Európai Unió : hírek magyarul

Az eddigi legintenzívebb orosz légitámadás sújtotta május 13-án Kárpátalját a teljes körű háború kirobbanása óta. Miroszlav Bileckij kormányzó jelentése szerint több járásban is a létfontosságú infrastruktúrát támadta az ellenség.

A Kárpátaljai Megyei Katonai Közigazgatás vezetője arról tudósított, hogy régiónk légterébe 11 Sahed és Gerany típusú kamikazedrón hatolt. A légvédelmi egységek többségüket hatástalanították, néhány azonban célba ért. Mint fogalmazott, a robbanások következményei nem drasztikusak, a létfontosságú rendszerek működése zavartalan.

Minden helyszínen dolgoznak a katasztrófaelhárítók.

A kormányzó köszönetét fejezte ki a légvédelmi erőknek, a Nemzeti Gárdának, a rendőrség és a mentők dolgozóinak gyors és professzionális fellépésükért. Mint megjegyezte, a legfontosabb, hogy a légitámadás nem követelt emberéletet.

Miroszlav Bileckij jelezte, hogy kezdeményezi a megye területén található óvóhelyek sürgős ellenőrzését, állapotuk és hozzáférhetőségük felmérését.

Bejegyzésében kérte a lakosságot, hogy a légiriadót senki ne hagyja figyelmen kívül.

Kárpátalja.ma

Kapcsolódó:

Kárpátalja masszív dróntámadás alatt Felrobbant egy drón Szolyván

The post Bileckij: Nincsenek sérültjei a Kárpátalját ért dróntámadásnak appeared first on Kárpátalja.ma.

A Görögkatolikus Ifjúsági Szervezet és a Salánki Görögkatolikus Egyházközség rendezésében hittanversenyt tartottak Salánkon május 9-én a Beregszászi Magyar Görögkatolikus Esperesi Kerület magyar ajkú hittanosai számára.

A minden évben megrendezett kerületi hittanverseny helyszínét a salánki iskola biztosította, valamint a 23 egyházközségből érkező mintegy 150 gyermek ellátásáról a helyi egyházközség gondoskodott.

A szervezők korosztályuk szerint négyfős csoportokra – kis (5–6. osztály), közép (8–9. osztály) és nagy (10–11. osztály) – bontották a versenyzőket, akik először írásbeli, majd szóbeli vetélkedőn mutatták meg felkészültségüket.

A megmérettetés témája ezúttal a családnak a Bibliában való megjelenése volt, mégpedig annak apropójául, hogy a Munkácsi Görögkatolikus Egyházmegye püspöke, Tódor Macapula 2026-ot a család évének nyilvánította.

A feladványokat – melyek között volt keresztrejtvény, igaz/hamis feladvány, szókereső, villámkérdés stb. – Horváth Volf Mónika veszprémvarsányi hitoktató és Mórotz Réka Rebeka bakonyszentlászlói evangélikus lelkész állította össze.

Miután a gyermekek teljesítették a versenyt, Csirpák József salánki görögkatolikus áldozópap vezetésével megtekintették a település nevezetességeit, valamint az egyházközség jóvoltából megebédeltek.

Eközben megszületett a hittanverseny eredménye is.

Ebben az esztendőben az alábbiak szerint alakultak a helyezések:

Kis korosztály: Karácsfalva-Tiszakeresztúr csapata nyerte el az első helyet, másodikok lettek a batáriak, míg harmadik díjjal térhettek haza a nagybégányi hittanosok.

Középső korosztály: Első helyezést ért el Tiszacsoma csapata, Batár hittanosai másodikok, a palágykomoróciak harmadikok lettek.

Nagy korosztály: Csepe hittanosai vitték haza az első díjat, másodikként végeztek a makkosjánosi hittanosok, míg harmadik helyezést értek el a péterfalvi gyerekek.

Az első helyen végzett hittanosok a korábbi évek hagyománya szerint egy-egy vándorikont vihettek haza, mely a következő versenyig maradhat náluk. Az az egyházközségi csoport, amely három egymást követő évben megnyeri a hittanversenyt, végleg megtarthatja az ikont.

