European Union

S&D group rapporteurs also propose sweeteners for providing company e-bikes

Le gouvernement togolais a officiellement donné, mardi à Lomé, le coup d’envoi des consultations nationales devant conduire à l’élaboration de la nouvelle feuille de route gouvernementale 2026-2031.

Cette nouvelle stratégie quinquennale, voulue par les autorités togolaises, devra définir les grandes priorités du pays autour de trois axes majeurs annoncés par le Président du Conseil, Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé : « protéger, rassembler et transformer ».

La cérémonie de lancement a réuni plusieurs acteurs institutionnels, partenaires techniques et financiers, représentants du secteur privé, organisations de la société civile, ainsi que des jeunes et des femmes appelés à contribuer aux réflexions.

Prenant la parole à cette occasion, la ministre, secrétaire générale de la Présidence du Conseil, Sandra Ablamba Johnson, a dressé le bilan de la feuille de route 2020-2025. Elle a notamment mis en avant les performances enregistrées malgré un environnement international marqué par les crises sécuritaires, sanitaires et économiques.

Selon les autorités, le Togo a su maintenir une croissance économique relativement stable tout en enregistrant des avancées dans plusieurs domaines sociaux. Parmi les acquis évoqués figurent l’élargissement de la couverture de l’assurance maladie, l’amélioration de l’accès à l’électricité ainsi que le développement de la finance inclusive.

Le futur programme gouvernemental entend désormais mettre un accent particulier sur la sécurité, la cohésion sociale et la transformation structurelle de l’économie. Les autorités souhaitent également renforcer l’inclusion citoyenne et rapprocher davantage l’action publique des populations afin de soutenir une croissance jugée plus compétitive, résiliente et durable.

Ces consultations nationales, entamées à Lomé, seront progressivement déployées dans les différentes régions du pays afin de recueillir les contributions des diverses couches socioprofessionnelles.

Plusieurs participants ont salué l’approche participative adoptée par le gouvernement, estimant qu’elle pourrait permettre une meilleure appropriation des politiques publiques et accélérer les ambitions de transformation économique et sociale du Togo.

The post Togo : le gouvernement lance les consultations nationales pour bâtir la feuille de route 2026-2031 appeared first on Togo Actualite - Premier site d'information du Togo.

The EU vowed to end all imports of Russian gas and oil by the end of 2027 due to the war in Ukraine

Csodálatos lény az ember, mindent tud, mindenhez ért! Anélkül, hogy tanulta volna! Ha nem hiszik, figyeljék a kommenteket! Ezekben aztán benne van a tuti! Hogy kell országot vezetni, nem is, világot (!), hogy kell véget vetni a háborúnak, hogy kell megfékezni a világjárványt, felszámolni a szegénységet, az iskolaelhagyást, csökkenteni az inflációt, hogy kell egészségesen élni, […]

Articolul No comment apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

As the EU advances the Circular Economy Act, policymakers should prioritise harmonisation and ambitious collection systems, building on Europe's world-leading and unique paper and cardboard recycling model.

Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé a poursuivi mardi son agenda diplomatique sur le continent africain à l’occasion d’une visite officielle à Kampala, capitale de l’Ouganda. Le Président du Conseil togolais y a pris part à la cérémonie d’investiture du président Yoweri Museveni, réélu à l’issue du scrutin général du 15 janvier 2026.

La cérémonie, marquée par la présence de plusieurs chefs d’État africains ainsi que de délégations internationales, s’est déroulée sous le signe de la consolidation des acquis économiques et politiques de l’Ouganda. Les autorités ougandaises ont également réaffirmé leur ambition de hisser le pays au rang des nations à revenu intermédiaire supérieur dans les prochaines années.

À cette occasion, Faure Gnassingbé a adressé ses félicitations à son homologue ougandais pour sa réélection et lui a souhaité plein succès dans l’exercice de ce nouveau mandat. En retour, Yoweri Museveni a salué la présence du dirigeant togolais, qu’il a présentée comme un témoignage des relations de coopération et d’amitié entre le Togo et l’Ouganda.

