouvoir d'achat influence aussi le choix des consommateurs, elle reste convaincue qu'il faut éduquer les populations sur les bienfaits du consommer local. « Nous avons au Burkina des produits naturels et sains, mais les gens les ignorent souvent. Nous avons de la pâte de tomate fabriquée au Burkina avec de la pulpe de tomates 100% alors que celle importée est composée la plupart du temps de purée de pommes de terre et de colorant alimentaire », a-t-elle indiqué.

Déterminée à aller plus loin, Aïda rêve de conquérir le marché national et international. Elle encourage les jeunes filles à travailler à être financièrement indépendantes. « Aujourd'hui je ne suis à la charge de personne. J'emploie et je suis à plus de trois tonnes d'oignons séchés par an sans compter les autres légumes. Le chemin est encore long, je travaille à réaliser mon rêve de conquérir le marché national et international. Toute jeune fille doit prendre conscience qu'elle doit travailler pour avoir son propre argent. Il faut commencer petit à petit et un jour on y arrive. Il ne faut jamais attendre d'avoir beaucoup d'argent avant de commencer l'entrepreneuriat. Il faut aller à son rythme », a conseillé Aïda Kouenao.

Selon elle, elle bondit sur chaque opportunité pour se former afin d'améliorer et d'innover ses produits. Elle invite les entrepreneurs à toujours se former pour faire face à la concurrence.

Rama Diallo
Lefaso.net

L'Alliance des dirigeants africains contre le paludisme (ALMA), en collaboration avec le ministère de la Santé du Burkina Faso, le Partenariat Roll Back Malaria (RBM) et avec le soutien de l'Institut mondial pour l'élimination des maladies (GLIDE), organise à Ouagadougou un atelier technique sur l'initiative d'élimination du paludisme au Sahel. La cérémonie d'ouverture de cette rencontre s'est tenue ce lundi 3 novembre 2025. Les travaux se poursuivront jusqu'au mardi 4 novembre. L'objectif général de cet atelier est de renforcer la collaboration entre les pays membres du Sahel afin d'accélérer les efforts d'élimination du paludisme, à travers le partage d'expériences, l'analyse des progrès réalisés et la planification conjointe d'actions prioritaires.

En Afrique, le paludisme demeure une préoccupation majeure de santé publique. Les différents États multiplient les efforts pour inverser la tendance. Depuis sa création en 2009, l'ALMA œuvre sans relâche pour soutenir les pays africains dans leurs démarches vers l'élimination de la maladie.

C'est dans cette optique que les ministres de la santé de huit pays du Sahel : le Burkina Faso, le Cap-Vert, la Gambie, le Mali, la Mauritanie, le Niger, le Sénégal et le Tchad ont lancé en août 2018, à Dakar, l'Initiative pour l'élimination du paludisme au Sahel (SAME). L'objectif est d'accélérer les progrès vers l'élimination du paludisme d'ici à 2030, conformément aux Objectifs de développement durable (ODD). À la suite des travaux du groupe technique de l'Initiative tenus à Accra en novembre 2024, il est apparu essentiel de poursuivre les échanges entre les pays membres afin de renforcer la collaboration transfrontalière et d'harmoniser les stratégies régionales de lutte contre le paludisme.

Les parties prenantes à cette rencontre entendent œuvrer pour atteindre l'objectif “zéro paludisme” dans la région du Sahel

C'est dans ce cadre que se tient cette rencontre de Ouagadougou. Concrètement, l'atelier vise à promouvoir l'utilisation du tableau de bord de l'Initiative SAME pour le suivi des progrès vers l'élimination du paludisme. Il permettra également d'identifier les défis et les lacunes rencontrés par les pays membres dans la mise en œuvre des interventions, de développer des plans d'action conjoints pour renforcer la lutte transfrontalière, et de favoriser la mutualisation des bonnes pratiques ainsi que le partage d'expériences réussies dans la région du Sahel.

Le cas du pays hôte

Au Burkina Faso, le paludisme reste la première cause de consultation médicale. Selon les chiffres du ministère de la Santé, en 2024, la maladie a touché plus de 10 millions de Burkinabè, causant environ 3 500 décès, dont 2 200 enfants de moins de cinq ans. Une urgence sanitaire qui appelle à une mobilisation accrue.

Les États membres de l'alliance souhaitent travailler en synergie afin de mettre en place des politiques efficaces de lutte contre le paludisme

« Je voudrais rappeler que le paludisme demeure la première cause de morbidité et de mortalité dans notre pays et au-delà, dans toute la région du Sahel. Il était donc important que des initiatives soient mises en œuvre pour renforcer notre marche vers l'élimination du paludisme à l'horizon 2030. Cet atelier constitue une grande opportunité pour renforcer la collaboration régionale, mais aussi pour instaurer une redevabilité mutuelle accrue. Nous allons examiner ensemble les progrès réalisés, identifier les défis persistants et promouvoir une planification conjointe ainsi qu'un partage d'expériences entre pairs. Il sera aussi question des perspectives de financement. Tout cela doit déboucher sur l'élaboration d'étapes concertées pour obtenir de meilleurs résultats dans la lutte contre le paludisme au Sahel », a expliqué le ministre de la santé, Dr Robert Kargougou.

« Dans un Sahel en restructuration, la santé doit rester un pilier de stabilité et de résilience. La SAME, en intégrant les réalités de l'AES, peut et doit devenir un modèle de coopération régionale en matière de santé publique », a déclaré le Dr Robert Kargougou

Il a rappelé que le Burkina Faso a mis en place de nombreuses innovations pour éradiquer la maladie, notamment l'introduction du vaccin contre le paludisme chez les enfants, l'utilisation de moustiquaires de nouvelle génération, ainsi qu'un renforcement de la surveillance épidémiologique à travers de nouvelles méthodes.

« Nous ne vaincrons pas la maladie si nous ne nous engageons pas dans une véritable approche multisectorielle. Il faut mener des actions permettant d'assainir durablement notre cadre de vie. À titre d'exemple, au Burkina Faso, la brigade Laabal se déploie chaque jour pour veiller à la propreté des environnements. Les agents de santé à base communautaire jouent également un rôle crucial lors des campagnes de chimio-prévention du paludisme saisonnier, en éliminant les gîtes larvaires. Il est essentiel de renforcer cet aspect multisectoriel et de promouvoir davantage les initiatives liées à l'assainissement », a ajouté le ministre.

Certains pays présents à la rencontre mènent déjà des activités transfrontalières afin de renforcer l'efficacité de la lutte contre le paludisme

Le Cap-Vert, un pays exempt du paludisme

Dans son allocution, le représentant de l'ALMA, partenaire de l'initiative SaME, Samson Katikiti a déclaré :
« L'Afrique est au centre d'une tempête parfaite qui menace de perturber les services essentiels de lutte contre le paludisme. Cela inclut des déficits financiers critiques dans les programmes de lutte, liés à la crise économique actuelle, à l'impact du changement climatique, à la résistance croissante aux insecticides et aux médicaments, ainsi qu'aux crises humanitaires. Tous ces défis doivent être traités en urgence afin de prévenir une recrudescence du paludisme.

Nous ne sommes pas, à ce stade, sur la bonne voie pour atteindre nos objectifs ambitieux de l'Afrique que nous voulons, une Afrique sans paludisme. L'action et la responsabilité, tant au niveau régional que national, sont essentielles pour atteindre ces objectifs. ALMA s'engage à soutenir les ministres de la santé de la région dans le renforcement des mécanismes de redevabilité et d'action, afin de concrétiser les ambitions de l'initiative SaME. Nous attendons avec impatience les résultats de cette importante rencontre de deux jours.

Samson Katikiti a félicité les États pour les efforts en la matière

L'élimination du paludisme nécessite une action véritablement multisectorielle, impliquant les domaines de l'agriculture, de l'éducation, de l'environnement, des collectivités locales et des infrastructures. Nous avons besoin de votre plaidoyer pour renforcer les initiatives transfrontalières de lutte contre le paludisme, soutenir la mise en œuvre de plans conjoints et encourager le partage des leçons apprises ainsi que des meilleures pratiques », a-t-il conclu.