Emellett valamennyi résztvevő ajándékban részesült a salánki egyházközség és a Szent Panteleimon Görögkatolikus Karitász jóvoltából.

Marosi Anita

Kárpátalja.ma

The post Görögkatolikus kerületi hittanversenyt tartottak Salánkon appeared first on Kárpátalja.ma.

And how governance reform can break the cycle.

United Nations (UN) Secretary-General António Guterres launched the UN80 Initiative in March 2025. Faced with the US government’s increasingly hostile approach to the UN, UN80 was presented as a reform geared towards making the UN system “fit for purpose”. However, this policy brief argues that both the UN bureaucracy and member states have missed key opportunities to turn UN80 into a tool for reconfiguring UN multilateralism and providing space for multilateral cooperation that – despite rising geopolitical tensions – effectively addresses transnational challenges. The UN Secretariat, on the one hand, has pushed for a rushed reform agenda through an avalanche of bureaucratic reshuffling and technocratic ideas that are driven primarily by the logic of efficiency gains. Despite investing considerable efforts, it has failed to develop a coherent organisational and governance vision for the future of the UN that would help the organisation adapt to shifts in global power and policy preferences. Although welcoming reform efforts in principle, member states – on the other hand – have neither provided proactive guidance on desired reform outcomes, nor offered strategic input on the reform proposals put forward by the UN bureaucracy. They have failed to take up their role as political reform governors of a UN system in need of adapting to new geopolitical realities. Although the trajectory of UN80 to date has been far from ideal, the Initiative could still serve as a first step towards more fundamental reform efforts that address member states’ diverging preferences and attempt to tackle multilateral governance deficits. Inorder to highlight what is at stake, the policy brief outlines three scenarios of how post-UN80 dynamics might unfold, helping stakeholders identify what kind of UN system they would like to see and which steps might be necessary to get there.

Scenario 1. Faltering momentum: the phase-out of UN80 contributes to UN fragmentation and decline. Member states and the UN bureaucracy continue working through the UN80 Initiative’s to-do list until everything is either proclaimed done, watered down or silently abandoned. This leaves major challenges unaddressed, contributing to increasing levels of fragmentation and dysfunction across the UN system.

Scenario 2. Bold moves: strategic UN reform ambitions supersede technocratic logics. Member states leave decisions about efficiency gains to UN chief executives while prioritising and spearheading more ambitious reforms. They task the new Secretary-General with designing a high-level debate on the purpose(s) and the future governance of the UN system that reaffirms the UN as the multilateral centre of world politics.

Scenario 3. Muddling through: a combination of technocratic and governance reforms keeps the UN afloat. Cost-cutting reforms continue while a coalition of reform-oriented small and medium-sized member states pushes for a selective reform of multilateral governance. The result is a somewhat smaller UN system that, while not fundamentally transformed, is better equipped to navigate geopolitical tensions.

A little more than a year into the Trump 2.0 era, the “post–Cold War” international order as we know it is coming to an end. Amid increasing volatility and conflict, the shape and character of the order that will replace it are dangerously unclear. There are ambitions by so-called middle powers – including some member states of the EU – to provide an effective response, but questions remain as to their potential impact. Three scenarios can be envisaged: (1) an Orwellian dystopia dominated by three global powers – the United States, China and Russia – each with its own sphere of influence; (2) a “new Cold War” between two rival capitalist models: “Western” liberal democracy versus “Eastern” oligarchy and (3) the survival of the rules-based international order, possibly as a counterweight to oligarchic spheres of influence. For this scenario to materialise, middle powers must address the liberal order’s inherent weaknesses so that it delivers for all of its members. This discussion paper brings together 14 contributions drawing on the German Institute of Development and Sustainability’s (IDOS) broad regional and thematic expertise to examine these questions. The contributions analyse key actors, cooperation themes and regions. Each contribution analyses the implications of the changing global order for its specific area of focus and explores how international cooperation in general – and development cooperation in particular – can contribute to a more just and sustainable international system. The paper aims to provide readers with a range of perspectives on the state of international development cooperation and its possible evolution. Taken together, the contributions provide insights into the roles that international development cooperation may play in an emerging global order and identify priorities for reforms.

