By External Source
Mar 4 2026 (IPS)
Women and girls have never been closer to equality.
And never closer to losing it.
In 1995, 189 governments adopted the Beijing Declaration.
A global promise for the equal rights of all women and girls.
On 8 March 2026, the United Nations International Women’s Day theme is clear:
RIGHTS. JUSTICE. ACTION. FOR ALL WOMEN AND GIRLS.
The call is for equal rights, and equal justice, to enforce, exercise and enjoy those rights.
Because progress is still too slow.
At the current pace, closing legal protection gaps could take 286 years.
Rights written into law are not enough.
Justice means those rights must be enforced.
Yet almost 1 in 3 women has experienced physical or sexual violence.
Women hold only 27.2% of seats in national parliaments.
And just 22.9% of cabinet posts worldwide.
Too many women and girls are still denied protection.
Too many are still shut out of power.
Too many are still failed by the systems meant to protect them.
Aligned with CSW70, this year’s UN focus goes beyond symbolism.
It demands full participation in public life.
It demands the elimination of violence.
It demands equal justice.
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By Sania Farooqui
BENGALURU, India, Mar 4 2026 (IPS)
The ordinary sounds of Nahid Ali’s home in Khartoum were completely drowned out by the sound of war which began on April 15 2023. Her baby was just 21 days old. The morning started as any typical day for a mother who had just given birth to her baby and needed to nurse her newborn while she took care of her other children. The gunfire began to erupt. The fighting began when two groups started to battle each other in the streets. The fighting which began in her area developed into a destructive countrywide war in Sudan which spread to her street within moments.
Credit: Nahid Ali, Communications Manager, Plan International
Nahid states “I remember the sound of the war replacing the sound of my home.” Her children were shaking. It was the first time she had found herself at the center of live clashes. There was no time to gather documents, clothes, or memories. She grabbed her children and ran. Everything else was left behind. In that instant, Nahid stopped being only a humanitarian worker responding to crisis, she became one of its victims. Nahid Ali works as a Communications Manager at Plan International, where she helps women and children across Sudan through her work. Overnight, she joined the millions she had long served. She was now an internally displaced person who required home protection and humanitarian assistance. “It was confusing,” she says. “I needed to support my own family while also thinking about other families in need.”As a mother, she could not protect her children from the sound of airstrikes or the fear of hunger. As a humanitarian, she felt the crisis in her bones. “I became one of the people I used to help,” she says. Now, when mothers describe fleeing under fire or struggling to feed their children, she does not simply empathize. She understands. The war which forced Nahid to leave her house has developed into one of worlds worst humanitarian crisis. The World Health Organization estimates that more than 30.4 million people which represents two-thirds of the global population now require humanitarian assistance, including 7 million internally displaced people. Cities have been shattered, communities have emptied, front lines shift, but civilians remain trapped in the wreakage created by this war.
Sudan’s health infrastructure has come crumbling down under the pressure of the conflict. Over 70 percent of the health facilities are not functioning. Hospitals have been bombed, looted, or occupied. Healthcare staff have either fled, not been paid, or have been killed. Disease is rampant in the crowded camps, and lack of medication is the new normal. What was once curable is now fatal.
The situation is being made worse by the effects of the climate change and the economic collapse. The purchasing power has been eroded by the high rates of inflation. The prices of food have skyrocketed. Water is now a luxury. People are not eating for days. The situation is affecting the women, children, elderly, and the displaced the most.
The situation has now spread beyond the borders of Sudan. The conflict has displaced over 2.9 million people into Chad, the Central African Republic, Egypt, Ethiopia, Libya, and South Sudan. These nations are already dealing with health challenges of their own.
The conflict started in April 2023, as tension between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces transformed into an armed conflict in Khartoum. The conflict has since spread across the Darfur region. What started as a political power struggle has now resulted in the displacement of populations, starvation, and genocide.
In a report released by the United Nations, an Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for the Sudan established that the “evidence establishes the existence of at least three underlying acts of genocide in Darfur. These are the killing of members of the protected ethnic group, the causing of serious bodily and mental harm, and the deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction of the group in whole or in part.”
The report is based on the situation in El Fasher, the capital of the state of North Darfur, a town besieged for 18 months before the main attack. The report established the “scale, coordination, and public endorsement of the operation by senior RSF leadership demonstrate that the crimes committed in and around El Fasher were not random excesses of war,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the mission. “They formed part of a planned and organized operation that bears the defining characteristics of genocide.”
Children are at the eye of this storm.