Mais au-delà du caractère protocolaire de cette visite, les discussions entre les deux dirigeants ont porté sur plusieurs dossiers liés à la paix et à la sécurité sur le continent, avec une attention particulière accordée à la situation dans la région des Grands Lacs.

Dans ce contexte, Faure Gnassingbé, désigné médiateur de l’Union africaine pour la crise dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo, a réaffirmé sa volonté de poursuivre les consultations avec les différentes parties prenantes afin de favoriser une issue durable au conflit.

Cette nouvelle étape diplomatique à Kampala s’inscrit dans une dynamique plus large de consultations régionales menées par le dirigeant togolais autour des questions sécuritaires et de stabilité politique en Afrique. Elle traduit également la volonté affichée du Togo de renforcer la coopération interafricaine et de promouvoir le dialogue comme instrument privilégié de résolution des crises sur le continent.

The post Ouganda : Faure Gnassingbé échange avec Yoweri Museveni sur la sécurité régionale appeared first on Togo Actualite - Premier site d'information du Togo.

Már több mint 120 személyt evakuáltak a Hondius óceánjáróról, amelyen három személy életét vesztette a hantavírus szövődményeiben. A lappangási idő miatt az evakuált utasok 42 napig lesznek karanténban Hollandiában. A Hondiuson a legénység 27 tagja maradt, akik már úton vannak Rotterdam felé, ahol a hajót fertőtleníteni fogják. A luxushajó április elején indult útnak Argentínából, a […]

Articolul Ezért nem kell tartani a hantavírustól apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Après plusieurs années de restriction et d’interdiction des manifestations publiques, l’opposition togolaise a réussi, ce week-end, à organiser un rassemblement à Lomé. Une rencontre autorisée par les autorités et qui relance une question : assiste-t-on à une ouverture du paysage politique togolais, ou à une simple accalmie passagère ?

Regroupement du CNCC

Plusieurs centaines de personnes ont participé, ce samedi, à cette première réunion publique du nouveau Cadre national de concertation pour le changement au Togo, le CNCC. Cette coalition regroupe quatre partis politiques d’opposition et des organisations de la société civile.

Davdi Dosseh, du Front citoyen Togo debout, l’un des organisateurs, explique: “Nous voulons un changement de gouvernance, parce que le Togo, c’est un système de corruption endémique, parce que le Togo, ce sont des services sociaux de base qui sont en déliquescence, parce que le Togo, c’est un pays qui ne va pas, c’est un pays qui n’avance pas.”

Il ajoute que “depuis pratiquement plusieurs années, à chaque fois, il y a des motifs fallacieux qui sont présentés et qui conduisent à une interdiction systématique des réunions publiques pacifiques. Mais nous n’allons jamais abdiquer”.

Un assouplissement ponctuel

Alors, faut-il voir dans cette autorisation un véritable changement politique ? Pour Paul Amégankpo, analyste politique et directeur de l’Institut togolais Tamberma pour la gouvernance, il est encore trop tôt pour parler d’ouverture définitive.

« L’autorisation par le gouvernement togolais de la marche pacifique de l’opposition, ce 9 mai 2026 à Lomé, est à saluer, estime le chercheur. Mais en considérant le contexte politique global, ce geste d’ouverture est à considérer avec prudence, comme une volonté du gouvernement togolais de lever les restrictions sur les libertés de manifestation pacifique, d’association et d’exercice des activités politiques dans le pays. »

Derrière ce meeting autorisé, Paul Amégankpo reste donc prudent : « Il va falloir observer d’autres signes de volonté politique d’ouverture pour confirmer une tendance certaine vers plus d’ouverture, plus de liberté politique et associative au niveau du pays. »

Toutes nos tentatives pour avoir une réaction officielle sont restées vaines.

Les prochaines semaines permettront peut-être de savoir si cette manifestation marque le début d’un nouvel espace démocratique, ou simplement une parenthèse dans un climat politique toujours tendu.

