Depuis l'effondrement mortel de l'auvent de la gare de Novi Sad, le 1er novembre 2024, la Serbie se soulève contre la corruption meurtrière du régime du président Vučić et pour le respect de l'État de droit. Cette exigence de justice menée par les étudiants a gagné tout le pays. Suivez les dernières informations en temps réel et en accès libre.
- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Serbie, Politique, Société, GratuitDepuis l'effondrement mortel de l'auvent de la gare de Novi Sad, le 1er novembre 2024, la Serbie se soulève contre la corruption meurtrière du régime du président Vučić et pour le respect de l'État de droit. Cette exigence de justice menée par les étudiants a gagné tout le pays. Suivez les dernières informations en temps réel et en accès libre.
- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Serbie, Politique, Société, GratuitDepuis l'effondrement mortel de l'auvent de la gare de Novi Sad, le 1er novembre 2024, la Serbie se soulève contre la corruption meurtrière du régime du président Vučić et pour le respect de l'État de droit. Cette exigence de justice menée par les étudiants a gagné tout le pays. Suivez les dernières informations en temps réel et en accès libre.
- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Serbie, Politique, Société, GratuitFishermen on the banks of the river Yamuna, surrounded by clouds of toxic foam on the water surface. Credit: Raunaq Singh Chopra / Climate Visuals
By Joyce Chimbi
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 17 2025 (IPS)
Mutirão first entered the global climate discourse in Ambassador André Corrêa do Lago’s first letter to the world, which was sent in March 2025 as part of his COP30 presidency.
“The Brazilian culture inherited from Brazilian native indigenous peoples the concept of ‘Mutirão’ or Motirô in the Tupi-Guarani language.
“It refers to a community coming together to work on a shared task, whether harvesting, building, or supporting one another,” he wrote.
As a nation of football, he assured the world that the global community can win the climate fight by “virada,” which means “fighting back to turn the game around when defeat seems almost certain.” Delegates say the COP30 Mutirão approach, inspired by the Brazilian tradition of communities working together to solve shared problems, is fit for purpose amidst escalating climate crises.
Importantly, Brazil has framed the ocean as an emerging priority. The Mutirão approach for COP30’s oceans plan is a collaborative, action-oriented strategy emphasizing the ocean’s role in climate change, moving from negotiation to implementation.
The plan is called Mutirão Azul, or the Blue Collective Effort, and integrates solutions for oceans, cities, water, and infrastructure, encouraging participation from governments, businesses, and communities to achieve tangible oceanic climate actions and commitments. The Mutirão spirit will now embody international efforts to reduce emissions and adapt to the impacts of climate change.
“I research physical oceanography and energy in the climate system. And what we would like to see out of this COP (Conference of Parties) is more focus on blue climate solutions,” says Kerstin Bergentz from the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, University of California San Diego.
The Mutirão approach for COP30’s oceans plan is a collaborative, action-orientedstrategy emphasizing the ocean’s role in climate change. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS
She told IPS that if the world were to “implement all of the blue climate solutions that are out there, including protecting mangroves, restoring wetlands, investing in blue carbon in all shapes and sizes, and marine carbon dioxide removal, these blue climate solutions have the potential to provide 35 percent of the CO₂ emission reductions that we need to see by 2050 in order to meet our target of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius.”
“Unfortunately, climate funding for ocean projects or ocean-based solutions is less than 1 percent at the moment. And so, what we would like to see is more focus on the ocean because the future is not just green—it is also blue.”
Anya Stajner, also from the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, University of California San Diego, told IPS that the ocean makes up “over two-thirds of our planet and it should no longer be a side conversation during these negotiations. The ocean is an important climate control. It absorbs up to 90 percent of the excess heat in the atmosphere, keeping our Earth 55 degrees cooler than it would be otherwise.”
Ocean currents, often referred to as the “great ocean conveyor belt,” transport warm water from the tropics toward the poles and cold water back toward the equator. This circulation helps distribute heat around the planet, moderating regional climates; without it, temperatures would be far more extreme.
“Some students at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography have done an analysis to see how often the ocean is mentioned in Nationally Determined Contributions—a country’s plan to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to the impact of climate change.”
Blue NDCs refer to Nationally Determined Contributions that integrate ocean-based climate solutions. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS
“They found that while that number of mentions has risen and become more meaningful in the past five years, it is still not central enough to discussion.”
The Belém climate talks could turn the tide. The Brazilian Presidency’s appointment of Marinez Scherer as a Special Envoy for Oceans and the adoption of the Mutirão approach are bringing the ocean closer to the epicenter of global climate negotiations and diplomacy.
At COP30, the ocean is being increasingly positioned as a partner in mitigation and adaptation toward the protection of vulnerable coastal and island communities on the frontlines of the climate crisis.
Ocean financing at COP30 is a major focus, aiming to secure predictable, accessible, and targeted funding for ocean-based climate solutions and the sustainable blue economy.