Le Cap-Vert, seul pays membre de cette alliance à avoir réussi à éradiquer le paludisme sur son territoire, a été félicité au cours de la rencontre. Les autres États du SAME ont profité de l'occasion pour s'inspirer de son expérience et envisager l'adaptation de sa stratégie dans leurs propres contextes nationaux.

Samirah Bationo
Lefaso.net

West Coast Adventure (WCA), association de passionnés de motos de grosses cylindrées au Burkina Faso, organise le 1er Tour motard du Burkina (TMB), du 8 au 15 novembre 2025. Pour dévoiler le contenu de cet évènement placé sous le parrainage du ministre de la communication, de la culture, des arts et du tourisme, et autour du thème « Tourisme, découverte, sécurité et résilience : le Faso en intégration et en mouvement », le comité d'organisation a animé une conférence de presse, le dimanche 2 novembre 2025 à Ouagadougou.

Pour cette première édition, tous les pays de la sous-région sous invités, et selon les organisateurs, à la date de la conférence de presse, nombreux ont déjà confirmé leur participation (Bénin, Côte d'Ivoire, Niger, Togo...), en plus des organisations sœurs du Burkina. “Nous sommes des ambassadeurs, parce que le motard n'a pas de frontière. (...). C'est une idée innovante, qui consiste à mettre notre passion de la moto au profit du développement culturel de notre pays et au profit de la promotion touristique dans notre pays.

De gauche vers la droite : Adama Ouédraogo, Alex Moussa Sawadogo et le président du comité d'organisation, Hassan Diarra.

Au-delà du simple aspect sportif et récréatif, le Tour motard du Burkina se veut un événement citoyen et fédérateur, porteur de messages de sécurité routière, de solidarité et de paix. Il s'agira donc pour nous, de montrer que la moto peut être un vecteur de développement, de mobilité responsable et de partage entre les peuples'', présentent les conférenciers, mettant ainsi en relief, les valeurs de brassage socio-culturel et d'esprit panafricaniste. Ils confient à ce sujet que, de sa création en 2018 à ce jour, ce sont 25 pays africains qui ont été parcourus, faisant de la vision de l'intégration sous-régionale par la moto, une réalité.

Fort de cet esprit, West Coast Adventure (WCA) tient chaque mois également, à l'endroit de ses membres, des sorties de découverte à l'intérieur ; ce qui permet à ceux-ci de découvrir le pays. L'organisation mène aussi des actions de civisme, tels que des sensibilisations sur la sécurité, des dons aux personnes vulnérables, des parrainages d'orphelinats, l'accompagnement à des initiatives publiques d'intérêt commun/actions citoyennes, etc.

Pour cette caravane, d'où il est attendu plus de 70 motards de plusieurs nationalités africaines, et en plus des découvertes des sites touristiques et des richesses culturelles, le TMB sera également des moments de sensibilisations, notamment sur la sécurité routière et bien d'autres préoccupations de l'heure. Cette édition prévoit également la remise de kits scolaires aux pupilles de la nation.
Ce sont au total, 2 000 kilomètres, répartis entre huit régions du pays, qui seront parcourus. Le gouverneur est le président de l'activité dans la région d'accueil tandis que la plus haute autorité coutumière, y assure le parrainage.

“Des escales se feront dans certaines grandes villes et zones rurales, avec des animations de points show (animations et village motard), camping motard et la sensibilisation sur la sécurité routière. Pour un ride de sept jours, nous parcourrons huit régions et plusieurs chefs-lieux de provinces. Dans chacune des régions traversées, un village motard (animations, sensibilisation et camping) sera prévu. Ces sites initialement identifiés serviront de points de rencontres pour les motards et les bénévoles ; également ces sites serviront aux entretiens et à la sécurité des engins. Ces villages motards serviront d'espaces d'animations culturelles, d'expositions et de vente de produits des partenaires et sponsors, de sites de communication et de donations. D'une région à une autre, ou d'une province à une autre, nous ferons par moment du Off Road (randonnées sur des pistes : Ndlr). (...). Dans chaque localité où nous allons marquer un arrêt, nous allons installer le village motard et faire don de kits scolaires aux pupilles de la nation. Nous allons profiter également pour faire de la sensibilisation sur la sécurité routière et un dépistage sur le VIH/SIDA, des expositions. Il y aura des rencontres avec les autorités locales, des animations, des visites touristiques », dévoile responsable à la communication du WCA, Alex Moussa Sawadogo.

L'édition du TMB prendra fin à Ouagadougou, par une grande rencontre des motards sur le terrain Newton de Ouagadougou, sis côté nord de l'échangeur de l'Est, selon le président du WCA, Adama Ouédraogo.

Le Tour motard du Burkina (TBM) se veut donc, réitère le président de WCA, Adama Ouédraogo, une activité de découverte et de promotion du tourisme interne au Burkina par la moto. De ce fait, il s'agira, d'aller à la découverte des merveilles du Burkina Faso. L'idée de l'évènement étant de contribuer à redorer l'image du Burkina à l'international, dans un contexte où le pays est victime d'une campagne de désinformation, justifient les conférenciers.

“A l'image du Tour cycliste du Faso, le TMB permettra aux motards burkinabè de l'extérieur comme de l'intérieur, aux motards étrangers, de mieux connaître le Burkina Faso. Ce tour est une occasion de découvrir les merveilles locales, les sites touristiques et d'informer les médias et internautes, que le pays existe et il y fait bon vivre”, a poursuivi Adama Ouédraogo, précisant qu'il s'agit, de façon spécifique, de booster au sein des motards, l'esprit de découverte par des randonnées dans tout le pays ; promouvoir les sites touristiques locaux, la culture et les mets du terroir ; sensibiliser les populations des villes et villages traversés sur le civisme en circulation et le port du casque ; apporter du soutien aux communautés et personnes vulnérables.

Lire aussi : Grande saison du tourisme interne : Le ministre Gilbert Ouédraogo invite les populations à aller à la découverte de leur pays

O.L
Lefaso.net

The 30th "Conference of the Parties" (COP30) to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) will take place from 6-21 November 2025 in Belém, Brazil. It will bring together world leaders, scientists, non-governmental organizations, and civil society to discuss priority actions to tackle climate change. COP30 will focus on the efforts needed to limit the global temperature increase to 1.5°C, the presentation of new national action plans (NDCs) and the progress on the finance pledges made at COP29.

By Gabriel Labbate
NAIROBI, Kenya, Nov 3 2025 (IPS)

A new global study has challenged a key assumption in climate planning: that the planet’s geological “carbon vault” is vast enough to hold all the carbon dioxide (CO₂) we might one day choose to bury underground after we remove it from the atmosphere. It isn’t.

After accounting for seismic zones, protected areas, and densely populated regions, researchers estimate that the prudent planetary limit for geological carbon storage is about 1,460 GtCO₂—still a significant amount, but a fraction of the 11,800 GtCO₂ often cited as “technical” potential.

That finding merits a rethink of any strategies that hinge on essentially limitless underground storage. It also strengthens the case for a diversified portfolio approach that utilizes every credible tool at our disposal, rather than placing too much reliance on a single bet.

We need to adopt a pragmatic approach to achieve both integrity and scale. For too long, the debate has been framed as “permanent” versus “non-permanent” climate solutions—as if the only climate value that counts is storage measured in centuries or millennia. Regardless of the geological storage available, that is a cardinal mistake. Climate risk unfolds across multiple time horizons; therefore, our response must also be multifaceted.

There is real value in decadal-scale reductions and storage. Lowering atmospheric CO₂ over the coming years reduces peak warming, a key driver most associated with triggering irreversible tipping points—from forest dieback to ice-sheet instability and shifts in ocean circulation.

