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Preventing Pandemics Needs Every Tool in the Toolbox – Including Animal Vaccines

Wed, 07/09/2025 - 19:46

Dr Susana Pombo addresses the WOAH General Session in May. Credit: WOAH/Maurine Tric

By Susana Pombo
LISBON, Jul 9 2025 (IPS)

Just five years on from the Covid-19 pandemic, another animal-borne disease is mutating and spreading across borders and species.

Avian influenza has already resulted in the loss of more than 630 million birds in the last 20 years. And new figures from the inaugural State of the World’s Animal Health report find that the number of reported outbreaks in mammals, including cattle, sheep and cats, doubled last year compared to 2023.

The risk of human infection with avian flu remains low. But the more species of mammals become infected, the greater the possibility of the virus adapting to mammal-to-mammal – and potentially human – transmission. And recent experience has shown exactly how devastating and disruptive a zoonotic pandemic can be for all aspects of life.

After the World Health Organization (WHO) adopted a new pandemic accord at the 78th World Health Assembly, the global community must remember that animal vaccines can be one of our most powerful tools for preventing zoonotic disease outbreaks, alongside other control measures.

At present, many countries are unable to include vaccination within their avian flu control strategies because of its impact on trade, livelihoods and food security. The difficulty of distinguishing a vaccinated bird with immunity from an infected bird means widespread vaccination can result in damaging trade barriers.

But controlling avian flu in poultry stops it from spreading to other animals and people, and vaccination can play a highly effective role alongside other measures when integrated carefully.

For example, the Toulouse Veterinary School modelled that France would experience up to 700 avian flu outbreaks in 2023. But, according to the French Chief Veterinary Officer, a nationwide campaign to vaccinate ducks meant the country only suffered 10 outbreaks.

Key to this was transparency and dialogue, with the French authorities consulting regularly with the scientific community via the French Agency for Food, Environmental and Occupational Health and Safety (ANSES), veterinarians and researchers, local farmers and international trading partners.

For more countries to incorporate animal vaccination into avian flu control strategies and avert the risk of another pandemic, governments and agencies around the world must overcome a number of locally-specific barriers, which often hold back vaccination against other animal diseases.

First, governments must recognise animal health as an intrinsic part of global health and foster international cooperation for disease monitoring, data-sharing, early warning systems and harmonised vaccination approaches.

The more authorities know about how and where the disease is spreading, the greater the chance of containing it. And agreeing an approach to vaccination with trade partners to contain a specific outbreak, or to target wild animals as disease reservoirs, can limit the impact that disease control has on exports.

Secondly, the livestock sector would benefit enormously from the development and use of advanced diagnostic tools to differentiate between vaccinated and infected animals. Known as the DIVA principle, this will enable accurate disease tracking and trade transparency.

The ability to demonstrate that an animal is immune rather than infected would help overcome trade barriers to vaccination, but this requires greater public and private investment and collaboration.

Lastly, more investment is urgently needed for the use of vaccines as well as biosecurity measures, hygiene protocols and other disease prevention measures. Veterinary professionals need ongoing education and field training, in addition to the appropriate infrastructure, to ensure effective vaccine delivery and disease management at the grassroots level.

The return on investment from disease control spans both public and private sectors, supporting improved public health as well as agricultural productivity, trade and food security.

If Covid-19 taught the world anything, it is that global health is an interconnected system that includes animals of all kinds as well as environmental factors.

Tackling animal diseases through vaccination, biosecurity and other measures is as critical for animals as it is for people and pandemic prevention, and just like Covid-19, it needs global collaboration, innovation and investment.

Dr. Susana Pombo is President of the World Organisation for Animal Health’s Council

IPS UN Bureau

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Categories: Africa

‘Only a Handful of Environmental Organisations Still Dare Challenge Corporate Projects in Court’

Wed, 07/09/2025 - 09:38

By CIVICUS
Jul 9 2025 (IPS)

CIVICUS speaks to Cristinel Buzatu, regional legal advisor for Central and Eastern Europe at Greenpeace, about how Romania’s state gas company is weaponising the courts to silence environmental opposition.

Cristinel Buzatu

On 10 June, the state-owned energy giant Romgaz filed a lawsuit seeking to dissolve Greenpeace Romania. The legal attack came after the organisation campaigned against the company’s plans to exploit a Black Sea gas field. Politicians say the project is crucial for Romania’s energy independence and its ability to export gas to Moldova, while civil society is clear that fossil fuel extraction must stop to prevent runaway climate change. Romgaz withdrew the case just hours before the first hearing, but the lawsuit exposed how fossil fuel companies are exploiting legal loopholes to silence dissent, marking a dangerous escalation in corporate attacks on climate activists.

What’s the Neptun Deep project and why is Greenpeace challenging it?

The Neptun Deep project is the largest proposed fossil gas drilling project in the European Union (EU), and we’re fighting it on multiple fronts. Operated by Romgaz Black Sea Limited Nassau SRL and OMV Petrom SA in the Romanian Black Sea, this massive drilling operation threatens biodiversity, accelerates climate change and extreme weather and locks Romania and the EU into an outdated and harmful fossil fuel system.

Our legal challenge targets the project’s environmental permit. We asked the Bucharest Tribunal to suspend it, arguing the Constanța Environmental Protection Agency had approved it in breach of environmental law. The agency’s evaluation was superficial at best, relying on outdated data on the project’s climate impacts and greenhouse gas emissions. Crucially, they ignored its impacts on biodiversity and water bodies, failed to consider risks from potential military conflicts and bypassed meaningful public consultation. Key documents such as ecotoxicity tests and archaeological diagnostic reports were kept hidden from public scrutiny.

When the court rejected our application, it hit us with a massive bill of 150,000 lei (approx. US$34,550) in legal costs to each company. They had demanded even more.

How did Romgaz turn legal costs into a weapon?

Romgaz claimed we failed to pay those costs and were therefore insolvent, which is grounds for dissolving an organisation under Romanian law. They alleged we had no assets or bank accounts and were using several legal entities to avoid responsibility. But the truth is we’ve never received a formal payment notice. When we actively requested one, none came.

Yet Romgaz pressed ahead, filing for our dissolution while launching a media smear campaign. We prepared our defence, confident the facts would vindicate us, as Romgaz’s claims were demonstrably false. But we never got our day in court. Just hours before the first hearing, Romgaz abruptly withdrew the case. Even then, it publicly reaffirmed its accusations and vowed to try again. The strategy was clear: inflict maximum reputational damage while denying us any opportunity to defend ourselves.

Is this part of a broader attack on environmental groups?

Absolutely. This case exemplifies a troubling trend targeting civil society in Romania, particularly environmental groups that dare to use the courts. The playbook is simple: companies that win cases demand excessive legal costs. When organisations can’t pay, the companies pursue their dissolution on insolvency grounds.

We’ve seen this weapon deployed repeatedly. Take Militia Spirituala, a local organisation that was dissolved at the request of a real estate developer. The same developer also tried to shut down Salvati Bucurestiul over unpaid legal fees, although the organisation survived by paying up. Now that developer is suing several organisations for damages totalling a million euros.

The chilling effect is undeniable. While we lack exact figures on litigation rates, the reality speaks for itself: only a handful of organisations still dare to challenge corporate projects in court. Most have been scared off by the legal and financial risks. This amounts to a serious restriction on access to justice, and we urgently need to find ways to reverse this trend.

How did civil society fight back against Romgaz?

The response was immediate and powerful. Civil society recognised the Romgaz case for what it was: a textbook SLAPP – a strategic litigation against public participation. Within just 24 hours, over 25,000 people signed a petition condemning the attempt to silence us.

But the attack’s roots went deeper than one company’s aggression: it was a coordinated effort made from the highest levels of government. On 20 March, the Ministry of Energy held up the Energy Transfer lawsuit in the USA against three Greenpeace organisations as a model to emulate, explicitly encouraging national energy firms to launch similar legal assaults on environmental groups that challenge their projects. The message was unmistakable: the state stands with corporations against civil society.

This provoked unprecedented unity. Over 110 civil society organisations from diverse fields signed an open letter demanding the minister’s dismissal. Yet even this solidarity wasn’t enough to stop the attacks. In May, the minister openly welcomed Romgaz’s attempt to dissolve us, repeating baseless claims about our finances and structure – the same lies peddled in court.

Still, something remarkable has happened. Many people who have never supported us before reached out, saying that while they might not always agree with our campaigns, they recognised this legal action as pure intimidation. That support gives us strength to carry on, defend civic space and resist corporate capture of our democracy.

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SEE ALSO
The price of protest: Greenpeace hit with huge penalty CIVICUS Lens 09.Apr.2025
‘Energy Transfer’s lawsuit against Greenpeace is an attempt to drain our resources and silence dissent’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Daniel Simons 01.Apr.2025
Europe: ‘Member states must introduce national anti-SLAPP legislation to protect public watchdogs’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Francesca Borg Costanzi 21.Mar.2024

Categories: Africa

How Mongolia Can Expedite It’s Just Transition Plans to Include Its Nomads

Wed, 07/09/2025 - 08:11

Gereltuya Bayanmukh speaks about her motivations to become involved in climate activism. Credit: Leo Galduh/IPS

By Aatreyee Dhar
ULAANBAATAR, Jul 9 2025 (IPS)

Youth activist Gereltuya Bayanmukh still reflects on the events in her formative years that inspired her to become a climate activist. When she was a child, she would visit her grandparents in a village 20 km to the south of the border between Russia and Mongolia.

She was happy to see each of the nomadic people in their traditional gers power up their settlements using solar power.

“I remember seeing my neighbors own a solar panel and a battery to accumulate power. They were turning on lights and watching TV using solar power. Nowadays, they even have fridges,” she says.

She thought the herders made a conscious choice about their lifestyles and understood the need of the hour in the face of the looming climate crisis. That is to say, switch to renewable energy and power a safer future.

“This was the reason I became a climate activist,” she says.

No matter how unwitting her notion about her community achieving self-sufficiency with renewable energy was, the findings about what entailed this system revealed something else.

“I later learned that the solar panels were partially subsidized by the government as a part of the nationwide government to equip 100,000 nomadic households with solar energy,” she says.

What she perceived turned out to be a nationwide renewable energy scheme by the Mongolian government for the nomadic herders.

The scheme, called the National 100,000 Solar Ger [Yurt] Electricity Program, introduced in 2000, provided herders with portable photovoltaic solar home systems that complement their traditional nomadic lifestyle.

At least 30 percent of Mongolia’s population comprises nomadic herders. Before 2000, when the scheme came into effect, herders had limited or no access to modern electricity. By 2005, the government managed to equip over 30,000 herder families through funds from several donor nations.

However, the full-scale electrification effort for herders was beginning to stagnate. The 2006 midterm custom audit performance report by the Standing Committee on Environment, Food and Agriculture of the Parliament carried sobering revelations.

The scheme in its initial phase was poorly managed: there was no control over the distribution process, with some units delivered to local areas landing in the hands of non-residents violating the contract, failure to deliver the targeted number of generators, misappropriation of the program funds, and inability to repay the loans within the contractual period.

However, in the third phase–2006-2012–the program was able to expand its implementation with the support of several international donors, including the World Bank.

“At first, I thought how great that we started out with the renewable energy transition, giving access to renewable energy at a lower price. And it was even in 1999. That was when I was just four years old. I believe we were on our way to building a future like this. Like we visualized here. The future of green nomadism. However, my optimism faded when I read the midterm audit report and discovered that the program had been (just as) poorly managed as the first part. It was only with the assistance of the international partners that the program finished well,” says Gereltuya.

Gereltuya is the co-founder and board director of her NGO, Green Dot Climate, which focuses on empowering youth as climate activists and raising awareness and practical skills for climate action.

One of the mottoes of her NGO is to change the youth’s and Mongolian people’s attitudes and practices around climate change issues as well as solutions.

In the past year, the NGO has been successful in reaching over half a million Mongolians, including nomads, helping them become more environmentally conscious and empowering the youth to be climate activists—makers and doers themselves.

“In the past year, we have reached over half a million Mongolians. Our Green Dot youth community has logged more than 100,000 individual climate actions, saving over 700,000 kg of CO₂, 25 liters of water, and 80,000 kilowatt-hours of energy. Next, we will aim for a million collective actions, a stronger community and a minimum of 50 collaborative climate projects in Mongolia,” Gereltuya said during her delegate speech at the One Young World Summit, a global event that brings in young leaders from around the world to discuss global issues, in 2023.