According to UNICEF, there are an estimated 1.3 million children in areas where famine is already taking place. Over 770,000 children are expected to face severe acute malnutrition this year. Many of them will not survive. In the final six months of 2024 alone, there were over 900 grave violations against children reported, eighty percent of them were killings, mainly in Darfur, Khartoum, and Gezira Province. These are just a few of the reported cases, which humanitarian agencies say is just a small fraction of the true extent of the crisis.
The Integrated Food Security Phase classification (IPC) said the thresholds for acute malnutrition were surpassed in two new areas of North Darfur, Um Baru and Kernoi, following the fall of the regional capital, El Fasher, in October 2025 and a massive exodus. December assessments found acute malnutrition levels among children of 52.9 per cent in Um Baru, nearly twice the famine threshold and about 34 per cent in Kernoi.
It is a challenging job to deliver aid to the war-torn areas. The roads are either unsafe or impassable, bureaucratic delays are common too and the armed groups attack aid convoys as well. “Sometimes the assistance cannot even arrive,” Nahid says.
In these places of displacement, Nahid witnesses the toll taken on the human body by the numbers.
“Sexual violence is a tool of war. Many of the women we meet were attacked as they fled their homes. Some were forced to watch as their friends were attacked in front of family members. Some are pregnant, waiting for services that might never materialize.” The trauma these women face is compounded by shame and a total lack of services.
In some communities, the shame of rape leads to the forced marriage of the raped women to the rapist. This provides a context for the child born of rape, it’s a way to give the family a sense of honour. But the damage done by this violence cannot be overstated. The girls who were raped have yet to open up about the violence they experienced, psychosocial services for these women are scarce, safe havens are hard to find and their needs are overwhelming. Children come to the camps alone, separated, orphaned, lost. Some saw their families die. Some crossed through combat zones to escape.
Nahid recalls a six-year-old girl who is always scared, she describes how in Sudan, women wear a traditional attire called the tobe. Whenever the girl sees a woman wearing a tobe, she runs towards her crying, “My mother, my mother.” She hopes against all hopes that this woman is her real mom, Nahid says.
“We need the world not to forget Sudan.” She says this is what she hopes for: more solidarity from the world community, more funding, more pressure on governments.
What keeps her going is the strength she sees all around her. She sees women organizing community kitchens from scratch. She sees families sharing the little food they have. She sees women organizing their own support groups. Sudanese women inspire her most. Many have lost homes, livelihoods, and loved ones, and yet, they still care for children, advocate for services, and hold communities together.
“They have lost so much,” Nahid says. “But they are still standing.”
Sania Farooqui is an independent journalist, host of The Peace Brief, a platform dedicated to amplifying women’s voices in peacebuilding and human rights. Sania has previously worked with CNN, Al Jazeera and TIME.
IPS UN Bureau Report
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Az éppen 35 éve lezajlott Sivatagi Vihar (Desert Storm) hadművelet során a bevetéseket végrehajtó hajózószemélyzetekre nem csak az ellenséges légtérben leselkedett veszély – olykor a technika ördöge is kihívás elé állította a pilótákat. A pilótafülkében nekik kellett helytállni, de bizonyos helyzetekben, külső segítség nélkül nem lett volna esélyük a sikerre. Így történt az 1991-es öbölháború egyik napján, a USS Midway repülőgép-hordozó pilótájával és tengerészeivel is.
Az öbölháború idején az amerikai haditengerészet (US Navy) legrégebbi repülőgép-hordozója a USS Midway volt. Az építésekor új osztályt képviselő hajó, a második világháború idején készült, majd az ötvenes években végzett átépítés során szögfedélzetet kapott. A hetvenes években ismét modernizálták, a katapultok számát háromról kettőre csökkentették, és a repülőfedélzet méretét megnövelték. A hajó méretein az átépítéssel lényegesen nem lehetett változtatni. Szemben az újabb hordozók négyköteles rendszerével, a Midwayen három kötél volt és a fedélzet kis mérete miatt a pilótáknak minimális hibázási lehetőségük sem volt: egy kissé megsüllyedve a fedélzet végének ütközhettek, egy kissé magasan közelítve fékhorguk garantáltan elvétette a fékezőkötelek egyikét. Mindezek tetejébe Midway eredetileg cirkálónak készült, ahhoz optimalizált, 33 csomós (61 km/h) sebességet biztosító hajótesttel. Az átépítéskor erre a testre került a később még meg is növelt felületű repülőfedélzet, magasra helyezve a hajó súlypontját. Emiatt erősebb hullámzásnál a hordozó nagyon instabil lett, akár 20-25 fokra is megdőlhetett, ami erőteljes bólintó mozgással is párosult. Mindezek extra kihívás elé állították a Midway fedélzetén települő nyolc repülőszázad személyzetét. Az öbölháború során három F/A-18 Hornet vadászbombázó század, két A-6 Intruder közepes bombázószázad, egy-egy EA-6B Prowler elektronikai hadviselési és E-2C Hawkeye légtérellenőrző és korai előrejelző század valamint egy SH-3 Sea Kinggel repülő helikopterszázad, összesen hatvan repülőeszköz kapott helyet a fedélzeten. A korszak nagyjai közül az F-14 Tomcat az S-3 Viking üzemeltetésére a Midway nem volt alkalmas.