Even if some carbon is later re-emitted, the avoided heat during those crucial decades buys time for technologies to scale, protects people and nature from compounding impacts, and lowers the probability of crossing dangerous thresholds.

Engineered removals and geologic storage may deliver ultra-long-lived storage, but, as this report shows, there is still much to be learned. At the same time, nature-based solutions—especially forests and other ecosystems—can deliver large, near-term emission reductions and removals while providing irreplaceable co-benefits: biodiversity, water security, community resilience, and livelihoods.

Both are essential. Pitting them against each other wastes time we do not have.

Uncertainty about the long-term stability of land carbon stocks does not mean all nature “will go up in smoke.” It means we need risk management, not exclusion. Take, for example, the permanence standard that was recently adopted for Article 6.4 of the Paris Agreement, which equates “negligible risk” with storage effectively guaranteed over a 100-year horizon.

Framed that way, most nature-based solutions are ruled out because uncertainties accumulate over time. The right test is whether systems deliver real, additional, and durable climate benefits over relevant timeframes—and whether risks are transparently accounted for and continually reduced.

Every financial advisor teaches the same lesson: diversify to manage risk and improve returns. Climate strategy is no different. No single approach—technological or nature-based—can deliver the speed, scale, and durability we need. The IPCC’s Sixth Assessment Report underscores that nature-based solutions, particularly forests, can cost-effectively close a substantial share of the near-term ambition gap—on the order of 4–6 GtCO₂ per year by 2030.

That is a vast climate asset if stewarded with integrity and social safeguards. It is also a necessary condition for the success of the Paris Agreement.

A portfolio approach matches tools to time horizons, hedges systemic risk, and multiplies co-benefits. Durable geologic storage should be prioritized for the hardest-to-abate residual missions and for genuinely permanent removal needs; and high-integrity natural climate solutions should be accelerated now for the heavy near-term lifting that lowers peak warming and keeps tipping points out of reach.

If any strand underperforms, the others continue delivering climate benefit. And by investing in nature, societies gain adaptation, biodiversity, and development dividends that pure storage cannot provide.

Policy must catch up to this reality. Integrity and oversight should be strengthened across all solutions so markets function with trust—robust baselines, conservative accounting, credible buffer pools, insurance against reversal risk, high-quality MRV, and clear liability rules.

Standards should move away from effectively impossible definitions of “negligible risk” and toward recognizing decadal climate value, requiring strong safeguards, and using diversified portfolios. Governments should incentivize innovation across the full spectrum of solutions rather than picking winners; technology-neutral frameworks that reward verified climate outcomes—and that recognize different but complementary durability profiles—will channel capital where it does the most good.

The science does not give us permission to wait for perfect solutions. It calls for an “everything, everywhere, all at once” approach—applied wisely. The new storage estimates should focus minds, not fuel fatalism. Scarcity is a guide to strategy: use geologic capacity where it delivers the greatest long-term value, and scale high-integrity nature-based and demand-side actions now to bend the curve this decade and reduce the chances of dangerous tipping points.

That is what a prudent, diversified climate portfolio looks like.

We will not solve a multidimensional crisis with one lever. We will solve it by pulling all credible levers at once, with integrity, urgency, and a bias for learning.

The toolbox is full. It’s time to use it.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

Just like every financial advisor teaches the same lesson: diversify to manage risk and improve returns. Climate strategy is no different. No single approach—technological or nature-based—can deliver the speed, scale, and durability we need, argues Gabriel Labbate, head of the Climate Mitigation Unit at the UN Environment Programme (UNEP)

Sally Ncube, Equality Now, addresses the Standing Committee of the SADC Parliamentary Forum (SADC PF). Credit: Equality Now

By Cecilia Russell
JOHANNESBURG, Nov 3 2025 (IPS)

Closing the chapter on child marriages is still a distant ambition in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, and despite great strides at developing and passing legislation to eradicate it, existing and emerging drivers are still at play, making youngsters vulnerable to the practice.

These were key messages from Equality Now at the Standing Committee Session of the SADC Parliamentary Forum (SADC-PF) held in Kempton Park, South Africa, from October 24 to November 1, with the theme of Enhancing the Role of Parliamentarians in Advocating for the Signing, Ratification, Accession, Domestication, and Implementation of SADC Protocols.

Equality Now, in partnership with SADC-PF, launched two policy briefs—Protection measures for children already in marriage in Eastern and Southern Africa and Addressing emerging drivers of child marriages in Eastern and Southern Africa—for Parliamentarians’ consideration during a session aimed at sensitizing and increasing their knowledge on child marriage legislation and trends.

SADC countries adopted the Model Law on Eradicating Child Marriage and Protecting Children in Marriage in 2016; however, its domestication is uneven, children already in marriages need protection, and emergent drivers of child marriage need to be factored into the legal frameworks and policies.

Equality Now’s Divya Srinivasan addresses the Standing Committee of the SADC Parliamentary Forum (SADC PF). Credit: Equality Now

Equality Now’s Divya Srinivasan elaborated on the context of the domestication of the SADC model law on child marriage, noting that seven out of 16 countries (or about 45 percent) set the minimum age of 18 without exceptions. Five out of the 16 SADC countries set the age of 18 with some exceptions, with, for example, Botswana specifically excluding customary and religious marriages from the protection.

“Four countries, or around 25 percent, including Eswatini, Lesotho, South Africa, and Tanzania, provide for the minimum age of between 15 and 18. In these countries, the minimum age of marriage is different for boys and girls, with boys invariably having a higher age limit. In addition to these differences, all four countries allow for traditional and parental consent to lower the age of marriage,” Srinivasan noted.

Bevis Kapaso from Plan International said that since 2016, child marriage has dropped by 5 percentage points, going from 40 percent of all marriages to 35 percent in 2025, making it unlikely that the region will achieve SDG target 5.3, which aims to “eliminate all harmful practices, such as child marriage, early and forced marriage, and female genital mutilation” by 2030.

Most concerning was that the decrease was mainly urban, with the practice remaining fairly entrenched in rural areas.

This meant that children in marriages should be protected, and parliamentarians sensitized the drivers that were halting progress toward ending the practice.

Lawmakers should strive to ensure that married children have the right to void their marriages, retain their rights, access the property acquired during marriage, and not have their citizenship revoked, said Nkatha Murungi, an Equality Now Consultant.

“Children (in these circumstances) often end up stateless,” she said. While child marriage was a “symptom and a driver of entrenched inequality, poverty, and rights violations,” parliamentarians had a role to play in ensuring immediate, targeted measures to protect and empower children already in marriage, including the right to custody of their offspring and access to sexual and reproductive services.

Nkatha Murungi, an Equality Now Consultant, addresses the Standing Committee of the SADC Parliamentary Forum (SADC PF). Credit: Equality Now

Murungi suggested that lawmakers should also become aware of emerging issues, such as climate change. She said that after the 2019 floods in Malawi, which affected more than 868,900 people and displaced 86,980 individuals, child marriage spiked. Parliamentarians, according to Equality Now, should integrate child marriage prevention into national climate change adaptation and disaster risk management strategies.

It also suggested a gender-sensitive approach to economic empowerment by “supporting climate-resilient economic opportunities and programs for women and girls in affected communities.”

Other concerning emergent and persistent drivers include conflict and insecurity and increased migration and displacement, which often remove children from protective oversight while persistent poverty and inequality drive children into marriage.

The policy brief also warned about the rapid growth of technology, which, “while enabling advocacy and awareness, also facilitates misinformation that normalizes harmful practices, including child marriage.”

Sylvia Elizabeth Lucas, a South African parliamentarian and Vice President of the SADC parliamentary forum, on the sidelines of the meeting, stated that protecting children is non-negotiable; she emphasized that practical legislation and implementation, guided by the “spirit of ubuntu” (compassion and humanity), can effectively protect girl children.