The state of Mongolia’s nomads in the current energy system

Mongolia as a country heavily relies on coal for energy production, which contributes to 90 percent of its energy production. Coming to just transition, the government aims for a 30 percent renewable energy share by 2030 of its installed capacity, as enshrined in the State Policy on Energy 2015-2030. Mongolia is also committed to reducing its greenhouse gas emissions by 22.7 percent by 2030 while the energy sector accounts for 44.78 percent of the total emissions as of 2020 according to Mongolia’s Second Biennial Update Report.

Gereltuya’s NGO, Green Dot Climate, has been mapping Mongolia’s energy systems for the past few years now. As of 2024, Mongolia’s electricity sector relies on CHP [combined heat and power] plants and imports from Russia and China to meet its electricity demands.

Only 7 percent of its total installed energy comes from renewable sources, with the Central Energy System accounting for over 80 percent of the total electricity demand. “We found that about 200,000 households remain unaccounted for in the centralized energy grid calculations. These are likely the same nomadic families or their later generations who likely adopted their first solar systems at least two decades ago,” she explains.

Gereltuya says that her organisation meticulously compared the recent household data cited by the Energy Regulatory Commission of Mongolia to that of the total number of households as per the Mongolian Statistical Information Service to find the numbers that went missing

Mongolia’s backslide into fossil-fuel economy

Although Mongolia has promised to increase its renewable energy share to 30 percent by 2030, it is still far behind in the race to achieve its target.

In the 2020 Nationally Determined Contribution [NDC] submission to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change [UNFCCC], Mongolia set its mitigation target to “a 22.7% reduction in total national greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 2030,” which can increase to a 27.2 percent reduction if conditional mitigation measures such as the carbon capture and storage and waste-to-energy technology are implemented. Further, if “actions and measures to remove GHG emissions by forest are determined”, the total mitigation target would rise to 44.9 percent by 2030.

“Instead of focusing on decarbonizing its coal-based economy, Mongolia shifted to focus on carbon-sink and sequestration processes to reduce its emissions. This suggests that despite our many promises, policies and past efforts to mainstream renewables, we may still end up with business as usual. A case of bad governance, stagnation and vicious cycles,” she says.

Recommendations for Mongolia’s energy sector

Gereltuya’s NGO has been actively engaged in the survey ‘Earth Month 2025’ that is aimed at collecting specific recommendations from the youth voices in the country for the NDC 3.0 that the government is expected to submit in COP30. She shares a few recommendations that she believes can help improve the country’s energy systems.

On the demand side, households not connected to the grid should update and improve their solar home systems, especially now that the solutions are much cheaper and more efficient.

According to the 2024 World Bank ‘Mongolia Country Climate and Development Report,’ the average residential tariff for electricity in Mongolia was estimated to be 40 percent below cost recovery, and subsidies were worth 3.5 percent of GDP in 2022. The lack of cost recovery created hurdles in efforts to enhance energy efficiency and investment in renewable energy. In the context, those connected to the grid should pay more for their energy use to reflect the real cost of energy production and support renewable energy feed-in tariffs. There should be responsible voting of citizens demanding better policies and implementations and not trading in policies for short-term gains.

On the supply side, there is a need to stop new fossil fuel projects immediately: there are at least six such projects, including one international project under Mongolia’s current Energy Revival Policy, underway.

Secondly, Mongolia’s electricity infrastructure needs significant improvement. As the UNDP recently highlighted, Mongolia’s infrastructure is aging, inefficient and heavily subsidized.

Thirdly, fully utilize installed energy capacity, which is at only 30 percent, largely owing to the infrastructure inefficiency.

Fourth is to increase the overall renewable energy capacity five times to meet demand, which means 15 times the energy made in full demand. And phase out coal-based power, replacing it with fully renewable energy.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Genocide Made Invisible

Wed, 07/09/2025 - 07:39

UN staff and medical workers evacuating patients from a hospital in northern Gaza in late May 2025. Credit: WHO

By Norman Solomon
SAN FRANCISCO, USA, Jul 9 2025 (IPS)

Whatever the outcomes of Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit to the White House on Monday and the latest scenario for a ceasefire in Gaza, a bilateral policy of genocide has united the Israeli and U.S. governments in a pact of literally breath-taking cruelty.

That pact and its horrific consequences for Palestinian people either continue to shock Americans or gradually normalize indifference toward ongoing atrocities on a massive scale.

Recent news reporting that President Trump has pushed for a ceasefire in Gaza is an echo of a familiar refrain about peace-seeking efforts from the Biden and Trump administrations. The spin remained in sync with the killing – not only with American bombs and bullets but also with Israel’s refusal to allow more than a pittance of food and other essentials into Gaza.

Last year began with a United Nations statement that “Gazans now make up 80 per cent of all people facing famine or catastrophic hunger worldwide, marking an unparalleled humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip amid Israel’s continued bombardment and siege.” The UN quoted experts who said: “Currently every single person in Gaza is hungry, a quarter of the population are starving and struggling to find food and drinkable water, and famine is imminent.”

In late February 2024, President Biden talked to journalists about prospects for a “ceasefire” (which did not take place) while holding a vanilla ice cream cone. “My national security adviser tells me that we’re close, we’re close, we’re not done yet,” Biden said, before sauntering off. He spoke during a photo op at an ice cream parlor in Manhattan, while the UN was sounding an alarm that “very little humanitarian aid has entered besieged Gaza this month.”

During the 16 months since then, variants of facile verbiage from top U.S. government officials have repeated endlessly, while normalizing genocide with a steep race to the ethical bottom, so that – in Orwellian terms, much like “war is peace, freedom is slavery, ignorance is strength” – genocide is not genocide.

Refusal to acknowledge the complicity and impunity is most of all maintained by avoidance and silence. The process makes a terrible truth inadmissible rather than admittable.

All the doublethink and newspeak must detour around the reality that the U.S.-supported Israeli siege of Gaza is genocide, which the international Genocide Convention defines as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group” – with such actions as “deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.”

Israel’s actions in Gaza clearly meet that definition, as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have unequivocally concluded with exhaustive reports. But under the cloaks of the Israeli and American flags, the official stories insist that the unconscionable should be invisible.

Liberal Zionist groups in the United States are part of the process. Here’s what I wrote in an article for The Nation early this year after examining public statements by the “pro-Israel, pro-peace” group J Street:

“Routinely, while calling for the release of the Israeli hostages, the organization also expressed concern about the deaths and suffering of Palestinian civilians in Gaza. But none of J Street’s 132 news releases between October 7 and the start of the [temporary] ceasefire in late January 2025 called for an end to shipments of the U.S. bombs and weapons that were killing those civilians while enforcing Israel’s policy of using starvation as a weapon of war – a glaring omission for a group that declares itself to be ‘pro-peace.’

It was as if J Street thought that vague humanistic pleas could paper over these gaping cracks in its stance.

“However, J Street felt comfortable taking a firm line on the question of whether Israel was committing genocide in Gaza. Here, it aligned itself completely with the position of the U.S. and Israeli governments. In mid-January 2024, when oral arguments ended at the International Court of Justice in the case brought by South Africa that charged the Israeli government with violating the Genocide Convention in Gaza, a news release declared that ‘J Street rejects the allegation of genocide against the State of Israel.’

Four months later, on May 24, J Street responded quickly when the ICJ ordered Israel to ‘immediately halt its military offensive’ in Rafah. ‘J Street continues to reject the allegation of genocide in this case,’ a news release said.”

Likewise, with rare exceptions, U.S. news media and members of Congress dodge the reality of genocide against Palestinians in Gaza.

Meanwhile, the events in Gaza and the evasions in the United States have been enormously instructive, shattering illusions along the way. Many Americans, especially young people, know much more about their country and its government than they did just two years ago.

What has come to light includes mass murder of certain other human beings as de facto policy and functional ideology.

Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. The paperback edition of his latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, includes an afterword about the Gaza war.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

World Bank IFC’s Landmark Remedial Action Framework

Tue, 07/08/2025 - 09:06

Credit: CIEL

By Carla García Zendejas
WASHINGTON DC, Jul 8 2025 (IPS)

The World Bank’s private sector arm has raised the bar — and others may follow. On April 15, the International Finance Corporation (IFC) became the first development finance institution to adopt a formal remedy policy, publishing its Remedial Action Framework (RAF) to address environmental and social harm caused by IFC-supported investment projects.

The move sets a precedent and ramps up pressure on other development banks — including the Inter-American Development Bank — which are expected to release their own remedy frameworks.

Development institutions such as IFC finance projects meant to improve lives worldwide. Yet too often, these projects have caused environmental harm, displaced communities, and led to reprisals. This new framework is a milestone — both a leap forward for IFC and a sign of hope for communities harmed by development projects.

The International Finance Corporation (IFC), on April 15, 2025, adopted a Remedial Action Framework (RAF), an explicit policy on remedy, formalizing a commitment to address environmental and social harms caused by IFC-supported investment projects.

The IFC/Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) RAF is a cornerstone at a time when the World Bank Group is reviewing accountability systems on both its public and private sides. This framework sets a precedent, signaling a profound institution-wide commitment to avoid harm. It acknowledges that remedy is not only possible but essential and that it must be part of a broader cultural shift across the entire institution.

Credit: CIEL

The remedy framework is the result of years of advocacy by stakeholders both outside and inside the institution, and strenuous efforts from civil society organizations and project-affected people worldwide. Their contributions — grounded in firsthand experience of harm and technical recommendations — have centered remedy on the rights and the needs of those harmed.

Carla Garcia Zendejas of CIEL moderates a panel after a screening of the film “The Fisherman and the Banker” April 2024 in Washington, D.C. The film, produced by Sheena Sumaria over ten years, follows the fishing community of Gujarat, India as they sue the IFC, the lending arm of the World Bank, for funding a power plant which has harmed the ecology of the community.

Credit: CIEL

Cases like Alto Maipo, Titan Cement, and Tata Tea revealed how inadequate existing complaint systems were in responding to and remedying environmental and social harm to communities. The momentum needed was created with the Tata Mundra case and the landmark Jam v. IFC litigation by Indian fisherfolk, when IFC again dismissed findings reported by its own accountability mechanism.

With the RAF, IFC now acknowledges a core tenet of international law: institutions should avoid infringing on human rights and should address adverse human rights impacts when they have contributed to harm.

The framework introduces a structured approach to address environmental and social harms based on three pillars: Prevention and Preparedness, Access to Remedy, and Contribution to Remedial Action. While it still distinguishes between the roles of IFC/MIGA and their clients, it no longer denies responsibility.

Prevention remains key. IFC has reiterated the value of its existing sustainability policies to identify and manage environmental and social risks early — something civil society has long demanded, avoiding harm rather than managing its aftermath.

Still, given the numerous and disturbing failed past projects under existing policies, real change will depend on applying an environmental and social lens across all operations. A human rights-based approach must guide this shift.

The RAF also acknowledges the central role of grievance mechanisms. Effective, reliable, and independent grievance mechanisms and systems are essential for project-affected people to raise complaints and seek remedy when things go wrong. Considering IFC’s history with its own accountability mechanism —the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman— this is a significant step.

IFC/MIGA has restated its commitment to using its influence to push its clients to take remedial action and will also provide support for enabling activities, such as fact-finding, technical assistance, and community development activities. But the effectiveness of these contributions will depend on how meaningfully they engage with communities seeking remedy.

Importantly, the RAF applies to all IFC-supported investment projects and to all investment projects covered by MIGA political risk insurance guarantees, an encouraging decision.

Under IFC’s Sustainability Framework, clients have long been responsible for managing environmental and social risks. Now, they are also expected to fund and implement remedy. This is not as straightforward as it would seem: Development finance institutions’ operations are at the center of an often nebulous division of roles.

If IFC fails to properly supervise and monitor its clients, performs weak due diligence, or neglects to notice a low-capacity client, the risk of harm increases — and so does the institution’s responsibility. One of the thorniest issues during the creation of the framework was the cost of providing remedy.

Remarkably, private sector clients did not oppose remedy in principle — they questioned how to deliver it and how costs would be shared. They accepted responsibility for harms caused by construction or operations but they needed clarity on implementation.

Notably, the RAF instructs IFC to use its own financial resources — whether from project funds, donor trust funds, internal budgets, or operational risk capital — to support remedy. That is a major shift, one that could influence other development finance institutions and open a door to systemic change. Already, discussions on remedy are well underway at institutions such as the Inter-American Development Bank.

The RAF was approved on an interim basis, with a three-year piloting phase. The challenge ahead is turning policy into practice. Harm is harm — regardless of how it is funded or who caused it. As environmental and climate crises grow globally, and financial institutions multiply funds in search of solutions, we can point to the first remedial action framework as a standard to follow and as a way forward.

Now there is a way to address harms and provide remedy, the commitment to do so has been set, and many are ready to make this happen, as challenging as it will undoubtedly be. Remedy must be more than a principle. It must be a reality.