Source: DW/ Noël Tadégnon

The post Au Togo, l’espoir d’une ouverture politique appeared first on Togo Actualite - Premier site d'information du Togo.

United Nations (UN) Secretary-General António Guterres launched the UN80 Initiative in March 2025. Faced with the US government’s increasingly hostile approach to the UN, UN80 was presented as a reform geared towards making the UN system “fit for purpose”. However, this policy brief argues that both the UN bureaucracy and member states have missed key opportunities to turn UN80 into a tool for reconfiguring UN multilateralism and providing space for multilateral cooperation that – despite rising geopolitical tensions – effectively addresses transnational challenges. The UN Secretariat, on the one hand, has pushed for a rushed reform agenda through an avalanche of bureaucratic reshuffling and technocratic ideas that are driven primarily by the logic of efficiency gains. Despite investing considerable efforts, it has failed to develop a coherent organisational and governance vision for the future of the UN that would help the organisation adapt to shifts in global power and policy preferences. Although welcoming reform efforts in principle, member states – on the other hand – have neither provided proactive guidance on desired reform outcomes, nor offered strategic input on the reform proposals put forward by the UN bureaucracy. They have failed to take up their role as political reform governors of a UN system in need of adapting to new geopolitical realities. Although the trajectory of UN80 to date has been far from ideal, the Initiative could still serve as a first step towards more fundamental reform efforts that address member states’ diverging preferences and attempt to tackle multilateral governance deficits. Inorder to highlight what is at stake, the policy brief outlines three scenarios of how post-UN80 dynamics might unfold, helping stakeholders identify what kind of UN system they would like to see and which steps might be necessary to get there.

Scenario 1. Faltering momentum: the phase-out of UN80 contributes to UN fragmentation and decline. Member states and the UN bureaucracy continue working through the UN80 Initiative’s to-do list until everything is either proclaimed done, watered down or silently abandoned. This leaves major challenges unaddressed, contributing to increasing levels of fragmentation and dysfunction across the UN system.

Scenario 2. Bold moves: strategic UN reform ambitions supersede technocratic logics. Member states leave decisions about efficiency gains to UN chief executives while prioritising and spearheading more ambitious reforms. They task the new Secretary-General with designing a high-level debate on the purpose(s) and the future governance of the UN system that reaffirms the UN as the multilateral centre of world politics.

Scenario 3. Muddling through: a combination of technocratic and governance reforms keeps the UN afloat. Cost-cutting reforms continue while a coalition of reform-oriented small and medium-sized member states pushes for a selective reform of multilateral governance. The result is a somewhat smaller UN system that, while not fundamentally transformed, is better equipped to navigate geopolitical tensions.

United Nations (UN) Secretary-General António Guterres launched the UN80 Initiative in March 2025. Faced with the US government’s increasingly hostile approach to the UN, UN80 was presented as a reform geared towards making the UN system “fit for purpose”. However, this policy brief argues that both the UN bureaucracy and member states have missed key opportunities to turn UN80 into a tool for reconfiguring UN multilateralism and providing space for multilateral cooperation that – despite rising geopolitical tensions – effectively addresses transnational challenges. The UN Secretariat, on the one hand, has pushed for a rushed reform agenda through an avalanche of bureaucratic reshuffling and technocratic ideas that are driven primarily by the logic of efficiency gains. Despite investing considerable efforts, it has failed to develop a coherent organisational and governance vision for the future of the UN that would help the organisation adapt to shifts in global power and policy preferences. Although welcoming reform efforts in principle, member states – on the other hand – have neither provided proactive guidance on desired reform outcomes, nor offered strategic input on the reform proposals put forward by the UN bureaucracy. They have failed to take up their role as political reform governors of a UN system in need of adapting to new geopolitical realities. Although the trajectory of UN80 to date has been far from ideal, the Initiative could still serve as a first step towards more fundamental reform efforts that address member states’ diverging preferences and attempt to tackle multilateral governance deficits. Inorder to highlight what is at stake, the policy brief outlines three scenarios of how post-UN80 dynamics might unfold, helping stakeholders identify what kind of UN system they would like to see and which steps might be necessary to get there.