On the sidelines of the meeting, Murungi elaborated that it was important to look at why the traditional approaches were not resulting in the ending of child marriages. Poverty has always been considered a driver, but traditional efforts to end child marriage have not benefited those living in poverty. Education was key to empowerment, not only for keeping children in school and out of marriage but also for giving them options for their futures.

The forum was reminded that it was imperative that the SADC Model Law be updated in their countries to reflect some of these emerging drivers.

“It is also necessary for Parliament and the Executive at the national level to work together to promote anti-child marriage policies and laws and ensure that targeted policy responses fill all prevailing gaps,” the policy brief on emergent drivers concluded.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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The Amazon River in Brazil. Credit: Jhampier Giron M
 
The 30th "Conference of the Parties" (COP30) to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) will take place from 6-21 November 2025 in Belém, Brazil. It will bring together world leaders, scientists, non-governmental organizations, and civil society to discuss priority actions to tackle climate change. COP30 will focus on the efforts needed to limit the global temperature increase to 1.5°C, the presentation of new national action plans (NDCs) and the progress on the finance pledges made at COP29.

By Keith Tuffley
VILLARS, Switzerland, Nov 3 2025 (IPS)

As the world prepares for COP30 in Belém, all eyes are on Brazil’s proposed Tropical Forests Forever Facility (TFFF)—a bold plan to reward countries for keeping forests standing. It represents a vital part of the long-term vision we need for global forest protection.

But while TFFF builds the architecture for the decades ahead, a proven solution is already delivering results today through large-scale forest protection programs—initiatives that link public policy, community leadership and carbon finance.

Known as jurisdictional REDD+ (JREDD+), these programmes are designed to mobilize finance now, where it matters most.

The world doesn’t have time to wait. Forests are disappearing at the rate of 10 million hectares a year. To stay on track for 1.5°C, UNEP estimates that tropical regions need $66.8 billion in annual investment in forests by 2030. The good news is that the framework to mobilize that capital is already in motion through the Forest Finance Roadmap and a portfolio approach that aligns multiple, complementary tools—including TFFF, JREDD+, and restoration finance.

The roadmap is clear—and it’s already working

The Forest Finance Roadmap, launched by 34 governments and partners under the Forest Climate Leaders Partnership, provides a practical framework for aligning policy, capital and accountability. It recognizes that no single mechanism can close the gap: we need a suite of solutions that reward both reduced deforestation and long-term forest maintenance.

That portfolio already exists in Brazil. The federal government’s commitment to launch TFFF demonstrates long-term ambition. Meanwhile, states such as Tocantins, Pará and Piauí—among others—are advancing JREDD+ programmes that can channel private finance directly to communities, Indigenous peoples and smallholder farmers—with independent monitoring, benefit-sharing, and verified results under the ART-TREES standard. Tocantins alone covers 27 million hectares across the Amazon and Cerrado, one of the most biodiverse yet threatened regions on Earth.

Why JREDD+ matters now

JREDD+ is a state- or nation-wide approach that rewards verified reductions in deforestation. It links finance directly to government policy and land-use planning, helping entire regions shift from deforestation to sustainable production. Crucially, it also ensures transparency, permanence and equity: credits are issued only after independent verification, and benefits are shared with local communities through Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) processes.

In practice, JREDD+ allows public and private capital to flow into credible, measurable results—the kind of results that investors, regulators, and communities can trust. It also provides the connective tissue between policies like the EU Deforestation Regulation and the voluntary carbon market, helping companies meet emerging disclosure requirements under TNFD and SBTN while supporting real-world impact.

Complementary, not competing

It’s tempting to frame TFFF and JREDD+ as alternatives. In reality, they are complementary—two sides of the same forest finance coin. TFFF will reward nations for maintaining low deforestation rates, creating long-term incentives for forest-rich countries. JREDD+, on the other hand, generates near-term performance-based finance for verified emissions reductions. Together, they form the backbone of the Forest Finance Roadmap’s portfolio approach: one tool builds long-term durability, and the other creates immediate impact.

This complementarity is already visible on the ground. In Tocantins, upfront investment from Silvania, the nature finance platform backed by Mercuria, has helped establish the state’s environmental intelligence center (CIGMA), enabling real-time deforestation tracking, and supported more than 40 consultations with Indigenous and traditional communities. These investments are already helping reduce deforestation pressures and build the systems that will sustain long-term forest protection—exactly the kind of early action TFFF will later reward.

From promises to performance

As COP30 approaches, the conversation about forests must shift from ambition to execution. Brazil’s leadership—from national policy to state implementation—is already delivering a blueprint for others to follow. We have the plan. We have the proof of concept. What’s needed is action—to channel capital into JREDD+ now, while supporting the long-term vision of TFFF. Together, these approaches can close much of the forest finance gap by 2030 and anchor a new era of durable, high-integrity nature finance.

The world will gather in Belém to discuss the future of the Amazon. But the real test is what happens after. Whether COP30 is remembered as a turning point or a missed opportunity depends on how quickly we act on the solutions already in our hands

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

As COP30 approaches, the conversation about forests must shift from ambition to execution. Brazil’s leadership—from national policy to state implementation—is already delivering a blueprint for others to follow. We have the plan. We have the proof of concept. What’s needed is action, argues Keith Tuffley who was Partner at Goldman Sachs Australia, Managing Director at UBS, and CEO of The B Team. He is current CEO of Race to Belém

In Pakistan, journalism is a risky profession—and the danger only intensifies if you’re a woman, young, and a freelancer, says 30-year-old Saba Chaudhry, a journalist from a village near Narowal, in Punjab province. “You have to be careful about what you write and who might read it—you can become the target of a malicious campaign […]

Parliamentarians from the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA) and the Forum of Arab Parliamentarians on Population and Development (FAPPD) met in Cairo. Credit: APDA

By Hisham Allam
CAIRO, Nov 3 2025 (IPS)

Inclusive legislation, empowered youth, and anti-violence policies are inseparable aspects of sustainable development and were the key messages at a conference of the Inter-Regional Meeting of Asian and Arab Parliamentarians on Population and Development held in Cairo on October 24, 2025.

The forum spotlighted urgent regional collaboration on sexual and reproductive health, youth inclusion, gender-based violence, and sustainable development. The gathering underlined the pressing need for legislative reform and multi-sector engagement to tackle complex social challenges amid shifting demographics and development imperatives.

The meeting, jointly organized by the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA) and the Forum of Arab Parliamentarians on Population and Development (FAPPD), with close collaboration from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), with the support of the Japan Trust Fund (JTF) and International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), convened a high-profile roster of leaders and experts.

Key figures included Dr. Abdel Hadi al-Qasby, member of the Egyptian Senate and chair of the meeting; Dr. Mohamed Al-Samadi, Secretary General of the FAPPD; Professor Takemi Keizo, former Japanese Health Minister and Chair of APDA; and Dominic Allen, Deputy Regional Director for UNFPA Arab States Office.

Sessions homed in on strengthening sexual and reproductive health (SRH) as a cornerstone of social and economic progress, with UNFPA’s Dr. Hala Youssef highlighting SRH’s role in boosting productivity and well-being.

“Healthy individuals contribute to a more productive economy,” she said. The forum candidly addressed the region’s demographic challenges, barriers in access to care, and declining donor funding that threaten gains in maternal health and family planning.

Youth empowerment emerged as a strategic priority throughout the forum, with policymakers acknowledging that the region’s overwhelming majority under 30 must be engaged as active partners in shaping their future, rather than passive recipients of policy decisions.

Dr. Rida Shibli, former member of the Jordanian Senate, underscored this shift in mindset, stating, “Youth are partners, not just beneficiaries,” and advocating for structured, inclusive platforms that effectively empower young people to influence policy.

Tunisia’s progressive reforms—featuring the establishment of youth councils and vocational training programs—were highlighted as leading examples of meaningful youth engagement fostering both opportunity and participation.

The forum’s candid discussion on gender-based violence (GBV) underscored its pressing public health implications.

Mohamed Abou Nar, Chief Programs and Impact Officer at Pathfinder International, warned that despite the existence of comprehensive legal protections, enforcement remains inconsistent and inadequate.