Carla García Zendejas is People, Land, and Resources Program Director at the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL)

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Staff Union Dismisses UN Restructuring as “Chaotic, Incoherent, Rushed & Lacking

Tue, 07/08/2025 - 08:37

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and Under-Secretary-General for Policy Guy Ryder who coordinates a Task Force responsible for the ongoing restructuring plans.

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 8 2025 (IPS)

A coalition of UN staff unions, led by the 60,000-strong Coordinating Committee of International Staff Unions and Associations (CCISUA), has written to UN member states criticizing the UN80 reform process as “incoherent and lacking strategy”.

The union, one of the largest single coalitions in the world body, is asking the 193 member states to take over the UN reform process which is currently in the hands of a Task Force.

https://www.ccisua.org/about-us/

Among several issues raised by the (CCISUA), UN80 is dismissed as “chaotic and rushed.” In a critical analysis, the staff union points out that the proposed restructuring:

The letter calls on UN member states to take greater control of the process.

Separately, the Secretariat staff unions wrote to the President of the General Assembly requesting to address member states on UN80.

“Closer to Geneva, a good example of issues with the coherence of UN80 is OHCHR downsizing offices in the field while expanding offices in Vienna under the justification of getting closer to those we serve”.

As a reminder, Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has appointed his special adviser, Guy Ryder, to lead UN 80. “We will be following up with further actions to contain the damage being caused by Mr. Ryder’s initiative,” the letter said.

Guy Candusso, a former First Vice-President of the UN Staff Union in New York, told IPS the reform process is usually in the hands of those who want to protect their own interests

“The UN, since Under-Secretary-General Joseph Connor left, has become top heavy with a proliferation of D2s and above. Reforms put forward are already driven by politics.”

Putting it in the hands of member states, he cautioned, is not going to help since it comes down to money. “If the funds are not forthcoming then I can’t see a good outlook for staff,” he said.

Meanwhile, Laura Johnson, Executive Secretary and Ian Richards, President of the UN Staff Union in Geneva, have provided an update on the latest developments regarding the UN 80 initiative.

The Staff-Management Committee (SMC), the global body for consultations between management and staff unions, met at the headquarters of the UN Mission in Kosovo last week.

First, despite its repeated assertions to the General Assembly and staff, management at the SMC did not present detailed UN80 proposals (including the 20 per cent budget cuts, which apply to regular budget (RB) and peacekeeping posts) to the unions and would not consult on UN80.

The only exception to this was a circular and incomplete discussion on potential mitigating measures to assist staff affected by cuts or relocations, once a final decision is made by the General Assembly on the 2026 budget at the end of this year. We asked management to correct its miscommunications on union consultation, but it has so far refused.

Given this, staff unions have had to engage informally with member states directly (see further down). On the mitigating measures, these remain subject to final approval, but are broadly the following:

downsizing policy

“The lack of finality on these measures and the lack of consideration of proposals presented by unions has been frustrating and will create more anxiety, as we made clear to management”, the letter said.

In addition to the cuts to RB and peacekeeping posts (20%), the initial phase of UN80 will establish common administrative platforms (CAPs), first in Geneva and New York and then in other locations.

Unions repeatedly asked for clarification on the CAPs as it is likely that administrative posts across the UN Secretariat will be reduced and appointments terminated, necessitating the activation of the downsizing policy.

In particular, “we asked for further explanation on how the order of retention for administrative posts across duty stations, entities and funding streams will be managed, but were unable to get clarity.”

It is clear that the General Assembly’s decision on the 2026 budget will be key. Therefore, staff unions have been informally engaging with member states.

The letter sent by CISUA highlighted the serious consequences of the UN 80 initiative on delivery, its lack of vision and the feeling that task force members were using the process to their own ends.

It also questioned how UN 80 will resolve the liquidity situation that triggered the initiative.

Many of these concerns were mentioned by member states during an informal briefing to the General Assembly last week. One member state has also circulated a draft resolution for member states to have greater oversight of the process.

Additionally, said the letter, Guy Ryder has retreated from his previous position of UN 80%. He said that the budget proposals with 20 per cent cuts were for entity heads to reflect on how they could cut costs. The Secretary-General will not necessarily make all these cuts and the final budget will reflect his priorities.

When asked what those priorities were, Ryder said he wasn’t able to reply.

“Our engagement with member states has not been without consequences. Management said at SMC that the unions had breached the staff rules and scolded unions for fulfilling their advocacy role. As an example, UNHCR management has tried to intimidate its staff representative. We called out this action and clearly set out how the staff rules, standards of conduct and General Assembly resolution 67/255 in fact explicitly allow for this important engagement”.

“We will continue to keep you updated and fight to roll back this harmful and pointless reform. The Secretary-General should be saving the UN. We believe Guy Ryder is doing the opposite”.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Kenya’s Shirika Plan: A New Dawn for Refugee Rights and Integration

Mon, 07/07/2025 - 13:03

Refugees gather to give their input on the Shirika plan during a stakeholders’ meeting in Nakuru City, west of Nairobi, earlier in February 2025. Credit: By Jackson Okata/IPS

By Jackson Okata
NAIROBI, Jul 7 2025 (IPS)

When Jean Baremba arrived in Kenya in 2018, he looked forward to rebuilding a life shattered by war in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

The 42-year-old father of four says he escaped DR Congo to save his children after the death of their mother in a 2017 dawn attack by rebel fighters on their village.

“The rebels were forcibly recruiting men to fight for their army. Those resisting were killed and their property torched. I managed to escape; unfortunately, my wife lost her life,” Baremba told IPS.

A skilled carpenter, Baremba and his four children found their way into the Kakuma refugee camp, 497 miles northwest of Kenya’s Capital, Nairobi.

“Despite all the challenges, Kakuma gave me a second life and renewed hope.”

A Growing Challenge

Kenya hosts approximately 836,907 refugees and asylum seekers, with 51 percent of this population residing in Dadaab Refugee Camp, 36 percent in Kakuma Refugee Camp, and 13 percent in urban areas. The numbers comprise 73 percent refugees and 27 percent asylum-seekers.

Over the years, the ever-rising number of people seeking refuge in Kenya, especially from the Great Lakes region, has continued to exert pressure on the East African nation amid reduced global donor and humanitarian aid and support.

Kenya’s Department of Refugee Services has 220,000 pending refugee and asylum seeker applications.

Initially, the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) was in charge of refugee seekers’ management, but the Kenyan government took over in 2021 following the passage of the Refugee Act.

To solve the refugee crisis, the Kenyan government launched a plan to transform all refugees and asylum seekers into the Kenyan community by transitioning the Dadaab and Kakuma refugee camps into integrated settlements.

The five-year transition plan, dubbed the Shirika Plan, aims to transform the refugee camps into integrated settlements for both refugees and host communities to make refugees economically self-reliant.

Shirika is a Swahili word for “coming together” or “partnering.”

The plan will allow refugees to access education, health, government identity cards, business permits, and banking services.

Additionally, refugees will be issued government tax numbers to enable them to open bank accounts and register and operate businesses.

At the same time, the plan will allow refugees to travel and live in any part of Kenya without a special movement permit.

The plan will see refugee students receive government education scholarships to enable them to pursue college and university education.

To enhance access to health services for refugees, the plan allows them to be listed on the Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF), a government-managed public health fund.

Self-Reliance

For people like Baremba, being allowed to live like other Kenyans will grant refugees the much-needed economic independence.

“Integration will allow me to put my carpentry skills to work, and the Kenyan community will form part of my market,” Baremba said.

He added, “With a source of income, I will no longer rely on support from UNHCR.”

Mary Ajok, a South Sudanese refugee, hopes that the implementation of the Shirika plan will provide a permanent solution to crowded shelters, limited food rations and lack of proper healthcare services plaguing refugees in the camps.

“Raising children in a refugee camp can be challenging. Integration provides a peaceful and friendly environment for children,” Ajok told IPS.

Ajok hopes to establish a catering business to serve both refugees and the host community of Kakuma.

“Majority of refugees have various skills that can be put to use and contribute to the growth of Kenya’s economy,” she said.

Funding

During the official launch of the Shirika Plan at State House, Nairobi, President William Ruto said, “The plan will upgrade refugee management, shifting from humanitarian dependency to a more inclusive and progressive development model centered on human rights.”

US Embassy Chargé d’Affaires Marc Dillard, who also doubles as the chair of the Refugee Donor Group, describes the Shirika plan as a milestone for advancing socio-economic conditions and human rights for refugees in Kenya.

The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) will work with the Kenyan government to implement the Shirika Plan.

The plan’s implementation budget is estimated to be USD 943 million. Kenya’s Minister for National Administration, Kipchumba Murkomen, has been meeting refugee donor groups appealing for funding to implement the plan.

The World Bank, UNHCR, International Finance Corporation and the Kenya Commercial Bank Group have pledged to fund the plan’s implementation.

Global and Regional Goals

The Shirika Plan contributes to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGS) and the AU Agenda 2063 and aligns with global commitments such as the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) of 2018, the 1969 OAU convention, the 1951 UN convention, and the 1967 UN convention

Inclusivity and non-discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion, nationality, gender, or any other grounds are key guiding principles for the plan.

For refugees not keen on being integrated, the plan provides pathways for voluntary repatriation to stable home countries and third-country resettlement for deserving, vulnerable refugees.

Opposing Voices

The refugee integration plan is, however, facing resistance from a section of political leaders from Northern Kenya, citing inadequate consultations.

Farah Maalim and Daniel Epuyo, Members of Parliament representing Dadaab and Turkana West constituencies, have accused the government of Kenya and UNHCR of hurriedly rolling out the plan.

The two legislators are instead pushing for the repatriation of refugees back to their home countries.

“We cannot talk of integrating refugees when locals have pressing needs that are yet to be met,” Epuyo said.

Maalim said, “The Hosting Communities of Refugees are not ready for integration. Most refugees would opt for voluntary repatriation with generous assistance to enable them to reintegrate back in Somalia.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Bangladesh’s Democratic Promise Hangs in the Balance

Mon, 07/07/2025 - 13:01

Credit: Abdul Goni/Reuters via Gallo Images

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jul 7 2025 (IPS)

When Bangladesh’s streets erupted in protest in mid-2024, few could have predicted how swiftly Sheikh Hasina’s regime would crumble. The ousting of the prime minister last August, after years of mounting authoritarianism and growing discontent, was heralded as a historic opportunity for democratic renewal. Almost a year on, the question remains whether Bangladesh is genuinely evolving towards democracy, or if one form of repression is replacing another.

The interim government, led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, confronts enormous challenges in delivering meaningful change. While it has taken significant steps – releasing political prisoners, initiating constitutional reforms, signing international human rights treaties and pursuing accountability for past violations – persistent abuses, political exclusion and economic instability continue to cast long shadows over the transition. The coming months will prove decisive in determining whether Bangladesh can truly break from its authoritarian past.

From electoral fraud to revolution

The roots of Bangladesh’s current upheaval trace back to the deeply flawed general election of 7 January 2024. The vote, which saw Hasina’s Awami League (AL) secure a fourth consecutive term, was widely dismissed as a foregone conclusion. The main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party boycotted the election in protest at the government’s refusal to reinstate a neutral caretaker system.

The government unleashed an intense crackdown ahead of the vote. It imprisoned thousands of opposition activists and weaponised the criminal justice system to silence dissent, leading to deaths in police custody and enforced disappearances. This repression extended to civil society, with human rights activists and journalists facing harassment, arbitrary detention and violence. The government sponsored fake opposition candidates to create an illusion of competition, resulting in plummeting voter turnout and a crisis of legitimacy.

When opposition rallies occurred, they were met with overwhelming force. On 28 October 2023, police responded to a major opposition protest in Dhaka with rubber bullets, teargas and stun grenades, resulting in at least 16 deaths, with thousands injured and detained.

The situation deteriorated further after the election. In June 2024, the reinstatement of a controversial quota system for public sector jobs triggered mass student-led protests that would ultimately topple Hasina’s government. These protests rapidly evolved into a broader revolt against entrenched corruption, economic inequality and political impunity.

The government’s response was systematically brutal. According to a United Nations fact-finding report, between July and August security forces killed as many as 1,400 people, including many children, often shooting protesters at point-blank range. They denied the injured medical care and intimidated hospital staff. The scale of violence eventually led the military to refuse further involvement, forcing Hasina to resign and flee Bangladesh.

Reform efforts amid political discord

The interim government identified three core priorities: institutional reforms, trials of perpetrators of political violence and elections. Its initial months brought significant progress. The government released detained protesters and human rights defenders, signed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances and established a commission of inquiry into enforced disappearances.