Scenario 1. Faltering momentum: the phase-out of UN80 contributes to UN fragmentation and decline. Member states and the UN bureaucracy continue working through the UN80 Initiative’s to-do list until everything is either proclaimed done, watered down or silently abandoned. This leaves major challenges unaddressed, contributing to increasing levels of fragmentation and dysfunction across the UN system.

Scenario 2. Bold moves: strategic UN reform ambitions supersede technocratic logics. Member states leave decisions about efficiency gains to UN chief executives while prioritising and spearheading more ambitious reforms. They task the new Secretary-General with designing a high-level debate on the purpose(s) and the future governance of the UN system that reaffirms the UN as the multilateral centre of world politics.

Scenario 3. Muddling through: a combination of technocratic and governance reforms keeps the UN afloat. Cost-cutting reforms continue while a coalition of reform-oriented small and medium-sized member states pushes for a selective reform of multilateral governance. The result is a somewhat smaller UN system that, while not fundamentally transformed, is better equipped to navigate geopolitical tensions.

United Nations (UN) Secretary-General António Guterres launched the UN80 Initiative in March 2025. Faced with the US government’s increasingly hostile approach to the UN, UN80 was presented as a reform geared towards making the UN system “fit for purpose”. However, this policy brief argues that both the UN bureaucracy and member states have missed key opportunities to turn UN80 into a tool for reconfiguring UN multilateralism and providing space for multilateral cooperation that – despite rising geopolitical tensions – effectively addresses transnational challenges. The UN Secretariat, on the one hand, has pushed for a rushed reform agenda through an avalanche of bureaucratic reshuffling and technocratic ideas that are driven primarily by the logic of efficiency gains. Despite investing considerable efforts, it has failed to develop a coherent organisational and governance vision for the future of the UN that would help the organisation adapt to shifts in global power and policy preferences. Although welcoming reform efforts in principle, member states – on the other hand – have neither provided proactive guidance on desired reform outcomes, nor offered strategic input on the reform proposals put forward by the UN bureaucracy. They have failed to take up their role as political reform governors of a UN system in need of adapting to new geopolitical realities. Although the trajectory of UN80 to date has been far from ideal, the Initiative could still serve as a first step towards more fundamental reform efforts that address member states’ diverging preferences and attempt to tackle multilateral governance deficits. Inorder to highlight what is at stake, the policy brief outlines three scenarios of how post-UN80 dynamics might unfold, helping stakeholders identify what kind of UN system they would like to see and which steps might be necessary to get there.

Scenario 1. Faltering momentum: the phase-out of UN80 contributes to UN fragmentation and decline. Member states and the UN bureaucracy continue working through the UN80 Initiative’s to-do list until everything is either proclaimed done, watered down or silently abandoned. This leaves major challenges unaddressed, contributing to increasing levels of fragmentation and dysfunction across the UN system.

Scenario 2. Bold moves: strategic UN reform ambitions supersede technocratic logics. Member states leave decisions about efficiency gains to UN chief executives while prioritising and spearheading more ambitious reforms. They task the new Secretary-General with designing a high-level debate on the purpose(s) and the future governance of the UN system that reaffirms the UN as the multilateral centre of world politics.

Scenario 3. Muddling through: a combination of technocratic and governance reforms keeps the UN afloat. Cost-cutting reforms continue while a coalition of reform-oriented small and medium-sized member states pushes for a selective reform of multilateral governance. The result is a somewhat smaller UN system that, while not fundamentally transformed, is better equipped to navigate geopolitical tensions.

DRAFT REPORT on hybrid warfare and the protection of the EU’s territorial integrity and critical security and defence infrastructure
Committee on Security and Defence
Rasa Juknevičienė

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Will the current oil supply shock hold back the region’s green transition, or accelerate it?