Key goals include creating dedicated finance windows, integrating ocean health into national climate plans or Blue NDCs, and mobilizing public and private investment for ocean-based mitigation, adaptation, and science.
Blue NDCs are Nationally Determined Contributions that explicitly integrate ocean-based climate solutions. This emerged from the Blue NDC Challenge, an initiative launched by Brazil and France at the UN ocean Conference in Nice in June 2025, to urge countries to include ocean-focused climate actions in their national climate plans ahead of COP30. Said actions range from restoring coastal ecosystems and adapting maritime industries to promoting ocean-based renewable energy.
Eleven countries have already committed to the Blue NDC Challenge, including Brazil, France, Australia, Chile, Fiji, Kenya, Madagascar, Mexico, Palau, the Republic of Seychelles and the United Kingdom. Blue or green, NDCs are important because they are the core mechanism for countries to set and meet climate goals under the Paris Agreement. These countries have explicitly placed the ocean resource in their climate impact plan.
NDCs are the vehicles through which international commitments translate to national actions. Overall, as of the official opening of COP30 in Belem on November 10, 2025, more than 100 countries, representing at least 70 percent of global emissions, had tabled new NDCs. Among the G20—the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitters—12 had tabled their new NDCs.
Blue NDCs in particular facilitate the integration of the ocean into national climate goals, supporting initiatives like the Mangrove Breakthrough and strengthening ocean governance through frameworks like the BBNJ Agreement.
Like the Paris Agreement, the BBNJ Agreement is a legally binding international treaty for the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction or the high seas. Adopted in 2023, the BBNJ or the High Seas treaty will enter into force in early 2026 after reaching 60 ratifications.
At COP30, the High Seas Treaty is the most concrete ocean-related item on the table, and Brazil has committed to ratifying it by the end of this year. Overall, the treaty establishes a global framework for issues such as area-based management tools, including marine protected areas, environmental impact assessments, and equitable benefit-sharing from marine genetic resources.
“The High Seas Treaty is a win for multilateralism because it allows governments to work together to protect more of the oceans that go beyond our exclusive economic zones,” Stajner stressed.
“There has been a lot of talk at the last decades of COPs and we have plans and now it’s about pushing those plans forward. And I think the High Seas Treaty is an example of how that is moving forward.”
“And so, this COP is all about action and implementation for the ocean.”
This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.
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Excerpt:
Credit: R_Tee / shutterstock.com
By Ambika Vishwanath and Treesa Shaju
Nov 17 2025 (IPS)
Emerging research on the nexus between climate, peace and security (CPS) supports the integration of climate adaptation and mitigation methods to advance sustainable peace. While climate change itself may not be the direct cause of conflict, its cascading effects such as resource scarcity, displacement, and economic stress could become focal points of tension. Although these links remain debated, meaningful responses could have delayed stabilizing effects. Locally driven responses become essential in addressing climate change as a security concern, to mitigate future cycles of conflict. A nuanced CPS framing can support smarter climate action while enhancing security at multiple levels. India’s scalable local models, Germany’s technical expertise, and Australia’s Pacific engagement pose an opportunity for the three countries to collaborate on advancing integrated CPS approaches.
How is this playing out in the Indo-Pacific?
The Indo-Pacific, one of the fastest growing regions from an economic, trade and development standpoint, is facing some of the most complex challenges arising from climate change and geopolitical developments. These are compounded by non-traditional security issues such as rising food, water and health insecurities, the intensity of which often eclipses traditional security concerns for regional policy makers. The COP27 Presidency initiative “Climate Responses for Sustaining Peace” (CRSP), spearheaded a pivot from a climate security nexus towards a climate and peacebuilding nexus that becomes useful to adapt for the Indo-Pacific region. The dichotomy of need, approach and security response provides countries a new potential for innovative engagement across the region.
Innovative approaches require acknowledging that current development models and business as usual will no longer be sustainable. As risks and challenges intensify with global repercussions, new partners must step-up with skills, knowledge and resources for ground up, contextual transformation. Germany, India and Australia have very different historical contexts and regional approaches, yet these growing global powers must respond proactively and in a coordinated manner.
Beyond solely relying on existing multilateral institutions, it is pragmatic to explore new configurations that address gaps left by larger organizations. Smaller groupings working with local actors can deliver ground-up solutions that states can sustain beyond donor cycles/political changes. They are also better equipped to pursue integrated approaches while working towards larger strategic balance and security concerns.
As one of the oldest and largest partners in the region, Australia has committed to being a principled and reliable partner to countries in the Pacific as well as the wider Indian Ocean region. Its 2024 National Defence Strategy, International Development Policy and remarks by senior leadership over the last few years suggest a strong commitment to relationships, with a global security agenda that is (debatably) climate-forward, ranging from disaster response to renewable energy. As a founding member of the India Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), it remains the largest donor with deep ties and networks despite a chequered legacy.