This commission documented around 1,700 complaints and found evidence of systematic use of enforced disappearances to target political opponents and activists, with direct complicity by Hasina and senior officials. In October, the Bangladesh International Crimes Tribunal issued arrest warrants for Hasina and 44 others for massacres during the 2024 protests, although the tribunal has a troubled history and retains the death penalty, contrary to international norms.

The Constitution Reform Commission has proposed expanding fundamental rights, with a bicameral parliament and term limits for top offices. However, the process has been undermined by the exclusion of major political players – most notably the AL – and minority groups.

Political tensions escalated as the interim government faced mounting pressure to set a general election date. Opposition parties accused it of deliberate stalling. The army chief publicly demanded elections by the end of 2025, while student groups sought postponement until reforms and justice were secured. After initial uncertainty, the government announced the election would occur in April 2026.

The most dramatic escalation came in May, when the interim government banned all AL activities under the Anti-Terrorism Act following renewed protests. The Election Commission subsequently suspended the AL’s registration, effectively barring it from future elections and fundamentally altering Bangladesh’s political landscape.

Economic challenges compound these political difficulties. Bangladesh remains fragile after devastating floods in 2024, while the banking sector faces stress from surging non-performing loans. Inflation continues outpacing wage growth and economic austerity measures agreed with the International Monetary Fund have sparked fresh protests.

Authoritarian patterns persist

Despite promises of change, old patterns of repression prove stubborn. Human rights groups document ongoing security forces abuses, including arbitrary arrests of opposition supporters and journalists, denial of due process and continued lack of accountability for past crimes. In the first two months of 2025 alone, over 1,000 police cases were filed against tens of thousands of people, mainly AL members or perceived supporters. A February crackdown on Hasina’s supporters led to over 1,300 arrests.

Press freedom remains severely threatened. In November, the interim government revoked the accreditation of 167 journalists. Around 140 journalists viewed as aligned with the previous regime have faced charges, with 25 accused of crimes against humanity, forcing many into hiding. Attacks on media outlets continue, including vandalism of newspaper offices.

The draft Cyber Protection Ordinance, intended to replace the repressive Cyber Security Act, has drawn criticism for retaining vague provisions criminalising defamation and ‘hurting religious sentiments’ while granting authorities sweeping powers for warrantless searches. Rights groups warn this law could stifle dissent in the run-up to elections.

Uncertain path forward

Bangladesh’s journey demonstrates that democratic transitions are inherently difficult, nonlinear and deeply contested processes. Democracy isn’t a guaranteed outcome, but the chances improve when political leaders are genuinely committed to reform and inclusive dialogue, and political players, civil society and the public practise sustained vigilance.

While the interim government has achieved steps unthinkable under the previous regime, the persistence of arbitrary arrests, attacks on journalists and the exclusion of key political players suggests authoritarianism’s shadow still looms large.

The upcoming general election will provide a crucial test of whether Bangladesh can finally turn the page on authoritarianism. The answer lies in whether Bangladeshis across government, civil society and beyond are able to build something genuinely new. The stakes are high in a country where many have already sacrificed much for the promise of democratic freedom.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

Categories: Africa

How Global Fund is Saving Lives from Malaria, TB, & HIV across Africa

Mon, 07/07/2025 - 10:43

Credit: UNOCHA/Giles Clarke

By Praise Nutakor
NEW YORK, Jul 7 2025 (IPS)

In Gabú, Guinea-Bissau, a grandmother named N’beta hesitated. Her six-month-old grandson, Seco, was healthy, so why give him medicine? But community health workers Jamilia and Amadu gently explained that the medicine wasn’t for illness, but for protection. It was part of a seasonal malaria chemoprevention campaign designed to protect children during the worst malaria transmission months — the rainy season.

“Now I understand it’s to keep him safe,” N’beta said, watching Seco become one of 250,000 children protected in 2024 with a simple but life-saving dose.

Malaria remains a deadly threat across Africa, especially for children under five. But with support from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and its partners are reaching the most vulnerable, particularly in hard-to-reach communities.

In Chad, 9.4 million mosquito nets were distributed using a fully digitalized system in 2023, protecting 3.5 million households. In Burundi, 1.3 million people were protected through indoor spraying in 2024. In Guinea-Bissau, malaria prevalence dropped by more than half in just three years from 2020-2023.

But malaria is only one of the threats.
In South Sudan, tuberculosis (TB) continues to claim lives, often undetected.

“Not everyone can read and interpret an X-ray report,” said Dr. Ofere Ohide, a Radiologist at Torit State Hospital. “But with new AI-assisted X-ray machines, even clinics without power or specialists can now detect TB early,” he says of the digital x-ray machines provided through the Global Fund support.

These innovations, combined with decentralized care and improved case notification, helped 92% of people with TB receive treatment in 2023, contributing to a 75% drop in TB-related deaths in South Sudan since 2015. Similarly, close to 20,000 people got cured of TB out of about 23,000 TB cases registered in 2023 representing 85% treatment success rate.

And then there’s HIV – a virus that once devastated entire generations.
In Zimbabwe, where AIDS once slashed life expectancy to 45 years, progress has been hard-won. One young woman, Princess, 17, a survivor of sexual abuse, found strength through a Global Fund-supported comprehensive sexuality education programme delivered by UNDP and partners.

“I reclaimed my voice and will use it to ensure justice for survivors of abuse,” she said, now dreaming of becoming a lawyer.

In Angola, 22-year-old Ana Alexandre became a peer educator after joining sessions on sexual and reproductive health. “I am no longer ashamed to talk about sexuality,” she shared. “My little sister can come to me and ask things… I answer normally and clearly.”

Since 2003, UNDP and the Global Fund have worked hand-in-hand with governments, civil society, and communities to end HIV, TB, and malaria, even in the most fragile settings. In Africa, countries supported by UNDP and the Global Fund include Angola, Burundi, Chad, Republic of the Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Guinea-Bissau, Zimbabwe, São Tomé and Príncipe, Mozambique, and South Sudan.

In 2023 alone:
1.5 million people received HIV treatment
44,000 people were treated for TB
13.1 million mosquito nets were distributed to prevent malaria

To all the partners of the Global Fund including the governments of Germany, France, Portugal, Japan, the UK, Canada, the EU, Norway, Sweden, and the Netherlands – thank you. Your support is not just saving lives. It is restoring dignity, hope, and the promise of a healthier, more prosperous, and secure future.

But the work is not done.
To protect every child like Seco, to empower every girl like Princess, and to reach every community still at risk, we must keep going. Continued investment, including in the Global Fund’s Eighth Replenishment, is essential to ensure health for all and end HIV, TB and malaria by 2030.

Praise Nutakor is Partnerships and Communications Specialist, UN Development Programme (UNDP)

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

FfD4 at Sevilla Plants the Seeds of Debtor Unity

Fri, 07/04/2025 - 16:59

Pedro Sánchez, Ursula Von der Leyen, António Guterres, from left to right, at the 4th International Conference on Financing for Development. Credit: Dati Bendo/European Union

By Michael Galant
NEW YORK, Jul 4 2025 (IPS)

UN Member States adopted the ‘Compromiso de Sevilla’ at the Fourth Financing for Development Forum (FfD4) which concluded July 3– the culmination of months of contentious negotiations that pitted wealthy nations against the developing world in competing visions for reform of the global economic architecture.

The wide-ranging outcome document will be met with both fanfare — from the host countries and UN officials keen to portray the process as a success — and criticism — from civil society groups lamenting the watering down of material commitments into so many toothless words. But buried in its 38 pages is a single paragraph that quietly plants the seed for a more transformative agenda:

We will establish a platform for borrower countries with support from existing institutions, and a UN entity serving as its secretariat. The platform may be used to discuss technical issues, share information and experiences in addressing debt challenges, increase access to technical assistance and capacity building in debt management, coordinate approaches, and strengthen borrower countries’ voices in the global debt architecture.

Uniting borrowing countries has long been a dream of those concerned with the imbalance of power in the global financial system. Creditors are organized into collectives like the Paris Club, they argue; so too should debtors work together to build collective negotiating power, underwritten by the threat of a coordinated default.

With two thirds of low-income and a quarter of middle-income countries in or near debt distress, a common negotiating front could not only obtain better terms of restructuring during times of crisis, but also bolster demands for lasting reforms of a failing system that keeps countries trapped in a vicious cycle of debt and underdevelopment.

This is easier said than done.

Developing countries, and the economic elites that typically govern them, are dependent on international finance, and reluctant to do anything that might spook financial markets. Simultaneously overcoming these fears in multiple countries, each with their own contexts and interests, is a tall order.

The FFD document thus conspicuously avoids the language of a “debtors’ club” or any threat of collective negotiation or default, leading instead with more neutral modes of cooperation like information-sharing and capacity-building. But even tentative steps toward cooperation can have a meaningful impact. Indeed, they have before.

In June 1984, eleven Latin American countries met in Cartagena, Colombia to coordinate their responses to the debt crisis that had by then roiled the region for two years. The resulting Cartagena Consensus was clear that it was not a “debtors’ club,” but a forum for collaboration. The group would meet five times in the years that would follow, developing common positions on the source of the crisis and the terms of its resolution.

The Cartagena Consensus is often held up as a cautionary tale for debtors considering coordination. The Group never became a fully realized “debtors’ club” capable of collective negotiation, and petered out before the crisis was resolved as creditors peeled away desperate debtors with sweetheart deals.

But even the tacit threat that a club could be in formation bore fruit. Principles developed collectively shaped early deals, the concessions from which bolstered the positions of subsequent negotiators, and less confrontational governments benefitted from gains won by the more radical.

As scholar Diana Tussie wrote at the time: “a significant improvement in the cost of the negotiated credit was achieved, spreads were reduced, rescheduling fees were drastically reduced, the cost of the loan was reduced, and the amortization period increased significantly.”

Rhetorically, the Consensus helped recast the crisis as a political one, rooted in global financial inequities and exogenous factors like rising interest rates in advanced economies, rather than a purely technocratic or moralistic question of responsible spending.

Today’s multilateral commitment to form a borrowers’ platform has advantages that Cartagena did not. While the developing world is facing a generalized debt crisis, it is not in the acute situation that beset the Cartagena Consensus, and so has an opportunity to gradually build its infrastructure under less desperate conditions.

The borrowers’ platform is to operate with UN support and a wider range of global participants. And the emergence of major new bilateral creditors, though not without its own challenges, may strengthen debtors’ negotiating hands.

Of course, the global debt challenge cannot be reduced to a zero-sum restructuring negotiation. Substantive reforms are needed to address the many faults in the debt system, from ongoing legislative efforts to combat creditor holdouts in Albany, to the establishment of a permanent multilateral sovereign debt workout mechanism — a top priority of debt relief advocates.

Yet these efforts have repeatedly been blocked by the intransigence of creditors. Movement toward reform will only be strengthened by the coordination of the countries that stand to benefit most.

A promise to establish a borrowers’ platform is far from a fully realized debtors’ club, and farther still from a panacea to the Global South’s ongoing debt crisis. But in a document short on transformative ambition, it is a concrete step toward the rebalancing of unequal power relations — and a sign that debtor countries will not submit themselves to creditor inaction forever.

Michael Galant is Senior Research and Outreach Associate at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (cepr.net) in Washington, DC.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

The Silencing of Hong Kong

Fri, 07/04/2025 - 11:08

Credit: Anthony Kwan/Getty Images via Gallo Images

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Jul 4 2025 (IPS)

Joshua Wong sits in a maximum-security prison cell, knowing the Hong Kong authorities are determined to silence him forever. On 6 June, police arrived at Stanley Prison bringing fresh charges that could see the high-profile democracy campaigner imprisoned for life. This is the reality of Hong Kong: even when behind bars, activists can be considered too dangerous ever to be freed.

An infamous anniversary is approaching. 30 June will mark five years since the passing of Hong Kong’s draconian national security law. Imposed on the supposedly autonomous territory by the Chinese government, the law made it a crime to call for democracy, leading to numerous jail sentences.

Last year, the Hong Kong authorities gave themselves still more powers to suppress dissent by passing another law, the Safeguarding National Security Ordinance. Already, police have used the new law to arrest over 300 people, including for such trivial offences as wearing T-shirts with protest slogans.

Democracy movement ruthlessly suppressed

The heady days of Hong Kong’s vibrant youth-led democracy movement, which erupted into large-scale protests in 2019, are a distant memory. It’s been so long now that some of those jailed have been freed from prison at the end of their sentences. But the authorities are determined to keep persecuting the most high-profile activists.