He declared, “GBV is a public health emergency,” emphasizing the need to implement survivor-centered health services and legal reforms grounded in robust community involvement and multisectoral collaboration.

Hibo Ali Houssein, MP from Djibouti, reflected on the tension between progressive laws and enduring cultural norms that limit justice access for GBV survivors, while Bahrain’s Dr. Mohammed Ali called for legislative alignment to optimize private sector contributions, stating, “The private sector must provide capital, spark innovation, and create jobs within frameworks mandating sustainability.”

Country-specific achievements illustrated the forum’s depth. Cambodia is swiftly moving towards graduating from Least Developed Country status by 2027, with economic and regional partnerships propelling its long path to upper-middle-income status.

MP Chandara Khut stated plainly, “Peace has brought stability, which in turn nurtures development and growth.”

Sarah Elago, the representative from the Philippines, made a clear call on funding for adolescent pregnancy and maternal health, stating that “development is measured by dignity, equality, well-being, and everyday experiences of women, youth, and the people—not merely by numbers.”

The delegates called on parliamentarians, governments, and partners to convert dialogue into concrete action, emphasizing transparency, accountability, and regional solidarity as key drivers toward shared goals.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Amitabh Behar speaks to IPS at ICSW2025 in Bangkok, Thailand. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

By Zofeen Ebrahim
BANGKOK, Nov 2 2025 (IPS)

Speaking to IPS on the sidelines of the International Civil Society Week in Bangkok (November 1–5), Amitabh Behar, Executive Director of Oxfam International and a passionate human rights advocate, highlighted his concerns about rising inequality, growing authoritarianism, and the misuse of AI and surveillance. Yet, he expressed optimism that, even as civic spaces shrink, young people across Asia are driving meaningful change. He also shared his vision of a just society—one where power is shared, and grassroots movements lead the way.

Excerpts from the interview:

IPS: What does civil society (CS) mean to you personally in today’s global context?

Behar: In an age of grotesque and rising global inequality, civil society is ordinary people challenging elites and the governments that are elected to serve them. It’s the engine that keeps democracy from being just a mere formality that happens at a ballot box every four years.

IPS: What was the role of CS society in the past? How has it evolved? How do you see it in the next decade?

Behar: During Asia’s economic miracle, governments invested in public services while civil society worked alongside unions to defend workers’ rights and speak up for communities. Today, with austerity and rising authoritarianism around the world, civil society is stepping in where governments should be but are currently failing. It runs food banks, builds local support networks, and defends citizens and workers even as basic freedoms and the right to protest are increasingly under attack.

IPS: What do you see as the greatest challenge facing CS today?

Behar: A tiny elite not only controls politics, media, and resources but also dominates decisions in capitals around the world and rigs economic policies in their favor. Rising inequality, debt crises, and climate disasters make survival even harder for ordinary people, while repressive governments actively silence their voices.

IPS: What’s the most significant challenge activists face when it comes to democracy, human rights or inclusion? 

Behar: Authoritarian governments crush dissent and protests with laws, surveillance, and intimidation. AI and digital tools are now being weaponized to track and target and illegally detain protestors, deepen inequality, and accelerate climate breakdown, all while activists risk everything to defend democracy and human rights.

IPS: How can civil society remain resilient in the face of shrinking civic spaces or restrictive laws?

Behar: From protests in Kathmandu to Jakarta, from Dili to Manila, one encouraging theme is emerging: the courage, inspiration, and defiance of young people. Gen Z-led movements, community networks, and grassroots campaigns are winning real change, raising wages, defending workers’ rights, improving services, and forcing action on climate disasters. Despite the immense odds, we will not be silenced. This is our Arab Spring.

IPS: Can you give examples from recent days that indicate that the work of CS is making a difference? Has the outcome been (good or bad) surprising?

Behar: In cities across Asia, Gen Z-led protests are winning higher wages, defending workers’ rights, and forcing local authorities to respond to youth unemployment and climate threats.

IPS: In your experience, what makes partnerships between civil society actors most effective?

Behar: Partnerships work when civil society groups trust each other and put the people most affected at the center. When local networks, youth groups, and volunteers coordinate around community leadership, as in cyclone responses in Bangladesh, for example, decisions are faster, resources reach the right people, and the work actually makes a difference.

IPS: How can civil society collaborate with the government and the private sector without losing its independence?

Behar: Civil society can work with governments and businesses strategically when it genuinely strengthens people’s rights rather than erodes them. But the moment politicians or corporations try to co-opt, stage manage or greenwash their work, civil society can be compromised. Real change only happens when communities set the priorities, not politicians or CEOs.

IPS: What are the biggest strategic choices CSOs need to make now in this shrinking civic space or rising pushback?

Behar: When governments erode rights across the board, from reproductive freedom to climate action, to the right to protest, civil society can’t just stay on the back foot. It must fight strategically, defending civic space, backing grassroots movements, and focusing power, time, and resources where they matter most. The core struggle is inequality, the root of nearly every form of injustice. Striking at it directly is the most strategic way to advance justice across the board.

IPS: In your view, what kinds of alliances (across sectors or geographies) matter most for expanding citizen action in the coming years?

Behar: The alliances that matter are the ones that actually shift power and resources away from the elites. Young people, women, Indigenous communities, and workers linking across countries show governments and corporations they can’t ignore them. When those on the frontlines connect with the wider world, people’s movements stop being small and start changing the rules for everyone.

IPS: How can the marginalized voices be genuinely included in collective action?

Behar: Marginalized voices aren’t there to tick a box or make up the numbers. At spaces like COP in Brazil this year, they should be calling the shots. Indigenous people, women, and frontline communities live through the consequences of rampant inequality every day in every way conceivable. It’s time we pull them up a chair at the table and let them drive the decisions that affect their lives.

IPS: Are emerging technologies or digital tools shaping the work of CS? How? Please mention both opportunities and risks.

Behar: Across Asia, Gen-Z activists are leading protests against inequality and youth unemployment, using digital tools to mobilize, amplify, and organize. But AI and intrusive surveillance now track every post and monitor every march, giving governments even greater powers to violently clamp down on civil society.

IPS: How do you balance optimism and realism when facing today’s social and political challenges?

Behar: I’m optimistic because I see ordinary people, especially young people, refusing to accept injustice. They’re striking, protesting, and building communities that protect each other. But we have to be realistic about the challenge, too. Obscene levels of inequality, worsening climate disasters, and repressive governments make change hard. Yet, time and again, when people rise together, they start to bend the rules in their favor and force the powerful to act.

IPS: What advice would you give to young activists entering this space?

Behar: Keep your fire but pace yourself. Fighting for justice is exhausting, and the challenges can feel endless. Look after your mental health, lean on your community, and celebrate the small wins that can keep you energized for the next challenge. The fight is long, and staying strong, rested, and connected is how you’ll keep on making a difference.

IPS: If you could summarize your vision for a just and inclusive society in one sentence, what would it be?

Behar: A just and inclusive society is one where the powerful can’t rig the rules, the most vulnerable set the agenda, and fairness runs through every policy.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Sônia Guajajara, Brazil's minister for Indigenous peoples, addresses an official Pre-COP Opening Ceremony. Credit: Rafa Neddermeyer/COP30 Brasil Amazônia

By Tanka Dhakal
BLOOMINGTON, USA, Nov 2 2025 (IPS)

Strengthening Indigenous land rights will protect more forest in Brazil’s Amazon and avoid large amounts of carbon emission, according to new research released ahead of COP30.

An analysis by the Environmental Defense Fund (EDF) finds Indigenous lands and protected areas are key in solving deforestation; without them, Brazilian Amazon forest loss would be 35 percent higher. This would result in nearly 45 percent higher carbon emissions.

At a time when the Amazon forest is constantly losing its forest cover and an irreversible tipping point, the report says, “placing more forests under Indigenous or government protection would prevent up to an additional 20 percent of deforestation and 26 percent of carbon emissions by 2030.”