Intelligence Online understands that the Mufti of Moscow, Albir Rifkatovich Krganov, who has close ties to Russian security circles, is attending the Kazan International Economic Forum, which runs from 12 to 17 May. At the forum, he is expected to [...]

A former top US counterterrorism official has entered the consulting world and is lobbying on behalf of a Chinese telecom [...]

Saudi gigaproject owner Qiddiya Investment Company (QIC) has approached Belgian construction group Besix to request a proposal for the construction of [...]

French Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu in January tasked the chair of the National Assembly's law commission, Florent Boudié (IO, 16/02/26), [...]

Afghanistan – UN poised to renegotiate long-standing security contractThe United Nations is set to issue a new tender to secure [...]

Since the start of the year, representatives of Arma Instruments have met several times with the Cambodian defence ministry to [...]

What Xi wants from Trump—and Trump might get from Xi.

How Trump and Xi could cement Beijing’s advantage for years to come.

The new legislation agreed on Tuesday seeks to foster the right to autonomy for adults across the EU.
Committee on Legal Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Spokespersons for Parliament and the political groups will hold a briefing on the 18 – 21 May plenary session, on Wednesday at 11.00 in Parliament’s Anna Politkovskaya press room.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

This year’s awards went to an Estonian project to boost female democratic participation, a French political engagement app and a Spanish network for relations with China.
Committee on Culture and Education

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

On Tuesday, 19 May, at a ceremony in Parliament laureates will receive the inaugural European Order of Merit for their significant contribution to EU integration and values.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Standfirst para:

Egypt’s manufacturing sector faces a dual challenge of weak job creation and persistent informality. Drawing on survey evidence on business behaviour and labour market dynamics, this column explains why job creation is limited and informal work remains such an integral part of how firms organise production. The generation of more formal jobs requires a comprehensive policy approach, one that goes beyond enforcement of labour regulations to reshape the economic environment in which firms and workers make decisions.

In a nutshell

Informality in the labour market reflects incentives on both sides: firms benefit from lower costs and flexibility, while workers may prefer higher take-home pay or they may perceive limited benefits from formal employment.

Policies to create formal jobs that are focused solely on enforcement may backfire by raising hiring costs; effective reform requires reducing the cost of formality -including through simpler tax procedures and more proportionate labour costs - while increasing its benefits.

Addressing informality requires targeting informal employment within formal firms, aligning labour market and industrial policies, and adapting social protection and contribution systems to non-standard work arrangements.

Escalatory attacks on multilateral rules and institutions in this era of raw power politics have plunged international politics into uncharted territory. Traditional alliances have been fractured and new partnerships between unlikely bedfellows are emerging. No longer in transition, the post-World War II world order is in rupture. This paper examines international cooperation under these conditions and argues that a new ‘flexi-lateralism’ is taking shape as a pragmatic response to changing times. We define the new flexi-lateralism as international cooperation expressed through adaptable modular tools and selective coalitions, anchored in UN norms, that proceeds even when universal commitments are openly contested and attacked. Our paper considers a set of initiatives launched around the Financing for Development (FfD) conference in Sevilla (July 2025) on the issue of debt servicing. We illustrate how cooperation often depends on selective participation, informal venues and issue-specific coalitions, rather than comprehensive universal bargains. The paper uses ‘flexi-lateralism’ as a term for these flexible multilateral forms that sit between classic UN-style universality and narrow great-power deals. We conclude that international cooperation in this era is neither automatically collapsing nor simply fragmenting. It is adapting and reconfigured through overlapping clubs and coalitions with uneven implications for the Global South and the North.

The OECD conference “will focus on action, connecting geopolitical realities with development priorities and translating vision into practical strategic directions.” So how does the flexi-lateralism framework help? We argue that cooperation is reconfiguring into selective coalitions using discrete modular instruments, orchestrated through intermediaries, connected to universal norms but no longer dependent on universal participation. Whether this configuration can maintain legitimacy while delivering speed and adaptation is an open question. Delegates in Paris could look at the design principles we set out that distinguish workable flexi-lateral arrangements from fragmentation, namely, transparency, open accession pathways, and normative alignment with agreed development goals. These are the features that differentiate new forms of cooperation.