Wong’s case exemplifies the authorities’ determination to silence prominent voices. The young activist is the movement’s most famous faces. He’s been repeatedly jailed for protest-related offences going back to 2017, and has now spent over four years in prison either serving sentences or awaiting further trials. He’s now charged with conspiring to collude with foreign forces, for allegedly working with exiled democracy activists to urge international sanctions on China, a crime under the national security law.

Meanwhile, Jimmy Lai’s trial continues. The former media owner used his Apple Daily newspaper to support the democracy movement, until the authorities forced it to close in 2021. Like Wong, Lai has already received several sentences, but his current drawn-out trial is on the more serious charges of colluding with foreign forces and conspiring to publish seditious materials.

Lai, who also holds British citizenship, has been held in solitary confinement since December 2020. He’s 77 years old and in poor health, and his family are concerned that in such conditions he might not withstand the fierce heat of another summer. The authorities clearly intend for him to die in jail.

Tradition of dissent crushed

The Hong Kong of today is unrecognisable from the country once promised. When the UK handed the territory over to China in 1997, it was under a treaty in which the Chinese state committed to maintaining its separate political system for 50 years. This included guarantees to uphold civic freedoms. But China has unilaterally torn up that agreement and is determined to make Hong Kong indistinguishable from the totalitarian mainland.

On top of criminalising thousands of protesters, the authorities have thoroughly suppressed a once vibrant media. Hong Kong now stands at 140 out of 180 countries on Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index; in 2018, before the current intensive crackdown began, it was in 70th place. Recently, journalists have been subjected to a systematic campaign of anonymous harassment and intimidation. Authorities have started to target journalists and media companies for supposedly random tax audits.

In these conditions, many civil society groups, political parties and media houses have had no choice but to shut down, while international media have been forced to relocate. In April, it was the turn of Hong Kong’s oldest and biggest pro-democracy party, the Democratic Party, to close. Long a moderate voice that was careful not to speak out against China, it had nonetheless recently received warnings from Chinese state officials.

The timing reveals the authorities’ desire for absolute control. The next election for the Legislative Council, Hong Kong’s parliament, is due in December, and in democracies, parties gear up rather than close down ahead of elections. But most Legislative Council seats aren’t directly elected and only pro-China candidates are allowed to stand. With this latest party closure, the authorities are evidently intent on denying even the prospect of token opposition.

In the face of the crackdown, some democracy activists have managed to escape into exile, but there’s no safety there, since China is the world’s number one transnational repressor. In 2023 and 2024, the authorities placed a bounty on the heads of 19 exiled activists, offering rewards for their capture.

Hong Kong authorities have stripped exiles of passports, while police have targeted their families for questioning. May saw a further escalation, when police arrested the father and brother of US-based exile Anna Kwok, one of the 19 with a price on their heads.

Ever-growing control

The Chinese state’s reach now extends to the most trivial aspects of daily life. Pro-China informants report people who fall foul of laws, and there’s seemingly no act of rebellion too small to escape official notice. In June, Hong Kong police warned people not to download a mobile phone game developed in Taiwan on the grounds it was secessionist. Teachers – who must deliver a pro-China curriculum – have been instructed not to attend 4 July events organised by the US consulate, and to discourage students attending. Education minister Christine Choi Yuk-lin recently warned of the dangers of book fairs and other acts of ‘soft resistance’ in schools.

The Chinese state now holds all the cards in Hong Kong. But Hong Kong’s story isn’t just about a small territory’s loss of freedom: it’s a warning to the world about what happens when authoritarianism advances unchecked. As Wong faces the prospect of life imprisonment for the crime of calling for democracy and Lai withers in solitary confinement, the international community must review its commitment to democracy. The very least Hong Kong’s underground and exiled activists deserve is international solidarity and support to ensure their safety against attacks. As their struggle continues, the world shouldn’t look away.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

Categories: Africa

Lessons from South Africa on Monitoring the Impact of Invasive Trees on Water Resources

Fri, 07/04/2025 - 10:10

The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) estimates that the minimum economic cost of biological invasions globally from 1970 to 2017 is USD 1.2 trillion. Credit: Jorge Luis Baños/IPS

By Richard Bugan
CAPE TOWN, South Africa, Jul 4 2025 (IPS)

Concerns about the impacts of invasive species is not new; it dates to the 19th century. The term was popularized in Charles Elton’s 1958 book “The Ecology of Invasions by Animals and Plants”. However, the concept gained significant attention in the 1990s and early 2000s as academic interest surged. This led to an increase in publications by invasion biologists.

Today, the impact of invasive species has increased significantly, with regions with fragile ecosystems being more vulnerable than others. Globally, the scale of the problem is staggering. The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) estimates that the minimum economic cost of biological invasions globally from 1970 to 2017 is USD 1.2 trillion. This figure accounts for expenses related to the prevention, reduction, or mitigation of damages caused by these species.

In Africa, a continent expected to be severely affected by climate change, the challenges posed by invasive species are expected to worsen. Among the most pressing is the spread of invasive plants, which not only endanger native biodiversity but also impact the economy, water security, food security and livelihoods.

One such example can be found in South Africa’s Cape Floristic Region, which is known for its remarkable plant diversity, where 70% of plant species are unique to this area.

In catchment areas of the Western Cape Water Supply System, critical for the water supply to Cape Town, invasive trees are responsible for the loss of up to 55 million cubic meters of water per year—equivalent to about two months’ water supply for the city. If not managed, this loss could increase to 100 million cubic meters per year by 2045.

It is evident that the Earth is approaching a tipping point in terms of biodiversity loss, and there is no time to waste. Many scientists, including myself, are deeply concerned about the impact of these water-consuming invasive trees.

Richard Bugan

As the Science, Monitoring, Evaluation, and Learning Manager for The Nature Conservancy (TNC) in South Africa, I lead a team dedicated to using sound science to monitor and evaluate the progress of the Greater Cape Town Water Fund, which was launched in 2018 by TNC and its partners as South Africa’s first Water Fund.

Our work includes tracking the hectares cleared in pursuit of our 2026 target of 59,300 hectares cleared, along with assessing the associated water benefits and biodiversity impacts (for both freshwater ecosystems and the recovery of native fynbos).

As of February 2025, the Water Fund has cleared 33,000 hectares (56% of the target) and completed follow-up clearing efforts across 31,000 hectares to prevent regrowth of invasive species and maintain the cleared areas. This effort has reclaimed approximately 34 million cubic meters of water per year to the benefit of both people and the environment.

TNC is committed to accurately quantifying the impact of invasive trees on water resources in South Africa. This is achieved through the application of hydrological models and infield monitoring activities. During October 2019 – February 2020, six catchments around Theewaterskloof Dam, were instrumented with streamflow and rainfall monitoring equipment. The results of this hydrological monitoring represent a unique opportunity to provide measured evidence of the water benefits achieved through the clearing of invasive trees.

But we are learning that our monitoring activities can hit a snag due to potential equipment failures, storms, and wildfires, which pose risks to their success. To address these challenges, we upgraded the paired catchment monitoring stations in December 2024 through the support of Microsoft. A new telemetry system was installed, linking each piece of equipment via radio frequency and the mobile network. This enhancement significantly reduced the risk of data loss, improved accuracy, and supported the long-term resilience of the monitoring.

After almost six years of monitoring, we are frequently asked whether clearing invasive trees is increasing streamflow. Preliminary results suggest that reference (fynbos dominated) catchments exhibit, on average, a 34% increase in annual streamflow volumes compared to invaded catchments. This represents a significant amount of water, benefiting both people and nature in this beautiful region. We are excited about these incontrovertible findings as they provide concrete evidence of the benefits derived from the removal of invasive trees.

Restoring biodiversity to its original state may take a long time. However, I am just as excited about this moment. The fact that we can contribute every day to a matter of international importance is a gradual step to success.

The author is the Science, Monitoring, Evaluation and Learning Manager (TNC South Africa)

Categories: Africa

The Rise of Islamophobia in New York’s Mayoral Elections– with the Statue of Liberty in a Burqa

Fri, 07/04/2025 - 09:01

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 4 2025 (IPS)

The prospect of New Yorkers electing their first Muslim Mayor, come November, has ignited a rash of paranoid statements by right-wing US politicians, including Islamophobia– the irrational fear and hatred against Islam and Muslims.

Last week, a Republican politician caricatured America’s iconic Statue of Liberty wearing a burqa– an outer garment worn by some Muslim women that covers the entire body and face. But that internet meme, spreading across social media, was deleted after protests.

And another right-winger falsely warned that Zohran Mamdani, who last month won the Democratic Mayoral primary, may introduce the Islamic sharia law into the statute books of New York city’s five boroughs—with adulterers stoned to death in public.

If that punishment becomes a reality, one cynic jokingly predicted, New York may run out of stones—as once recounted about the fallout from Sharia law in a sandy Middle Eastern desert kingdom.

Meanwhile, President Trump, not surprisingly, jumped into the fray dismissing Mamdani as “a Communist lunatic.” That remark was a grim reminder of the spread of “McCarthyism” in the US in the early 1950s: a campaign against alleged Communists in the US government and other institutions.

Led by Senator Joseph McCarthy, the campaign, which falsely accused scores of politicians and Hollywood celebrities as “Communists”, was labeled the “search for reds under every bed”.

The 33-year-old Mamdani, a Democratic socialist and a social media star, is currently a member of the New York State Assembly from the 36th district, based in the New York city borough of Queens.

At the primary elections last month, he defeated Andrew Cuomo, the thrice-elected Governor of New York state. Mamdani’s father is a professor at the prestigious Ivy League Columbia University and his mother the celebrity award-winning movie producer Mira Nair.

Mamdani was born in Kampala, Uganda and his middle name Kwame was a tribute to Kwame Nkrumah, a political theorist and revolutionary, who served as Prime Minister of the Gold Coast (later Ghana) and President, from 1957 until 1966.

Mamdani migrated to New York City when he was seven years old and graduated from the Bronx High School of Science and later earning a bachelor’s degree in Africana studies from Bowdoin College.

Dr James E. Jennings, President, Conscience International, told IPS: “If New York is really a global city, having a Muslim mayor should be a welcome development. A quarter of the world’s population and almost 10% of New York’s citizens are Muslims. Where else but in the Big Apple could the United States better demonstrate our founding principles of liberty and justice for all? he asked.

First, the horror of September 11 fascinated the world, then New York’s most disreputable playboy took charge in Washington with global repercussions. Perhaps now an exemplary US citizen like Mamdani, who happens to be a Muslim, could lead our current politics in a more rational and moral way. His election might help repair frayed ties with the world’s 50 Muslim-majority countries and lead US politics out of its current anti-immigrant jingoism, said Dr Jennings.

Prejudice against Muslims, he pointed out, is hopelessly entangled with the politics of the Middle East. A clear voice like Mamdani’s is needed to speak out for justice and repudiate the “attack first” mentality of the Netanyahu-Trump cabal that keeps the US involved in unnecessary wars and fuels the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC).

“Those in New York’s Jewish community who deplore the Likud Party’s abandonment of Israel’s founding principles and repudiate the genocide in Gaza have apparently already decided to vote for the progressive candidate”, said Dr Jennings.

Ian G. Williams, President Foreign Press Association (FPA), told IPS Mamdani’s biggest electoral asset is that when asked, he answers questions directly and factually without looking over his shoulders to see what the funders and PACs think. (Political action committees and super PACs play significant roles in federal election campaigns by raising and spending money to influence elections.)

“No hedging, no pandering no Clintonesque squirming about what the meaning of “is” is. Voters will respect the courage even if they are not totally onside with the message”, said Williams former speechwriter for Neil Kinnock, whose speeches derailed Joe Biden’s 1988 Presidential run when he was caught out in unacknowledged plagiarism.

The turning point was when he fielded the “gotcha” question and redirected it against the other candidates paralyzed by fear of AIPAC (the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a pro-Israel lobbying group in the United States.).

When asked about going to Israel, in effect, he challenged them to explain WHY a mayor of a city with so many problems would take time off to visit an Eastern mediterranean state committing war crimes. In many ways this was more effective than chanting on a stage at Glastonbury.

It is less than a lifetime ago that JF Kennedy’s candidacy was dubious because he was a Catholic. The bigots who evoked Zohran’s Muslim background while applauding applied dogma from Opus Dei in SCOTUS are irrelevant, declared Williams, a former President of the UN Correspondents’ Association (UNCA).

Dr Ramzy Baroud, a journalist and Editor of The Palestine Chronicle, told IPS the attacks on Mamdani, a principled man with a solid following among people who are seeking value-based politics, are a strange amalgamation of all the tropes of the past: those that accompanied the McCarthyism era, those pertaining to any criticisms of Israel, and those that preceded and intensified after the September 11, 2001, attacks.