The photo shows an all-girls cricket team from Dir that made it to the finals of the inter-regional games, all without coaching, back in 2023. "Imagine what they can achieve with the right facilities and proper training," said Noorena Shams, also from Dir. Courtesy: Noorena Shams
By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Pakistan, Mar 4 2026 (IPS)
“I was very happy to see the way Aina Wazir was playing cricket,” says 28-year-old Noorena Shams, a professional squash player, when she saw the seven-year-old’s video. The clip, which spread rapidly across social media, drew widespread praise for the young girl’s remarkable talent.
But the events that unfolded were like reliving her past.
“It was like watching my younger self,” said Shams, who belongs to Dir, in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), bordering Afghanistan, close to where Aina lives in North Waziristan. Both are part of Pakistan’s tribal region.
“Aina, like me, does not have a father to fight the world for her,” she said quietly.
The video also caught the attention of Javed Afridi, CEO of Peshawar Zalmi, who expressed interest in inducting Aina into the upcoming Zalmi Women League. In a post on X, he requested her contact details, promising her cricket equipment and training facilities.
“We couldn’t have imagined the video would get so much attention,” said her cousin, requesting anonymity, speaking to IPS by phone from Shiga Zalwel Khel, a village along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border in North Waziristan. “We were overjoyed; it meant new opportunities and a brighter future for her.”
But the joy was short-lived.
Caught Between Militancy and Military
The video caught the attention of local militants.
Angered by the public display of a girl playing sport, the militants abducted Zafran Wazir—a local teacher who had filmed and uploaded the video with the family’s consent—and forced him to issue a public apology for violating “Islamic values and Pashtun traditions”. It has been reported that he was tortured.
The militants have warned the family that Aina cannot leave the village and that the girl must not accept any offers from anyone. “They said she can play cricket,” said her cousin, “But there should be no videos.”
“Ordinary people in the region are caught between a rock and a hard place—trapped between militant groups and the Pakistan army’s ongoing armed operations,” said Razia Mehsood, 36, a journalist from South Waziristan. “The Taliban tolerate no dissent, and our once-peaceful region is now scarred by landmines on the ground and quadcopters and drones overhead. People are living under constant psychological strain,” she added.
Noorena Shams, a professional squash player, has shown her support for Aina Wazir. Courtesy: Noorena Shams
Defying the Odds
“I hope she [Aina] can leave the place,” said Maria Toorpakai, 35, the first tribal Pakistani woman who went to play in international squash tournaments, turning professional in 2007.
“Whenever there is a talented girl, every effort should be made to remove her from the toxic environment—even if it means a huge sacrifice from the family,” she said, who belongs to neighbouring South Waziristan but was speaking to IPS from Toronto, where she now resides.
Both Toorpakai and Shams had to leave their homes to escape relentless scrutiny. Belonging to a conservative and patriarchal region, they had to disguise themselves as boys to pursue sports.
Toorpakai cut her hair short, dressed like a boy, and renamed herself “Genghis Khan” to participate in competitive sports.
Shams, meanwhile, was hesitantly allowed to play badminton because it was deemed “more appropriate for young women”.
Despite her parents’ support, she watched boys playing in the only cricket club in Dir, founded by her father.
But theirs is not the only journey fraught with hurdles because of a patriarchal mindset and a rigid tribal background where women’s visibility itself is contested.
“The greatest tragedy is that women’s voices are silenced and excluded from representation, while traditions disguised as religion persist, tying honour and dishonour to women,” said Mehsood. Both Toorpakai and Shams know all this too well. Their families faced constant social rebuke and accusations for bringing dishonour to their villages and tribes, all for playing a sport.
They are not alone.