The analysis, “The Importance of Protected Areas in Reducing Deforestation in the Legal Amazon,” also finds that current protected areas—indigenous lands and conservation units will prevent an estimated total of 4.3 million hectares of deforestation between 2022 and 2030 in the nine Brazilian states. The impact would mean that 2.1 GtCO₂e (gigatons of carbon dioxide equivalent) will be avoided—more than the annual carbon emissions of Russia, or approximately 5.6 percent of the world’s annual emissions.

Approximately 63.4 million hectares of Brazilian Amazon forests remain unprotected, and should this land be designated as Indigenous lands or protected, the loss of forest due to land grabbing, cattle ranching, soy farming or other destructive activities could be avoided.

“The Amazon, as all the climate scientists now clearly agree, is approaching a tipping point, which, if it passes, will mean that a large part of the ecosystem will unravel and transform from forest into scrub Savannah,” said Steve Schwartzman, Associate Vice President for Tropical Forests at EDF.

“How close we are to the tipping point is not clear, but it’s very clear that deforestation needs to stop and we need to begin restoring the areas that have been deforested.”

He says that the future of the already struggling world’s largest rainforest—the Amazon—depends on protecting this vast area of Indigenous territories, protected areas, and Quilombola territories.

“As delegates gather for COP30, it’s critical that they’re armed with evidence that points to the most effective solutions,” he added.

Belém, a Brazilian city in the Amazon region, is hosting the annual UN climate talks from November 10-21.

The research shows that lands managed by Indigenous Peoples have lower deforestation rates and store significantly more carbon than other areas. Between 1985 and 2020, 90 percent of Amazon deforestation occurred outside of Indigenous lands, with just 1.2 percent of native vegetation lost over that period.

The Amazon territories managed by Indigenous communities with recognized land rights have stored far more carbon than they have emitted. Between 2001 and 2021, they released around 120 million metric tons of carbon (CO₂) annually while removing 460 million metric tons.

The nine states of Legal Amazon-Acre, Amapá, Amazonas, Mato Grosso, Maranhão, Pará, Rondônia, Roraima and Tocantins-contain approximately 60% of the entire Amazon rainforest, which spans eight South American countries. Of the region’s total area of 510 million hectares, in 2022, around 393 million hectares would be covered by native vegetation in the Amazon, Cerrado, and Pantanal biomes. By the end of 2021, the region had deforested 112.5 million hectares.

“Protected areas in the Brazilian Legal Amazon are critical for the preservation of native vegetation, carbon stocks, biodiversity, the provision of ecosystem services and the livelihoods of indigenous people and local communities. Our model captures that protected areas avoid deforestation inside their boundaries and beyond due to spatial interactions across the landscape,” said Breno Pietracci, an environmental economist consultant and lead report researcher.

As countries prepare to present their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) at COP30, Indigenous Peoples in Brazil have pushed for governments to include the recognition of Indigenous lands, support Indigenous-led climate solutions, and greater legal protections for Indigenous lands in their plans.

“We think that it is not possible to protect the Amazon, where we have Quilombola people and Afro-descendant people, without recognizing their rights in terms of climate negotiations at the UN,” said Denildo “Bico” Rodrigues de Moraes, executive coordinator of the National Coordination of Black Rural Quilombola Communities (CONAQ). “It is very important for us to be recognized, for this to be recognized in the climate negotiations at the UN.”

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Excerpt:

Research shows that lands managed by Indigenous Peoples have lower deforestation rates and store significantly more carbon than other areas.

The launch of the billion-dollar site sees fresh calls for the return of antiquities held in museums overseas.

Secretary General of CIVICUS, Mandeep Tiwana, at International Civil Society Week 2025. Credit: Civicus

By Zofeen Ebrahim
BANGKOK, Nov 1 2025 (IPS)

It is a bleak global moment—with civil society actors battling assassinations, imprisonment, fabricated charges, and funding cuts to pro-democracy movements in a world gripped by inequality, climate chaos, and rising authoritarianism. Yet, the mood at Bangkok’s Thammasat University was anything but defeated.

Once the site of the 1976 massacre, where pro-democracy students were brutally crushed, the campus—a “hallowed ground” for civil society actors—echoed with renewed voices calling for defending democracy in what Secretary General of CIVICUS, Mandeep Tiwana, described as a “topsy-turvy world” with rising authoritarianism—a poignant reminder that even in places scarred by repression, the struggle for civic space endures.

“Let it resonate,” said Ichal Supriadi, Secretary General, Asian Democracy Network. “Democracy must be defended together,” adding that it was the “shared strength” that confronts authoritarianism.

Despite the hopeful spirit at Thammasat University, where the International Civil Society Week (ICSW) is underway, the conversations often turned to sobering realities. Dr. Gothom Arya of the Asian Cultural Forum on Development and the Peace and Culture Foundation reminded participants that civic freedoms are being curtailed across much of the world.

Citing alarming figures, he spoke bluntly of the global imbalance in priorities—noting how military expenditure continues to soar even as civic space shrinks. He pointedly referred to the United States’ Ministry of Defense as the “Ministry of War,” comparing its USD 968 billion military budget with China’s USD 3 billion and noting that spending on the war in Ukraine had increased tenfold in just three years—a stark illustration of global priorities. “This is where we are with respect to peace and war,” he said gloomily.

Ichal Supriadi, Secretary General, Asian Democracy Network. Credit: Civicus

At another session, similar reflections set the tone for a broader critique of global power dynamics. Walden Bello, a former senator and peace activist from the Philippines, argued that the United States—especially under the Trump administration—had abandoned even the pretense of a free-market system, replacing it with what he called “overt monopolistic hegemony.” American imperialism, he said, “graduated away from camouflage attempts and is now unapologetic in demanding that the world bend to its wishes.”

Dr. Gothom Arya of the Asian Cultural Forum on Development and the Peace and Culture Foundation. Credit: Civicus

Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy, a Pakistani physicist and author, echoed the sentiment, expressing outrage at his own country’s leadership. He condemned Pakistan’s decision to nominate a “psychopath, habitual liar, and aggressive warmonger” for the Nobel Peace Prize, saying that the leadership had “no right to barter away minerals and rare earth materials to an American dictator” without public consent.

Hoodbhoy urged the international community to intervene and restart peace talks between Pakistan and India—two nuclear-armed neighbors perpetually teetering on the edge of renewed conflict.

But at no point during the day did the focus shift away from the ongoing humanitarian crises. Arya reminded the audience of the tragic loss of civilian lives in Gaza, the devastating fighting in Sudan that had led to widespread malnutrition, and the global inequality worsened by climate inaction. “Because some big countries refused to follow the Paris Agreement ten years ago,” he warned, “the rest of the world will suffer the consequences.”

That grim reality was brought into even sharper relief by Dr. Mustafa Barghouthi, a Palestinian physician and politician, who delivered a harrowing account of Gaza’s devastation. He said that through the use of  American-supplied weapons, Israel had killed an estimated 12 percent of Gaza’s population, destroyed every hospital and university, and left nearly 10,000 bodies buried beneath the rubble.

“Even as these crises unfolded across the world, the conference demonstrated that civil society continues to persevere, as nearly 1,000 people from more than 75 organizations overcame travel bans and visa hurdles to gather at Thammasat University, sharing strategies, solidarity, and hope through over 120 sessions.

Among them was a delegation whose presence carried the weight of an entire nation’s silenced hopes—Hamrah, believed to be the only Afghan civil society group at ICSW.

“Our participation is important at a time when much of the world has turned its gaze away from Afghanistan,” Timor Sharan, co-founder and programme director of the HAMRAH Initiative, told IPS.

“It is vital to remind the global community that Afghan civil society has not disappeared; it’s fighting and holding the line.”

Through networks like HAMRAH, he said, activists, educators, and defenders have continued secret and online schools, documented abuses, and amplified those silenced under the Taliban rule. “Our presence here is both a statement of resilience and a call for solidarity.”