“This hodgepodge of accusations, he said, lacks a central theme, though the real, often unstated fear is that Mamdani is a danger to the ruling classes, frankly on both sides. They are simultaneously accusing him of being a communist, an Islamist, a crazy person, and an antisemite, among a long list of ridiculous accusations”.

This reflects not only the overriding racism and foolishness that continues to control political discourse in the U.S., but also a degree of desperation, said Dr Baroud.

“The fallout of this madness is that they are repeating the same lines that many Americans are fed up with and no longer accept or tolerate. In other words, the attacks on Mamdani could very much be the reason behind his potential victory in the New York Mayoral race, which in turn will further elevate and make more meaningful the overall political discourse”.

The current level of so-called political debate is arguably the most debased in history, and it seems to be getting worse with time, where the president of what is supposed to be one of the greatest democracies in the world is making physical threats to arrest and deport popular politicians for disagreeing with him. This will bode very badly for the future in the country, thus highlighting the need for Mamdani-like politicians, declared Dr Baroud.

Norman Solomon, executive director, Institute for Public Accuracy and national director, RootsAction, told IPS a gradual trend of lessening racism and increasing anti-racism in the United States, especially among younger Americans, has been a major factor in making possible Mamdani’s primary victory.

Likewise, overall, a reduction of ethnocentrism and increasing affirmation of multiculturalism in urban areas – contrary to the very real racism and xenophobia led by Donald Trump – have opened the door to electoral progress by progressives who are not white and do not fall into the category of Judeo-Christian heritage.

This is all to the good for the health of the society, and all to the good for the prospects of victory for genuinely compassionate and forward-looking political leaders like Zohran Mamdani.

But the big backlash against Mamdani’s victory and what it represents has just begun, he warned. “This is a longstanding kind of reactionary bigotry that has always been a motor force for cruelty and systemic injustice in this country”.

Mamdani’s win is a highly encouraging event that could foreshadow great progress for social justice and against Islamophobia in the United States.

Yet the hostility that this progress has provoked tells us that powerful attitudes and forces for bigotry are surging to roll back essential progress, declared Solomon, author, “War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Sudanese Refugees and IDPs Disproportionately Affected By Crisis

Thu, 07/03/2025 - 19:19

Children are screened for malnutrition and provided with treatment at Elhmedia health centre, Rokoro, Central Darfur. Credit: UNICEF/Omar Tarig

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 (IPS)

Since the wake of the Sudanese Civil War in 2023, Sudan has faced a dire humanitarian crisis that has been marked by extreme violence, widespread civilian displacement, and an overwhelming lack of basic services in relation to the massive scale of needs. The latest reports from a host of United Nations (UN) organizations shed light on the rapid deterioration of living conditions for Sudanese internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees.

In March, the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) issued its Global Displacement Forecast Report, which detailed the projected trends in civilian movement for the remainder of the year. Sudan, which has been described as the world’s most dire displacement crisis, accounts for nearly one-third of new global displacements this year. It is estimated that by the end of 2026, an additional 2.1 million Sudanese civilians will be internally displaced.

According to the latest Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) report from the International Organization for Migration (IOM), as of May 28, over 10 million civilians are currently internally displaced across all 18 states in Sudan. Roughly 7.7 million have been displaced since the wake of hostilities in April 2023 and have never returned home.

Additionally, IOM estimates that from June 26-29, approximately 3,260 households were displaced across several counties in the Bara locality of North Kordofan as a result of heightened violence. Over half of the displaced civilians reported were children under the age of 18-years old.

On June 29, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) released a situation report detailing the escalation of hostilities recorded in May. Renewed clashes between warring parties were reported in the West Kordofan, South Kordofan, Khartoum, and North Darfur states, spurring nearly 100,000 new internal displacement cases. West Kordofan was hit the hardest as brutal clashes in the areas surrounding the An Nuhud and Al Khiwai towns drove roughly 60,415 people away from their homes.

According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), since April 2023, over 4 million Sudanese civilians have been forcefully displaced to neighbouring countries, with Egypt and Chad housing the largest numbers of refugees. In early April this year, UNHCR recorded numerous armed attacks on displacement camps in North Darfur, including the Zamzam and Abu Shouk shelters, which further spurred mass movements to Chad.

Doctors Without Borders (MSF) states that since April, over 80,000 Sudanese refugees have crossed into Chad, with approximately 68,556 being concentrated in the Wadi Fira and Ennedi Est provinces. As of June, there has been a daily average of 1,400 Sudanese civilians crossing into Chad.

UNICEF reports that despite the new surges of heightened insecurity, May saw an overall reduction in displacement, with roughly 1.1 million civilians returning to their sites of origin, most being recorded in Al Jazira. However, the vast majority of these individuals still struggle with risks of violence and an overwhelming lack of essential resources, such as food, shelter, healthcare, and water and hygiene (WASH) services.

UNHCR interviewed roughly 6,810 of the refugees in Chad. They found that nearly 60 percent of them had been separated from their families, and 72 percent reported experiencing severe human rights violations, including physical and/or sexual violence, arbitrary detention, and forced recruitment.

Additionally, Sudanese refugees and IDPs alike face heightened risks of food insecurity. According to UNICEF, over 17,766 children in Sudan were diagnosed with severe acute malnutrition. In Uganda, the World Food Programme (WFP) estimates that Sudanese refugees are relying on 500 calories per day, only roughly a quarter of the daily needs per person. In Chad, nutritional support has been stretched to its limits and food rations are to be significantly reduced in the coming months unless additional funding is secured soon.

“This is a full-blown regional crisis that’s playing out in countries that already have extreme levels of food insecurity and high levels of conflict,” said Shaun Hughes, WFP’s Emergency Coordinator for the Sudan Regional Crisis. “Millions of people who have fled Sudan depend wholly on support from WFP, but without additional funding we will be forced to make further cuts to food assistance. This will leave vulnerable families, and particularly children, at increasingly severe risk of hunger and malnutrition.”

Due to limited access to WASH services and healthcare for the majority of Sudanese IDPs, there have been 23,000 new cases of cholera declared this year. With cumulative cases exceeding 73,000, UNICEF warns that the health situation in Sudan is projected to deteriorate significantly as the upcoming rainy season approaches.

According to UNHCR, of the Sudanese refugees in neighbouring countries, children bear the brunt of the crisis. It is estimated that 66 percent of refugee children lack access to educational services and roughly 30 percent have sustained serious injuries.

“(My son’s) hand got ripped off by a shrapnel bomb, some got stuck in his right eye. He arrived at the MSF clinic in (Chad’s) Tine camp several weeks ago. Each time, doctors and nurses struggled to even access the wound as the child was traumatized and in immense pain,” said the mother of Mahanat, an eleven-year-old Sudanese refugee who fled to Chad after an April attack on the Zamzam camp in Sudan, in an interview with MSF.

UNHCR states that only 14 percent of humanitarian needs for Sudanese refugees have been met, leaving thousands particularly vulnerable to extreme weather events, adverse health conditions, and violence. It is estimated that the average Sudanese refugee receives roughly 5 liters of water per day, which is about 4 times less than the global average per person.

“Again, we ask donors, the UN, and humanitarian organizations to start providing or scaling up support in terms of food, shelter, sanitation, and medical care, including mental health services,” said Claire San Filippo, MSF’s emergency coordinator for Sudan. “The current response is grossly insufficient.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Does the UN Overstep Its Responsibility to Protect Mandate?

Thu, 07/03/2025 - 10:07

Philemon Yang (centre), President of the seventy-ninth session of the United Nations General Assembly, chairs the 80th plenary meeting of the General Assembly on the theme responsibility to protect and the prevention of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. At left is Secretary-General António Guterres, who delivered a report on "Responsibility to protect: 20 years of commitment to principled and collective action" to the Assembly. Credit: UN Photo/Loey Felipe

By Jennifer Xin-Tsu Lin Levine
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 (IPS)

The UN has been criticized by some member states for overstepping the mandate of its Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine during a debate in the General Assembly.

United Nations member states held another General Assembly meeting to discuss the 20-year-old doctrine Responsibility to Protect, where many powerful members spoke out against the political contract.

On Tuesday, July 1, the General Assembly invited United Nations member states to resume discussion about Responsibility to Protect (R2P), the doctrine meant to prevent crimes against humanity. Previously, many member states spoke in support of the doctrine, calling for countries to reaffirm their commitment to protecting civilians and to respect the rulings of international law. Although some states speaking shared this sentiment, other powerful representatives advocated emphatically against R2P, criticizing its inefficacy and calling for its removal.

The Representative from the Russian Federation was a particularly strong critic of R2P, calling it “an instrument used repeatedly by the collective West to interfere in the internal affairs of states to replace humanitarian intervention.” Russia particularly noted the first use of R2P in 2011 during Libya’s civil war, condemning the West’s “warped interpretation” of the provisions in R2P.

This criticism is not uncommon: experts have argued for years that the UN overstepped its mandate outlined in R2P by authorizing military intervention.

In line with R2P, the Security Council 1973 authorized the protection of civilians “by necessary measures.” This broad statement gave NATO powers the freedom to enter the conflict territory with troops. Russia was among five abstentions for Resolution 1973, alongside China, a fellow permanent member, Brazil, Germany and India.

Calling the UN and NATO’s actions in Libya an “act of aggression against a sovereign state,” Russia went on to criticize the International Criminal Court (ICC), what it called “an instrument of the collective West.” Accusing the ICC of destroying a “once-prosperous Arab country,” Russia condemned R2P, humanitarian intervention and the ICC as neocolonial tools to maintain Western dominance globally.

The Representative from the United States of America also criticized R2P, but for very different reasons. Calling it a dangerous concept that “opens the door to selective, politicized action under the guise of humanitarian concern,” the US called the doctrine “destabilizing” to “the very international order it claims to uphold.”

Noting that intervention in conflict often is not in a state’s individual interest, the US claimed the vague concepts of collective responsibility in the document were not effective in addressing all atrocities. Using examples of China’s treatment of the Uyghur population, the military regime in Myanmar and the current conflict in Sudan, the US said, “Some Member States must do much more to address the risks that lead to atrocities and to put an end to senseless conflicts.”

This comes at a time when UN human rights experts have criticized “the United States’ escalating attacks on the international architecture of human rights, the rule of law, multilateralism, the principles of sovereign equality and self-determination, and vital international agreements on peace and security, climate change, global justice, and international cooperation.” Many states fear America’s growing isolationist practices, while others like Russia worry that they, like other Western states, are too involved in the sovereignty of other states.

The representative reiterated, “The United States will always act in accordance with our national interest and will not subordinate our sovereignty to shifting international norms, and we encourage others to do the same.” Naming R2P as a political commitment rather than a legally binding one, he suggested that each individual state protect its own populations from genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity as the doctrine lays out.

Such influential member states, both of which are permanent members of the Security Council, undoubtedly have significant sway in the UN. However, several smaller states maintained support for R2P while outlining ways it could be improved.

The Representative from Ghana called R2P’s issue a “crisis of confidence” in implementation, arguing that its failures must be addressed by a reiteration of political commitment and a refusal to look away when the truth is inconvenient. Ghana emphasized a responsibility to remember the doctrine’s failures, including Libya, while moving forward to improve it as a more effective tool. He said, “when we preserve the truth of past atrocities, honor the memory of victims and confront denial, we are strengthening the foundations on which R2P stands.”

The future of R2P is unclear. Whether states will join the calls of larger states like the US and Russia, calling for the doctrine’s end, or whether they will, as Ghana said, reaffirm shared humanity with the principle, the decision will undoubtedly affect the normative culture of multilateral action in the face of humanitarian crises.

IPS UN Bureau Report

A Growing Gap between Principle and Implementation: 20 Years of Responsibility to Protect

Categories: Africa

African Fish Workers Excluded From International Trade Deals: Report

Thu, 07/03/2025 - 09:39

Fish products on sale in a supermarket in Zimbabwe. Credit: Ignatius Banda/IPS

By Ignatius Banda
BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe, Jul 3 2025 (IPS)

A new report has raised concerns about the exclusion of African fish workers from trade protocols between their governments and developed countries, resulting in impoverished communities relying on fishing.

This comes as the impact of Africa’s trade protocols with blocs such as the European Union and the United States is being examined regarding how they are affecting local small-scale fisheries.

Millions of people rely on fisheries in Africa, where the sector provides jobs and nutrition, but there are increasing complaints among fishermen who lack organized representation and researchers who say fishermen have been pushed out of business by rich foreign companies.

In a recent update titled From promises to perils: Small-scale fisheries overlooked in the EU-Gabon, the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements uses the small African nation as an example of how the continent’s fishermen are getting the short end of the stick despite being at the front line of the lucrative sector.