Athletes like Sadia Gul (former Pakistan No. 1 in squash), Tameen Khan (who in 2022 was Pakistan’s fastest female sprinter), and Salma Faiz (cricketer) relocated from districts including Bannu, D.I. Khan, and Karak to Peshawar, the provincial capital—not just for better opportunities but to escape constant scrutiny.
“If you’re lucky enough that your grandfather, father, or brother doesn’t put a stop to your dreams, then it will be your uncles,” said Salma Faiz, the only sister among six brothers. “And if not them, the neighbours will start counting the minutes you take to get home. They’ll question why you train under male coaches, who watches your matches, and even what you wear beneath your chador. And if it’s still not them, then the villagers will whisper behind your back or land at your doorstep, convincing your parents that girls shouldn’t play sports at all.”
Faiz endured opposition from her elder brother but never gave up cricket. She eventually got selected for the national women’s cricket team.
“Aina is fortunate to receive such overwhelming applause,” said Faiz, now 40, living in Peshawar and working as a lecturer in health and physical education at Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University.
“I urge her parents not to surrender to social pressure; they should stand by her and encourage her. She has extraordinary talent—I’ve seen the way she plays,” Faiz pointed out.
Safe Spaces for Women Athletes
Each of these women is now creating ways for their younger counterpart to access the opportunity they lacked.
Faiz has opened her home to girls from tribal regions pursuing sport. When space runs out, she arranges hostel accommodation to ensure they get a shot at opportunities that would likely never reach their village.
Toorpakai, through the Maria Toorpakai Foundation, has, over the years, built a strong network, providing safe spaces for young sportswomen from her region.
But now she wants to go beyond providing temporary support. Her vision to build a state-of-the-art Toorpakai Sports School—a residential facility where girls like Aina Wazir can train seriously, study properly, and live without fear—remains a dream.
“All I want from the state is six acres of land near Islamabad,” she said. “Far enough from tribal hostility but accessible to girls from across Pakistan and international coaches I intend to rope in. I can manage the rest. I can raise funds.”
For over two years, her proposal has been stalled by bureaucratic red tape. “It tells you everything,” she said. “The state simply isn’t interested.”
Shams, too, like Toorpakai, runs the Noorena Shams Foundation, currently supporting four women athletes by giving them a monthly stipend for their training, transport and rent. But if anyone else needs equipment, tuition fees, or house rent, her foundation is able to furnish those needs. She even helped construct two cricket pitches for Faiz’s university.
As the first female athlete elected to the executive committees of the Provincial Squash Association, the Sports Management Committee, the Olympic Association, and the Pakistan Cycling Federation, she has championed young athletes—especially sportswomen— ensuring their concerns are heard.
“I continue to bring to the table issues of athletes’ mental and physical health, the need for international-level coaching, the safety and harassment women face, and the importance of integrating competitive sports into school curricula.”
Using Religion to Quash Dreams
Social media may have provided Aina Wazir with a platform to showcase her talent, but it has also exposed her to hostility.
“We are not against a child playing cricket,” said 27-year-old Mufti Ijaz Ahmed, a religious scholar from South Waziristan. “But she must stop once she becomes a woman. It is against our traditions for women to run around in pants and shirts in public. It is vulgar. If Aina is allowed to do this, every girl will want to follow—and we cannot accept that.”
“The mera jism, meri marzi (my body, my choice) slogan will not work here,” Ahmed went on, referring to a popular slogan that has been chanted since March 8, 2018, and which came under heavy criticism for being a rebellion against the cultural values and Islam.
“Who is he to declare that Aina can’t play?” retorted an incensed Maria Toorpakai, who also serves on the International Olympic Committee’s (IOC) Women in Sport Commission. “Whenever a girl picks up a bat or a ball, Islam is said to be endangered,” she added.
“I would respect them if they confronted and condemned the real ills in my region—drug abuse, child marriage, bacha bazi (the exploitation of adolescent boys coerced into cross-dressing, dancing, and sexual abuse), and the spread of HIV and AIDS. Instead, they obsess over distorted ideas of honour and dishonour. They neither understand the world we live in nor the true essence of Islam. Moreover, they have done nothing for our people.”
National responsibility
Ultimately, she argued, the responsibility lies with the state. It cannot afford to look away while intimidation silences young girls with talent and ambition. It is not only a personal tragedy but also a national loss when talent in remote villages is stifled before it can surface.
“It is the government’s duty to deal firmly with such elements,” she said. “And if it cannot protect its daughters, then it must ask itself why it is in power at all.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
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This contribution to the Korean Development Institute's Knowledge Brief series contextualises and analyses the German Federal Ministry for Economic Co-Operation and Development's reform plan, as published in January 2026.