“Visibility matters,” pointed out Riska Carolina, an Indonesian woman and LGBTIQ+ rights advocate working with ASEAN SOGIE Caucus (ASC). “What’s even more powerful is being visible together.”

“It was special because it brought together movements—Dalit, Indigenous, feminist, disability, and queer—that rarely share the same space, creating room for intersectional democracy to take shape,” said Carolina, whose work focuses on regional advocacy for LGBTQIA+ rights within Southeast Asia’s political and human rights frameworks, especially the ASEAN system, which she said has historically been “slow to recognize issues of sexuality and gender diversity.”

“We work to make sure that SOGIESC (Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity and Expression, and Sex Characteristics) inclusion is not just seen as a niche issue, but as a core part of democracy, governance, and human rights. That means engaging governments, civil society, and regional bodies to ensure queer people’s participation, safety, and dignity is part of how we measure democratic progress.”

She said the ICSW provided ASC with a chance to make “visible” the connection between civic space, democracy, and queer liberation and to remind people that democracy is not only about elections but also about “who is able to live freely and who remains silenced by law or stigma.”

Away from the main sessions, civil society leaders gathered for a candid huddle—part reflection, part reckoning—to examine their role in an era when their space to act was shrinking.

“The dialogue surfaced some tough but necessary questions,” he said. They asked themselves: ‘Have we grasped the full scale of the challenges we face?’ ‘Are our responses strong enough?’ ‘Are we expecting anti-rights forces to respect our rules and values?’ ‘Are we reacting instead of setting the agenda? And are we allies—or accomplices—of those risking everything for justice?’

But if there was one thing crystal clear to everyone present, it was that civil society must stand united, not fragmented, to defend democracy.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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A 12-year-old tells the BBC that in the chaos he lost contact with his family and is now on his own at a camp.

Crops growing at farmers’ cooperative, Baidoa, Southwest State, Somalia. Credit: FAO / Arete / Mahad Saed Dirie

By George Conway and Stefanos Fotiou
MOGADISHU / ROME, Oct 31 2025 (IPS)

Food has always been political. It decides whether families thrive or fall into poverty, whether young people see a future of opportunity or despair, whether communities feel included or pushed aside. Food is also a basic human right – one recognized in international law but too often unrealized in practice. Guaranteeing that right requires viewing food not as a form of emergency relief, but as the cornerstone of sustainable social development.

Despite this, food systems rarely feature in discussions of social policy, even though they underpin the same goals world leaders will take up at the World Social Summit in Doha this November: eradicating poverty, securing decent work, and advancing inclusion.

 

Food as social infrastructure

Food is often treated as a humanitarian issue, a matter for relief in times of drought or war. But look closer, and it is the ultimate social policy.

Food systems mirror our societies – where women bear the greatest burden of unpaid work, where child labour denies children education, and where Indigenous and marginalized communities are excluded

Food systems sustain half the world’s population – around 3.8 billion people – through farming, processing, transport, and retail, most of it informal and rural. They determine how families spend their income, who can afford a healthy diet, who learns and thrives in school, and who is left behind. Food systems mirror our societies – where women bear the greatest burden of unpaid work, where child labour denies children education, and where Indigenous and marginalized communities are excluded.

Seen through this lens, food is social infrastructure: the invisible system that underpins poverty reduction, livelihoods, and inclusion. When it functions, societies grow more equal and resilient. When it falters, inequality and exclusion deepen.

 

Pathways out of poverty

Across low-income countries, agriculture and food processing remain the single largest source of livelihoods. National food systems transformations are showing that targeted investments here can have outsized effects on poverty reduction.

In Rwanda, investment in farmer cooperatives and value chains has enabled smallholders to capture more of the value of their crops, lifting entire communities. In Brazil, school feeding programs that source from family farmers have created stable markets for the rural poor while improving child nutrition.

And in Somalia, the work of the UN Food Systems Coordination Hub with the Resident Coordinator’s Office and national partners is helping to strengthen pastoralist value chains and improve access to markets. By connecting local producers with regional buyers and embedding resilience into social protection systems, Somalia is charting a path out of chronic vulnerability toward sustainable livelihoods.

This approach combines food systems transformation with climate-smart social protection – linking producers and markets with safety nets that improve nutrition, boost inclusion, and attract investment. It is a model built on social and economic partnerships between government, civil society, and the UN, and is designed for lasting impact.

These examples highlight a simple truth: inclusive, resilient, and sustainable food systems can be among the most powerful anti-poverty tools available.

 

Work that is productive – and dignified

Food systems already employ one in three workers worldwide. But too many of these jobs are precarious, low-paid, and unsafe. The transformation now underway is beginning to change that.

Digital and market innovations are linking small producers to buyers directly, bypassing exploitative middlemen. Climate-resilient practices are reducing the boom-and-bust cycles that devastate rural incomes.

In Somalia, where livelihoods are often informal and climate shocks are frequent, strengthening food systems can expand opportunity and stability. By linking pastoralist value chains to markets and building skills for youth in food production and trade, food systems can turn subsistence into sustainable, resilient futures.

This shift matters: food systems can and must become a primary engine of decent, dignified employment in the global economy – particularly for women and youth.

 

Food as inclusion

Food is also identity and belonging. Policies that make nutritious diets affordable, protect Indigenous knowledge, and integrate marginalized producers into value chains are acts of social inclusion. In many countries, universal school meal programs have emerged as one of the most powerful equalizers. They reduce child hunger, keep girls in school, and support local farmers. A single meal can nourish, educate, and empower all at once.

Another powerful tool for inclusion, resilience, and sustainability are the social safety nets designed to enable smallholder producers to shift towards more nutrition-sensitive and climate-smart production. Thanks to support from the UN system – directed through the Food Systems Window of the Joint SDG Fund, jointly coordinated by the UN Food Systems Coordination Hub and the Fund Secretariat – Somalia is strengthening its delivery of basic social services by linking Early Warning Systems to the Unified Social Registry, and accompanying its cash transfers with livelihood graduation pathways involving microinsurance companies. This effectively transforms producers from beneficiaries into agents of change.

However, to be impactful, at scale, and long-lasting, food system interventions must be guided by strong political vision and coordinated through inclusive governance – bringing women, youth, and marginalized groups into decision-making. When communities most affected by policies help shape them, the results are more effective and more enduring.

In Somalia, the Council on Food, Climate Change, and Nutrition is taking shape thanks to the Joint SDG Fund Programme and the leadership of the Office of the Resident Coordinator, FAO, and WFP. Hosted under the Office of the Prime Minister and steered jointly by the OPM and the Ministry of Agriculture, the Council will bring together 11 ministries and oversee the implementation of the Somali National Pathway.

 

The case for Doha

Why does this matter for the World Social Summit? Because food systems provide a bridge across its three pillars. They are a direct lever for eradicating poverty, creating decent work, and advancing inclusion – in practice, not just in principle.

Yet food often remains on the margins of social policy. Ministries of labor and finance overlook it. Social protection debates focus on cash transfers and safety nets, rarely on food systems, markets, or rural cooperatives. The Doha Summit is the moment to change this.

Leaders should recognize food systems as core social infrastructure – as important as schools, hospitals, and roads. This means embedding food in national social policies, scaling financing for inclusive programs, and protecting food from the cycle of neglect that follows each crisis.

 

A new way of thinking

What if we reimagined the role of food in social policy? Instead of responding to food crises as humanitarian emergencies, we could invest in food systems as the foundation of long-term social development.

Progress should be measured not only by GDP or employment rates, but by whether every child eats a healthy meal each day, whether rural youth see farming as a path to prosperity, and whether no mother has to choose between buying medicine or buying bread – feeding her family today or tomorrow.

That is the lens the World Social Summit needs. Because poverty, unemployment, and exclusion are experienced daily through empty plates, insecure jobs, and the quiet despair of being shut out of opportunity.