The coalition looks at how Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreements (SFPA) have failed small-scale fishing communities as they “have almost not been involved in these decision-making processes.”

“As Gabon and the European Union (EU) now consider renewing the tuna SFPA, local fisheries remain largely excluded from negotiations and see few benefits from the agreement,” said Beatrice Gorez, coordinator for the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements.

According to the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements, Gabon entered into a trade agreement with the European Union in 2021 and granted European fishing boats the right to harvest tuna within Gabonese waters.

More than 32,000 tons of tuna are hauled from Gabonese waters annually, making the African country the European Union’s second-largest tuna fishing partner.

However, despite these huge numbers, the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements says with the trade protocol set to be reviewed next year, little protection has been put in place for local fishermen.

“The EU reiterated the crucial role of small-scale fisheries for Gabon’s economy and food security. Yet with the current protocol set to expire in 2026, the visits appeared more focused on “identifying future actions to maximize the impact of the protocol,” Gorez said.

The European Union sets aside €2.6 million annually in exchange for access to Gabon’s fisheries, and the funds go towards management of fisheries, combating illegal fishing and the protection of “fragile ecosystems contributing to the good health of stocks and the management of marine protected areas.”

Local fishermen say despite these assurances, local communities have been excluded from the negotiations.

This is confirmed by the Gabonese Federation of Small-Scale Fisheries Actors (FEGAPA), founded in 2023 and now comprising around 20 cooperatives of fishers, fishmongers, and processors. “The fishers were never consulted about the fishing agreement,” said Jean de Dieu Mapaga, President of Gabon’s Federation of Small-Scale Fisheries Actors (FEGAPA).

“It is true that we hear talk of government projects to develop certain fishing centers, but no one has ever explained that these investments are linked to sectoral support funding for small-scale fisheries under the EU-Gabon SFPA,” Mapaga says in the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements report.

Gabon is not the only African country that faces such challenges in the fisheries sector, where international fishing companies have a huge presence and small fishing communities have to compete for catches.

“This pattern is not unique to Gabon. In countries like Liberia, so-called “experimental” fishing has similarly served as a backdoor for accessing high-value resources for which a surplus had not yet been established, Gorez noted.

“Sectoral support from the Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreements must not remain theoretical; it must contribute concretely and transparently to these national efforts—something that, to date, has not been the case,” said Gorez.

The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) says African countries face pressing challenges in the blue economy, including declining fish catches and falling income levels for local fishermen due to overfishing.

“Africa’s blue economy holds untapped economic potential,” Claver Gatete, UNECA executive secretary, told the Africa Regional Forum On Sustainable Development held in Uganda in April this year.

“However, marine degradation, weak governance and underinvestment threaten its sustainability,” Gatete added.

These sentiments highlight the concerns raised by small fishing communities who are demanding a place at the negotiating table between their governments and blocs such as the European Union and the US.

“The Central African region has a historically uncompetitive marine and river transport system, with inadequate infrastructure and sectoral strategies,” UNECA says in a March update that seeks to unlock “the vast potential of blue resources.”

The Food and Agriculture Organization says while global fisheries have surged, Africa’s potential remains untapped.

“Targeted policies, technology transfer, capacity building and responsible investment are crucial to boost sustainable aquaculture where it is most needed, especially in Africa,” FAO noted in a 2024 report on the state of global fisheries.

The World Bank estimates that the fisheries and aquaculture sectors contribute USD24 billion to the African economy while providing employment to over 12 million people.

The Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements says for communities to derive a dividend from the sector, consultations must be inclusive, and this will also go a long way towards addressing illegal fishing.

“Exclusion from decision-making has led to a lack of understanding of local realities,” said Gomez.

Categories: Africa

Post-Earthquake Myanmar Faces ‘Immense’ Suffering, Cannot Be Forgotten

Thu, 07/03/2025 - 09:26

Teacher U Aung San standing in the ruins of his classroom, which was destroyed by the March 28 earthquake that left millions across Myanmar in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Credit: UNICEF/Minzayar Oo

By Naomi Myint Breuer
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 (IPS)

“Myanmar cannot become a forgotten crisis,” Jorge Moreira da Silva, Executive Director of the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS), has said. “This country has faced cyclones, war, conflict, violence, climate and now immense suffering.”

Three months after a 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck Myanmar, humanitarian groups warn that the international community is failing to respond. Despite the scale of need, only 36 percent of the USD 275 million requested for the earthquake response has been disbursed. Almost halfway through the year, the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan (HNRP), which guides aid efforts throughout the country, is just 12 percent funded.

Da Silva was speaking at a press briefing on June 24 following his visit to Myanmar. His views reflect those of others involved in bringing humanitarian aid to the country.

“The dangerously low funding for response efforts in Myanmar remains our greatest challenge,” former UN Humanitarian Coordinator Marcoluigi Corsi said in his June 20 outgoing statement.

The ongoing armed conflict and political turmoil following the 2021 military coup are also making humanitarian assistance more difficult to achieve.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk reported in a June 27 briefing to the Human Rights Council that the military’s attacks rose again, despite initial ceasefire announcements after the earthquake.

Since the earthquake, the military has launched more than 600 attacks, 94 percent of which were in areas where a ceasefire had been announced. Over 500 civilians were killed, and 1000 were injured. Türk said that attacks have restricted humanitarian access. WHO reports that 6 attacks have led to 48 health workers killed and 85 injured. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has urged that groups in these areas respect international humanitarian law.

“Every day, we face barriers that prevent or delay assistance from reaching those who need it most,” former UN Humanitarian Coordinator Marcoluigi Corsi said in his outgoing statement on June 20. “I call on all parties to ensure unrestricted humanitarian access—without conditions, without delays.”

The March 28 earthquake killed 3,800 people and injured more than 5,000, according to UN estimates. Tens of thousands were newly displaced, adding to the 3.2 million displaced since the coup. The UN now estimates that 3.5 million people, 6 percent of the population, are displaced, and more than 6 million are in need of urgent assistance.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) Myanmar office estimates that 19.9 million people were in need of humanitarian assistance before the earthquake, and now 2 million more are.

“Myanmar is one of the countries most in need of humanitarian assistance in the Asia-Pacific region,” the ICRC reports.

So far, 61 percent of the target population in need of humanitarian health services have been reached, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). With the monsoon season underway and active fighting restricting humanitarian access, organizations are warning about the urgency of the situation.

“We have faced many crises, including armed conflict and flooding, and now we have again been hit by the earthquake,” Daw Khin Po, who was displaced by the earthquake, told the ICRC.

The ICRC has been working with the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) and local partners to assist over 111,000 people in Mandalay, Sagaing, Bago and Shan State. They have provided clean water, food, tarpaulins, solar streetlights, essential household items, cash and emergency health care, as well as training, agricultural and livestock materials, support for small businesses and risk awareness training. These organizations have also been supporting existing hospitals and community health centers.

“However, the scale of needs is beyond what any single organization can address,” the ICRC reported.

OCHA is currently working to respond to Myanmar’s humanitarian crisis through “coordination, advocacy, policy, information management and humanitarian financing tools and services.”

“Amid these shocks, the security environment continues to deteriorate, people are facing grave protection threats, and coping capacities are stretched to the limit,” the OCHA Myanmar office wrote.

Humanitarian partners assisted around 1.5 million people between January and March 2025, which is 27 percent of the annual target, according to the OCHA Myanmar office. These efforts have targeted internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees, resettled and locally integrated IDPs, and non-displaced stateless people. The office said that local organizations are the “backbone” of the response to the humanitarian situation, especially in areas of conflict.

Without funding, though, Corsi said more people will be at risk as organizations are unable to provide necessary support.

“The world cannot look away. The international community must step up their support,” the ICRC’s head of delegation in Yangon, Arnaud de Baecque, said.

The monsoon season creates further threats to the population, who risk disease, flooding and displacement, and adds more urgency to the situation. WHO is currently working to improve access to clean and potable water, provide health services and prevent disease outbreaks. They are collaborating with the Red Cross, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and the World Food Programme (WFP) to improve water safety systems and disseminate health information.

But WHO reports that people living in makeshift structures due to the earthquake are subject to extreme health risks.

Türk emphasized that the situation in Myanmar must receive continuous attention.

“Amid the turmoil, planning for a future with human rights front and center offers people a sense of hope,” he said. “We owe it to the people of Myanmar to make that hope a reality.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

What the Ceasefire Between Israel and Iran Means for Israel-Palestine Conflict

Categories: Africa

UN80: Alternative Reform Pathways — Fiscal Prudence, Relocation Realities, & Underutilized Charter Mechanisms

Thu, 07/03/2025 - 07:01

The principles of the UN Charter are the foundation of the Organization’s work—guiding its mission to promote peace, development, and human rights for all. Credit: UN Photo/Amanda Voisard

By Naïma Abdellaoui
GENEVA, Jul 3 2025 (IPS)

Recent proposals to relocate UN operations to lower-cost duty stations ignore demonstrable economic patterns. Empirical evidence suggests that establishing UN hubs often triggers localized inflation, negating projected savings.

Case Study: UN Presence in Nairobi
While city-wide inflation is driven by national policies, population growth, infrastructure deficits and global shocks, the UN significantly increased rents and land prices in affluent Nairobi neighborhoods, creating enclaves of hyper-inflation for premium goods and services.

While most Nairobians struggle with costs tied to local realities, elites near UN hubs face Paris-level prices. UN operations inherently stimulate demand for premium housing, security, and bilingual services. Projected savings rarely materialize once market adjustments occur.

The Liquidity Crisis: Self-Inflicted and Avoidable
The Secretary-General’s 2023 definitive shift from biennial to annual budgets—contrary to historical practice—exacerbated cash-flow vulnerabilities.

This restructuring ignored the U.S. payment pattern (80% of contributions arrive in Q4), transforming manageable delays into systemic crises.

Result:
– Premature austerity measures (20% staff cuts) targeting high-experience personnel.
– Erosion of institutional capacity in critical areas (peacekeeping, humanitarian law).

Underutilized Charter Provisions: Article 6 and Article 19
The UN Charter provides robust tools to address fiscal noncompliance and political obstruction:

1. Article 19 (Voting Suspension):
Permits revocation of voting rights for members exceeding two years of arrears. This was applied 13 times (e.g., Libya 2021). Yet chronic non- or late-payers (notably the U.S., owing $1.3B) face no enforcement. (Article 19 A Member of the United Nations which is in arrears in the payment of its financial contributions to the Organization shall have no vote in the General Assembly if the amount of its arrears equals or exceeds the amount of the contributions due from it for the preceding two full years. (…))

2. Article 6 (Expulsion):
Allows expulsion of states “persistently violating” Charter principles. Historically unused despite patterns of withholding funds to exert political pressure. (Article 6 A Member of the United Nations which has persistently violated the principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council).

Alternative Reform Pathways
Rather than relocating staff or dismantling entities, the UN could:

A. Leverage Geopolitical Counterweights
– Relocate HQ functions to Geneva as a deterrent against contribution withholding.
– Impact: New York stands to lose $3.3B/year in economic activity when the US assessed contribution amounts to only $1.3B/year.
B. Enforce Financial Accountability
– Convert arrears into sovereign debt under international law.
– Suspend veto rights for chronic non-payers (per Article 19).
C. Preserve Institutional Integrity
– Revert to biennial budgets to accommodate payment cycles and patterns.
– Include staff unions in reform design (e.g., UN80 Task Force).

The UN80 Paradox: Efficiency vs. Institutional Amnesia

Accelerated consolidation without stakeholder consultation risks:
– Operational Fragility: Loss of specialized expertise (e.g., conflict mediation, logistics).
– Legacy Erosion: Undermining 80 years of norms (human rights, humanitarian law).

Conclusion: A Call for Charter-Compliant Solutions

The UN’s viability hinges on using its existing legal tools—not on self-imposed austerity.
Member states (particularly G77+China and BRICS) could:

1. Demand enforcement of Article 19 against non-paying states.
2. Propose a GA Resolution 80/… (invoking Article 6) for states obstructing multilateralism.
3. Commission an independent audit of relocation cost assumptions.

The path to reform lies not in fragmenting the UN’s foundations, but in reclaiming the courage of its Charter.