A little more than a year into the Trump 2.0 era, the “post–Cold War” international order as we know it is coming to an end. Amid increasing volatility and conflict, the shape and character of the order that will replace it are dangerously unclear. There are ambitions by so-called middle powers – including some member states of the EU – to provide an effective response, but questions remain as to their potential impact. Three scenarios can be envisaged: (1) an Orwellian dystopia dominated by three global powers – the United States, China and Russia – each with its own sphere of influence; (2) a “new Cold War” between two rival capitalist models: “Western” liberal democracy versus “Eastern” oligarchy and (3) the survival of the rules-based international order, possibly as a counterweight to oligarchic spheres of influence. For this scenario to materialise, middle powers must address the liberal order’s inherent weaknesses so that it delivers for all of its members. This discussion paper brings together 14 contributions drawing on the German Institute of Development and Sustainability’s (IDOS) broad regional and thematic expertise to examine these questions. The contributions analyse key actors, cooperation themes and regions. Each contribution analyses the implications of the changing global order for its specific area of focus and explores how international cooperation in general – and development cooperation in particular – can contribute to a more just and sustainable international system. The paper aims to provide readers with a range of perspectives on the state of international development cooperation and its possible evolution. Taken together, the contributions provide insights into the roles that international development cooperation may play in an emerging global order and identify priorities for reforms.

A little more than a year into the Trump 2.0 era, the “post–Cold War” international order as we know it is coming to an end. Amid increasing volatility and conflict, the shape and character of the order that will replace it are dangerously unclear. There are ambitions by so-called middle powers – including some member states of the EU – to provide an effective response, but questions remain as to their potential impact. Three scenarios can be envisaged: (1) an Orwellian dystopia dominated by three global powers – the United States, China and Russia – each with its own sphere of influence; (2) a “new Cold War” between two rival capitalist models: “Western” liberal democracy versus “Eastern” oligarchy and (3) the survival of the rules-based international order, possibly as a counterweight to oligarchic spheres of influence. For this scenario to materialise, middle powers must address the liberal order’s inherent weaknesses so that it delivers for all of its members. This discussion paper brings together 14 contributions drawing on the German Institute of Development and Sustainability’s (IDOS) broad regional and thematic expertise to examine these questions. The contributions analyse key actors, cooperation themes and regions. Each contribution analyses the implications of the changing global order for its specific area of focus and explores how international cooperation in general – and development cooperation in particular – can contribute to a more just and sustainable international system. The paper aims to provide readers with a range of perspectives on the state of international development cooperation and its possible evolution. Taken together, the contributions provide insights into the roles that international development cooperation may play in an emerging global order and identify priorities for reforms.

A little more than a year into the Trump 2.0 era, the “post–Cold War” international order as we know it is coming to an end. Amid increasing volatility and conflict, the shape and character of the order that will replace it are dangerously unclear. There are ambitions by so-called middle powers – including some member states of the EU – to provide an effective response, but questions remain as to their potential impact. Three scenarios can be envisaged: (1) an Orwellian dystopia dominated by three global powers – the United States, China and Russia – each with its own sphere of influence; (2) a “new Cold War” between two rival capitalist models: “Western” liberal democracy versus “Eastern” oligarchy and (3) the survival of the rules-based international order, possibly as a counterweight to oligarchic spheres of influence. For this scenario to materialise, middle powers must address the liberal order’s inherent weaknesses so that it delivers for all of its members. This discussion paper brings together 14 contributions drawing on the German Institute of Development and Sustainability’s (IDOS) broad regional and thematic expertise to examine these questions. The contributions analyse key actors, cooperation themes and regions. Each contribution analyses the implications of the changing global order for its specific area of focus and explores how international cooperation in general – and development cooperation in particular – can contribute to a more just and sustainable international system. The paper aims to provide readers with a range of perspectives on the state of international development cooperation and its possible evolution. Taken together, the contributions provide insights into the roles that international development cooperation may play in an emerging global order and identify priorities for reforms.

Dublin puts life sciences competitiveness at the heart of its six-month term, but tobacco regulation falls outside the scope of the high-level programme

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