 

The way forward

Food systems are already delivering – in farmers’ cooperatives, women- and youth-led businesses, and in national efforts like Somalia’s to link food transformation with social protection and employment. But they remain under-recognized in the social development agenda.

Doha offers the chance to correct that. If leaders are serious about eradicating poverty, creating decent work, and advancing inclusion, they should start with food. It is the system that connects households to hope, work to dignity, and communities to resilience.

 

George Conway, UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator, and Deputy Special Representative to the UN Secretary General, Somalia 

Stefanos Fotiou, Director of the Office of Sustainable Development Goals at the Food and Agriculture Organization, and Director of the UN Food Systems Coordination Hub

Az NKFIH NCP csapata abban nyújt útmutatást kutatásmenedzserek részére, hogyan tudják támogatni intézményük kutatóit a pályázati rendszerben való eligazodásban, konzorciumi partnerkeresésben. A webináriumra elsősorban a Horizont Európa programban kezdő kutatásmenedzsereket várjuk.

Mandeep Tiwana, Secretary General, CIVICUS Global Alliance. Credit: CIVICUS

By Busani Bafana
BULAWAYO & BANGKOK, Oct 31 2025 (IPS)

From the streets of Bangkok to power corridors in Washington, the civil society space for dissent is fast shrinking. Authoritarian regimes are silencing opposition but indirectly fueling corruption and widening inequality, according to a leading global civil society alliance.

The warning is from Mandeep Tiwana, Secretary General of CIVICUS Global Alliance, who points to a troubling trend: civil society is increasingly considered a threat to those in power.

That is a sobering assessment from CIVICUS, which reports that a wave of repression by authoritarian regimes is directly fueling corruption and exploding inequality.

“The quality of democracy on hand around the world is very poor at the moment,” Tiwana tells IPS in an exclusive interview. “That is why civil society organizations are seen as a threat by authoritative leaders and the negative impact of attacking civil society means there is a rise in corruption, there is less inclusion, there is less transparency in public life and more inequality in society.”

His comments come ahead of the 16th International Civil Society Week (ICSW) from 1–5 November 2025 convened by CIVICUS and the Asia Democracy Network. The ICSW will bring together more than 1,300 delegates comprising activists, civil society groups, academics, and human rights advocates to empower citizen action and build powerful alliances. ICSW pays tribute to activists, movements, and civil society achieving significant progress, defending civic freedoms, and showing remarkable resilience despite the many challenges.

The ICSW takes place against a bleak backdrop. According to the CIVICUS Monitor, a research partnership between CIVICUS and over 20 organizations tracking civic freedoms, civil society is under attack in 116 of 198 countries and territories. The fundamental freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly face significant deterrents worldwide.

Protests at COP27 in Egypt. Mandeep Tiwana, Secretary General of CIVICUS Global Alliance, is hopeful that COP30, in Belém, Brazil, will be more inclusive. Credit: Busani Bafana/IPS

“It is becoming increasingly dangerous to be a civil society activist and to be the leader of a civil society organization,” Tiwana tells IPS. “Many organizations have been defunded because governments don’t like what they do to ensure transparency or because they speak out against some very powerful people. It is a challenging environment for civil society.”

Research by CIVICUS categorizes civic freedom in five dimensions: open, narrowed, obstructed, repressed, and closed. Alarmingly, over 70 percent of the world’s population now lives in countries rated in the two worst categories: ‘repressed’ and ‘closed.’

“This marks a regression in democratic values, rights, and accountability,” Tiwana noted, adding that even in the remaining 30% of nations, restrictions on civic freedoms remain.

Repression Tools in Tow

The ICSW, being held under the theme ‘Celebrating citizen action: reimagining democracy, rights, and inclusion for today’s world,’ convenes against this backdrop.

Multifaceted tools are used by governments to stifle dissent. Governments are introducing laws to block civil society organizations from receiving international funding while simultaneously restricting domestic resources. Besides, laws have also been enacted in some countries to restrict the independence of civil society organizations that scrutinize governments and promote transparency.

For civil society activists, the consequences are sobering.

“If you speak truth to power, uncover high-level corruption and try to seek transformative change in society, whether it’s on gender equality or inclusion of minorities you  can be subjected to severe forms of persecution,” Tiwana explained. “This includes stigmatization, intimidation,  imprisonment for long periods, physical attacks, and death.”

Multilateralism Tumbles, Unilateralism Rises

Tiwana said there is an increasing breakdown in multilateralism and respect for international laws from which civil society draws its rights.

This erosion of civic space is reflected in the breakdown of the international system. Tiwana identified a surge in unilateralism and a disregard for the international laws that have historically safeguarded the rights of civil society.

“If you look at what’s happening around the world, whether with regard to conflicts in Palestine, in the Congo, in Sudan, in Myanmar, in Ukraine, in Cameroon, and elsewhere, governments are not respecting international norms,” he observed, remarking that authoritarian regimes were abusing the sovereignty of other countries, ignoring the Geneva conventions, and legalizing attacks on civilians, torturing and persecuting civilians.

This collapse of multilateralism has enabled a form of transactional diplomacy, where narrowly defined national interests trump human rights. Powerful states now collude to manipulate public policy, enhancing their wealth and power. When civil society attempts to expose these corrupt relationships, it becomes a target.

“They are colluding to game public policy to suit their interests and to enhance their wealth.  The offshoot of this is that civil society is attacked when it tries to expose these corrupt relationships,” said Tiwana, expressing concern  about the rise in state capture by oligarchs who now own vast swathes of the media and technology landscapes.

Citing countries like China and Rwanda, which, while they have different ways of functioning, Tiwana said both are powerful authoritarian states engaging in transactional diplomacy and are opposed to the civil society’s power to hold them to account.

The election of Donald Trump as US President in 2025 has shattered the foundation of the US as a democracy, Tiwana noted. The country no longer supports democratic values internationally and is at home with  attacks on the media and defunding of civil society.

The action by the US has negative impacts, as some leaders around the world are taking their cue from Trump in muzzling civil society and media freedoms, he said, pointing to how the US has created common cause with authoritarian governments in El Salvador, Israel,  Argentina, and Hungary.

The fight Goes On

Despite facing repression and threats, civil society continues to resist authoritarian regimes. From massive street protests against corruption in Nepal, and Guatemala  to pro-democracy movements that have removed  governments in Bangladesh  and Madagascar,

“People need to have courage to stand up for what they believe and to speak out when their neighbors are persecuted,” Tiwana told IPS. “People still need to continue to speak the truth and come out in the streets in peaceful protest against the injustice that is happening. They should not lose hope.”

On the curtailing of civil society participation in climate change negotiations, Tiwana said the upcoming COP30 in Brazil offered hope. The host government believes in democratic values and including civil society at the table.

“Past COPs have been held in petro states—Azerbaijan, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt—which are all authoritarian states where civil society has been attacked, crushed, and persecuted,” he said. “We are hopeful that there will be greater inclusion of voices and the commitments that will be made to reduce emissions will be ambitious but the question is really going to be after the COP and if those commitments will be from governments that really don’t care about civil society demands or about the well-being of their people.”

Young people, Tiwana said, have shown the way. Movements like Fridays for Future  and the Black Lives Matter have demonstrated the power of solidarity and unified action.

But, given the massive protests, has this resistance led to change of a similar scale?

“Unfortunately, we are seeing a rise in military dictatorships around the world,” Tiwana admitted, attributing this to a fraying appetite by the international community to uphold human rights and democratic values.

“Conflict, environmental degradation, extreme wealth accumulation, and high-level corruption are interlinked because it’s people who want to possess more than they need.”

Tiwana illustrated what he means by global priorities.

“We have USD 2.7 trillion in military spending year-on-year nowadays, whereas 700 million people go to bed hungry every night.”

“As civil society, we are trying to expose these corrupt relationships that exist. So the fight for equality, the struggle to create better, more peaceful, more just societies—something CIVICUS supports very much—are some of the conversations that we will be looking to have at the International Civil Society Week.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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