IPS UN Bureau

Excerpt:

Naïma Abdellaoui is a Concerned International Civil Servant and Staff Representative Member of the Executive Bureau of UNOG Staff Union

Categories: Africa

Pumped Storage Hydropower is an Option for Latin America

Wed, 07/02/2025 - 22:26

The Kruonis pumped-storage hydropower plant complements the one in the Lithuanian city of Kaunas. There are more than 500 of these "water batteries" in the world, and the mountainous geography favors their development in Latin America. Credit: Andrius Aleksandravicius / Ignitis

By Humberto Márquez
CARACAS, Jul 2 2025 (IPS)

Having hydroelectric power without damming rivers, dismantling the environment or displacing populations is possible in Latin America and the Caribbean, with reversible power plants that take advantage of their mountainous geography, and pave the way for only renewable sources to generate electricity.

“The development of these plants requires areas with a difference in altitude, for two reservoirs, one upper and one lower. And the region has hundreds of possible sites for pumped storage,” said Arturo Alarcón, a senior specialist at the Energy Division of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB)."These plants requires areas with a difference in height, for two reservoirs, one upper and one lower. And the region has hundreds of possible sites for pumped storage. A recent IDB study identified 179 sites in 11 countries": Arturo Alarcón.

In countries crisscrossed by mountain ranges, in Brazil and even in the insular Caribbean, there are plenty of areas that could host these hydroelectric dams, says the Bolivian expert. “A recent IDB study identified 179 sites in 11 countries,” he told IPS from Washington.

Traditional hydropower plants dam the waters of a river, creating an artificial lake that provides water to drive turbines in an engine room that generates electricity. This is taken by transformers and transmission lines to consumption centres, and then the water is dumped and the river flows on to the sea.

In contrast, pumped-storage plants are fed with water from a reservoir at a certain height, which supplies the water, usually through a tunnel or canal, does the work in the engine room and deposits the water in a reservoir located at a lower altitude.

When the process is finished – after the hours of electricity generation due to increased demand, required from other sources – the water is pumped back from the lower to the upper reservoir, where it is available to start a new cycle.

These are power plants that can complement solar or wind energy parks, which are fed by solar radiation or wind power, thus subject to hourly and seasonal variations that require energy to be stored in batteries.

Diagram of the operation of a pumped hydro power plant. When the demand for electricity grows, the flow of water from the upper reservoir activates the turbines and, when its contribution to the system is no longer needed, the flow is reversed by pumping from the lower reservoir, leaving the whole as a water battery. Credit: Iberdrola

Supplementary batteries

For this reason, pumped-storage power plants are also called “water batteries”.

By reducing the need for fossil-fuelled thermal power plants, they become tools for decarbonising the entire electricity system.

“Although these plants do not generate more energy than they consume in the pumping process (for every megawatt hour generated, approximately 1.2 MWh is consumed), they do play a critical role in the integration of variable renewable energies such as solar and wind,” says Alarcón.

For example, in Brazil, where about 90% electricity is generated from renewable sources, wind and solar installations are growing, “which depend on weather conditions and there is no constant production throughout the day,” expert Caio Leocádio told IPS from Rio de Janeiro.

“This condition creates a favourable scenario for technologies that meet these requirements, with flexibility and storage capacity, allowing energy to be stored in times of surplus and used in times of greater demand,” says Leocádio, a consultant with the Brazilian Energy Research Company (EPE).

It is not a new technology. Around the world, some 200 gigawatts (one Gw equals 1000 Mw) have been installed in 510 pumped-storage power plants, equivalent to the entire hydroelectric capacity of Latin America.

In the region, the Rio Grande Hydroelectric Complex in the central Argentine province of Cordoba, with its Cerro Pelado and Arroyo Corte reservoirs, 12 kilometres apart, has been in operation since 1986 and has an installed capacity of 750 MWh, which is currently reduced due to equipment obsolescence.

The engine room of the Río Grande Complex, a reversible power plant in the province of Córdoba in north-central Argentina. Credit: Epec

Favorable cost

So far, the level of development of pumped hydroelectricity shows that costs are competitive, although the economic performance of each facility and in each country depends on the type of electricity market.

For example, if it is an electricity market that has hourly energy prices, or that values the ancillary services that reversible plants can provide, such as maintaining a constant voltage despite fluctuations, a good economic performance can be achieved.

In terms of prices, the region has very disparate tariffs. Residential rates in some Caribbean islands exceed 40 US cents per kWh, in Guatemala 29, in Honduras and Uruguay 25, in Colombia 20, in Brazil and Costa Rica 16, in Mexico 10 and in Venezuela six cents, according to the Global Petrol Prices website.

“The installation cost of reversible power plants can be high due to infrastructure and technical needs, but operating and maintenance costs are relatively low once they are up and running,” Alarcón noted.

Nightlife on the famous Copacabana beach in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro. The growing demand for energy and the need to maintain a stable supply with electricity generated from renewable sources opens up opportunities for pumped-storage power plants. Credit: Inoutviajes

In Brazil, “projects of this type really require high initial investments, mainly in civil works and equipment,” Leocádio said. “Values are estimates between US$1,200 and 1,600 per kilowatt (kWh) installed, within the range of medium to large projects in the sector,” he added.

In the Dominican Republic, which is considering installing pumped-storage plants in the areas of Sabaneta (northwest) and Guaigui (centre), of 200 and 300 MWh respectively, installation costs are estimated at between US$1900 and 2400 per kilowatt.

But, on the other hand, experts agree that the projects have a useful life of 50 years or more, and although the return on investment requires a long term, these plants offer a stable and predictable performance.

This is the advantage Leocádio sees in Brazil, with its highly interconnected electricity system and wealth of sites for potential installation. A recent study found that in the state of Rio de Janeiro alone (43 750 square kilometres) there are 15 locations with ideal conditions for such plants.

Brazil’s gigantic Belo Monte dam on the Xingu River has altered watercourses, displaced populations, disrupted indigenous communities, agriculture and other livelihoods, increased deforestation and loss of biodiversity. Pumped-storage power plants can avoid many of these impacts. Credit: Bruno Batista / Vice-Presidency Brazil

Regulation and environment

For Alarcón, “the biggest challenge for this technology in Latin America and the Caribbean is regulatory. Not all electricity markets have adequate remuneration mechanisms for storage technologies or those that provide flexibility to electricity systems,” he said.

Therefore, among the tasks to be addressed in the region, along with investigating the specific areas that have the greatest potential for water batteries, Alarcón identified dialogue between governments and private actors, plus conferences and regional forums “to create a regulatory framework that facilitates these projects”.

That possibility – and also the contrasts – are shown by recent cases in Chile. The Espejo de Tarapacá project, for a 300 MWh reversible power plant that plans to work with seawater, has advanced, but another, Paposo, in the north, was rejected by the Environmental Evaluation Service.

Advocates of pumped-storage power plants point out that their construction and operation require minimal alteration of the environment, as they do not require the diversion or damming of rivers, flooding of towns or farmland, or affecting the areas of indigenous peoples and peasant communities.

Since they do not alter large areas, they do not affect biodiversity, and in some cases can be sources of water for irrigation and sites that beautify or refresh landscapes.

But the central issue is their contribution to the stability of electricity systems and to the decarbonisation required by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which propose to increase the use of renewable energies along with access to electricity for all peoples.

By February 2025, according to the most recent report by the Latin American Energy Organisation (OLADE), total electricity generation in the region will reach 152 terawatts (Twh, one million megawatts), with 68.1% from renewable sources and 31.9% using oil, gas, coal or nuclear energy.

The largest source of renewable energy is hydroelectric (53.1% of the total), followed by wind (8.5%), solar (4.5%), bioenergy (1.5%) and geothermal energy (0.5%).

Categories: Africa

Democracy under Attack: Why the World Needs a New UN Special Rapporteur

Wed, 07/02/2025 - 19:18

Cover photo by OHCHR

By Samuel King and Inés M. Pousadela
BRUSSELS, Belgium / MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jul 2 2025 (IPS)

When tanks rolled through Myanmar’s streets in 2021, civil society groups worldwide sounded the alarm. When Viktor Orbán systematically dismantled Hungary’s free press, democracy activists demanded international action. And as authoritarianism returns to Tanzania ahead of elections, it’s once again civil society calling for democratic freedoms to be respected.

Around the world, authoritarian populists have learned to maintain democratic language and rituals while gutting democracy’s substance. They hold fraudulent elections with no real opposition and crack down on civil society when it tries to uphold democratic freedoms. As a result, more than 70 per cent of the world’s population lives in countries where civic space is routinely repressed.

In response, over 175 civil society organisations and 500 activists have united behind a demand to help improve respect for democratic freedoms, calling on the UN to establish a Special Rapporteur on Democracy.

The proposal isn’t coming from diplomatic corridors or academia; it’s a grassroots call from the frontlines of a global democratic struggle. Democracy defenders who face harassment, imprisonment and violence have identified a gap in international oversight that emboldens authoritarians and lets down those fighting for democratic rights when they most need support.

Critical blind spots

While the UN investigates everything from torture to toxic waste through specialised rapporteurs, democracy – supposedly a core UN principle – receives no systematic international oversight. This is a blind spot civil society wants to change.

Today’s threats to democracy are often more subtle than outright coups and blatant election rigging. Repressive leaders have mastered the art of legal authoritarianism, using constitutional amendments to extend term limits, judicial re-engineering to capture courts and media laws to silence critics, all while maintaining a facade of democratic governance.

In countries from Belarus to Venezuela, elections have been turned into elaborate ceremonies emptied of competition. Even established democracies face growing challenges, with foreign influence and disinformation campaigns documented across dozens of recent elections, often amplified by AI that creates deepfakes faster than fact-checkers can debunk them.

The rise of right-wing populism across Europe and in the USA shows how easily democratic processes can elevate leaders who systematically undermine democratic institutions from within, weaponising the law to concentrate executive authority, criminalise opposition and restrict civic space.

These evolving threats expose fundamental gaps in how the international community monitors and responds to democratic regression. The proposed UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy would help fill this gap: unlike current mandates that focus on specific rights, this role would examine how democratic systems function as a whole.

Existing UN Special Rapporteurs have recognised the urgent need for dedicated democracy oversight, with the Special Rapporteurs on freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, freedom of opinion and expression, and the independence of judges and lawyers highlighting how democratic backsliding undermines the rights they’re mandated to protect.

A democracy rapporteur could investigate the full spectrum of threats that escape international attention: how electoral systems become compromised through legal manipulation, how parliamentary oversight gets systematically weakened while maintaining constitutional appearances, how judicial independence is eroded through seemingly legitimate reforms, and how meaningful participation beyond elections gets stifled through bureaucratic restrictions.

Crucially, the mandate could document not just obvious authoritarian crackdowns but the subtler forms of democratic erosion that often escape international notice until democratic institutions are compromised, offering early warnings about gradual processes that transform vibrant democracies into hollow shells.

Legal foundations

The proposal builds on solid legal foundations. Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights establishes that ‘public authority must derive from the will of the people’, while article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights recognises every citizen’s right to participate in public affairs and vote in free, fair and clean periodic elections.

Regional mechanisms provide valuable precedents. The Inter-American Democratic Charter explicitly states that ‘the peoples of the Americas have a right to democracy and their governments have an obligation to promote and defend it’. Building on this, Guatemala has recently requested an advisory opinion to clarify whether democracy constitutes a fundamental human right and what tangible obligations this imposes on states.

These foundations provide an actionable definition of democracy that respects diverse democratic models while upholding universal principles, sidestepping cultural relativist arguments that some authoritarian governments use to avoid accountability.

Momentum building

The proposal has generated remarkable momentum. On the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a broad coalition of civil society groups and think tanks published a joint statement calling for the appointment of a UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy.

Civil society leadership reflects widespread frustration among democracy activists who work under increasingly dangerous conditions and demand better institutional responses. Budget-conscious states should find this proposal attractive given the remarkable cost-effectiveness of the UN mandates system. Following standard UN practice, the new position would be unpaid, relying on voluntary funding from supportive states.

During its recent 58th session, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on human rights, democracy and the rule of law, conferring multilateral legitimacy on governments that want to support stronger democracy oversight. The window for action is open, but it won’t stay open indefinitely.

A test for international institutions

No single initiative will reverse global democratic decline. But this new role would enable systematic documentation, trend spotting and the sustained international attention democracy defenders desperately need. The rapporteur could investigate not just obvious authoritarian crackdowns but early signs of subtler democratic erosion, while highlighting innovations and good practices that others could adapt.

The debate over a UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy offers a test of whether international institutions can adapt to contemporary challenges or will remain trapped in outdated approaches while democracy crumbles. Creating this mandate would communicate that the international community takes democratic governance seriously enough to monitor it systematically – a signal that matters to democracy activists who need international support and serves as a warning to authoritarian leaders who thrive when nobody is watching.

With hundreds of civil society groups leading this charge from the frontlines of democratic struggle, the question isn’t whether this oversight is needed, but whether the UN will act before it’s too late.

Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, and Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, writer at CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

Categories: Africa

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