India positions itself as the primary security provider for the Indian Ocean region, evolving from a regionally focused Neighbourhood First Policy to a more comprehensive Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) initiative. It is a founding member of the International Solar Alliance which focuses on climate positive solutions especially for LDCs and SIDS. While India has had a longer history in the Indian Ocean, its engagement with the Pacific Island Countries (PICs) has steadily increased through grants, lines of credit, concessional loans, humanitarian assistance, capacity building, and technical assistance in areas like Health, IT, education, and community development. India’s development cooperation is guided by the principles of South-South cooperation, anchored on low-cost development solutions and non-conditional aid.
While Germany’s engagement in the region has been more recent in comparison, it brings technical knowledge and capacity in climate adaptation, ecosystem-based solutions, and capacity-building initiatives. German universities and research organizations are engaged in developing cutting edge climate tech solutions, which can be contextualised with regional partner countries. For example, the ‘Ensuring climate-resilient access to water and sanitation’ project strengthened rural water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) systems by integrating modern climate-resilient technologies.
Unlikely partners make for innovative engagement
Though minilateral cooperation has tended to proceed ad hoc or with a strict focus on blue economy or marine pollution issues, it offers a nuanced approach to balance traditional security concerns and emerging climate related risks and challenges. While many trilateral and quadrilateral efforts exist, a more efficient streamlining of projects, knowledge and resources can benefit small island countries in the Indian and Pacific Ocean that are often overwhelmed by attention. Many current efforts consume valuable resources while primarily functioning as discussion forums with limited tangible impact on ground. While Germany, India and Australia might seem like unlikely partners, their unique and complementary skills and resources can implement a more nuanced CPS agenda with partners across the Indo-Pacific. Their potential lies in addressing overlooked areas such as smaller projects, research, financing options and capacity building.
One way to begin collaboration is by establishing a trilateral technical cooperation track with the Pacific Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) Hub, a coordinated regional support mechanism for PICs to implement and finance their climate commitments. While Germany and Australia are already among the key financiers, this track could leverage Australia’s regional presence and expertise while Germany and India could offer institutional support on low grade technology, low-cost project design merging modern technology with traditional knowledge. The track could commence with scaled down water security related projects, a key area of concern for many Pacific nations.
Another possibility is expanding the India–Australia Centre of Excellence for Disaster Management to include Germany-based Karlsruhe Institute of Technology (KIT) that specializes in technology such as AI for Pandemics and Disaster Risk Reduction. Together, they could jointly develop, and pilot dual-use disaster risk resilience technologies and capacity-building programs tailored for the Indo-Pacific region.
While both India and Germany have ongoing capacity constraints, their technical knowledge can complement Australia’s operations in the Pacific. Ignoring these opportunities risks leaving the region trapped in reactive cycles of crisis management, without solutions that are locally owned and sustainable. Innovative approaches that focus on filling the gaps can address the complex ways in which CPS linkages play out. Moving forward, strategic coordination among partners will be essential to translating these approaches into sustained regional impact.
Related articles:
Reconstructing the China–India Climate Diplomacy
The Case for a Climate-First Maritime Reframing of the Indian Ocean Region
The Indus Water Treaty Suspension: A Wake-Up Call for Asia–Pacific Unity?
Left Behind: Why Afghanistan Cannot Tackle Climate Change Alone
Ambika Vishwanath is the Founder Director of Kubernein Initiative and a Principal Research Fellow at La Trobe Asia. She is a geopolitical expert and works at the intersection of emerging security challenges, climate security, and foreign policy.
Treesa Shaju is a Programme Associate at Kubernein Initiative with an interest in the intersection of gender, foreign policy and conflict. She is a 2023 Women of Colour Advancing Peace, Security, and Conflict Transformation (WCAPS) fellow..
This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from the original with their permission
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C'est un ouvrage majeur reliant Vlora à la riviera albanaise. Inauguré en 2024, le tunnel de Llogara a coûté la bagatelle de 190 millions d'euros. Le SPAK vient de mettre en examen la vice-Première ministre Belinda Balluku, qui aurait pesé sur l'appel d'offres. L'ambassadeur de l'Union européenne invoque la présomption d'innocence.
- Le fil de l'Info / Une - Diaporama, Albanie, Défense, police et justice, Politique, Questions européennes, Courrier des BalkansC'est un ouvrage majeur reliant Vlora à la riviera albanaise. Inauguré en 2024, le tunnel de Llogara a coûté la bagatelle de 190 millions d'euros. Le SPAK vient de mettre en examen la vice-Première ministre Belinda Balluku, qui aurait pesé sur l'appel d'offres. L'ambassadeur de l'Union européenne invoque la présomption d'innocence.
- Le fil de l'Info / Une - Diaporama, Albanie, Défense, police et justice, Politique, Questions européennes, Courrier des Balkans