Africa

By Eric Reeves

Among the myriad Executive Orders that President Trump has inherited from the Obama administration is one essentially lifting sanctions on the regime in Khartoum, Sudan. During his last week in office Obama declared there had been sufficient “positive action over the past six months” by the very regime regime the former president had repeatedly accused of genocide—both before and after taking office. Obama used his UN ambassador, Samantha Power, to make the case in detail: during her last press conference, Power declared, falsely, that a “sea change” in improved humanitarian access throughout Sudan justified the administration's decision. She cited one unrepresentative example, even as every humanitarian and human rights organization that has spoken about Power's claim denies its validity. Human Rights Watch declared Obama's decision simply “inexplicable.”

So it falls to the conspicuously dysfunctional Trump administration to decide whether during the upcoming six-month “testing period” Khartoum deserves to see a finalizing of this lifting of sanctions. It can choose to ignore realities on the ground, as the Obama administration did in its assessment of the past six months; or it can take a hard look at what is widely reported from those on the ground and in the Sudanese diaspora. Humanitarian embargoes, imposed by Khartoum, continue to affect many hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians in the long-marginalized regions of Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile. The “sea change” Ambassador Power spoke of is certainly not visible in South Kordofan, where an experienced and highly informed humanitarian wrote to me, declaring: “there's been absolutely no change in humanitarian access. Not a single grain of sorghum nor one tablet of medicine has entered Nuba Mountains from any of the usual humanitarian agencies.”

The new administration can look at compelling evidence that an epidemic of rape continues to be part of Khartoum's genocidal counter-insurgency campaign in Darfur, now in its fifteenth year. It can look at the continuous shelling and bombing of clearly civilian targets in the three regions. It can look at overwhelming evidence that chemical weapons were used in Jebel Marra, Darfur last year—evidence assembled assiduously by Amnesty International. It can look at the rapidly escalating and increasingly violent repression by the regime in suppressing civil discontent—discontent that follows from an economy imploding not because of U.S. sanctions but because of massive corruption and self-enrichment that have always defined what is essentially a kleptocracy. “Shoot to kill” orders have been both given and threatened in the face of rising unrest.

In light of Trumps immoral and badly confused Executive Order on refugees coming to the U.S. from Sudan and six other countries—affecting countless real or potential Sudanese refugees—there is precious little reason for optimism.

Moreover, the Trump administration, burdened by its policy myopia, is unlikely to understand that the effectiveness of U.S. sanctions—particularly financial sanctions—has been undermined by massive money-laundering on the part of French banking giant BNP Paribas, which pled guilty to criminal violations of U.S. financial laws in 2015, primarily because of activities that directly benefited the Khartoum regime. A civil suit filed on Federal District Court (Southern District of New York, Case 1:16-cv-03228-AJN) lays out in highly revealing detail the way in which BNPP served (in the words of the former U.S. Deputy Attorney General) “as a de facto central bank for the Government of Sudan.”

Despite the declaration today (Sudan Tribune, February 3, 2017) by President al-Bashir that the Obama administration lifted sanctions on Sudan because of their “futility,” the truth is that their efficacy has not been tested: BNP Paribas saw to that during their long tenure as “central bank” for al-Bashir and his genocidal regime. Those in the world of Washington-based pundits who proclaim their agreement with al-Bashir only reveal their ignorance of the potency of the U.S. financial sanctions that BNP Paribas so effectively undermined.

The regime in Khartoum has not changed in the 27 years since it seized power in a military coup as the “National Islamic Front.” It continues to wage genocidal counter-insurgencies against the marginalized regions of the country in order to maintain a monopoly on national wealth and power. And the regime has assessed with uncanny skill the willingness—or lack thereof—by the international community to confront the regime over these multiple genocidal assaults—in what is now South Sudan, in the Nuba Mountains during the 1990s, in Darfur beginning in 2003, and now South Kordofan and Blue Nile. If it believes that refusing to acknowledge a cholera epidemic in these regions serves its purposes, it will deny—until facts become so overwhelming as to compel acknowledge of this vast threat to hundreds of thousands of civilians, especially in the eastern regions of Sudan.

The Trump administration looks at once badly confused and dismayingly indifferent to all but major geopolitical events—and here Sudan clearly does not qualify except as a resource for counter-terrorism intelligence, “red meat” for the wolves in the intelligence community that increasingly dominates U.S. foreign policy. Moreover, the odds-on favorite to become Trump's Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Peter Pham, has put himself decisively on record—even before Obama's Executive Order—as strongly favoring the lifting of sanctions against Khartoum.

Congress, which once took Sudan seriously on a bipartisan basis, is presently nowhere to be found in responding to the Executive Order. It was not always so: in July 2004 every member of Congress—in both houses and from both parties—declared that Khartoum was committing “genocide” in Darfur. But the present wait-and-see Congressional attitude only makes more likely a de facto lifting of sanctions (without another Executive Order they will disappear on July 13)—or encourages the Trump administration to believe it can not only lift sanctions but proceed apace with the rapprochement the U.S. intelligence community strongly favors—a supremely callous trade-off in which U.S. favors are given to Khartoum in return for counter-terrorism intelligence—in many cases about the very terrorists previously supported by the regime, which hosted Osama bin Laden during the formative years of al-Qaeda (1992 – 1996).

Just this week Sudanese intelligence General Hanafi Abdallah boasted of Khartoum's important to American counter-terrorism intelligence:

"There is communication between the two bodies and regular meetings. The CIA office in Khartoum is the largest office in the Middle East. Because the United States is aware of the Sudan strategic importance in the region, it has established one of the largest diplomatic missions in the region, even they had to expand their buildings," said Hanafi in an interview with the Khartoum based Al-Sudani newspaper published on Tuesday. (Sudan Tribune, January 31, 2017)

Although the regime lies shamelessly, there is on this occasion little reason to doubt the truth of this statement, which has not been denied by the U.S. State Department. For a long time the Khartoum regime held hostage the opening of CIA operations in the new building and embassy in Khartoum, knowing how desperate the agency was to gain access to what was designed to be the premier listening post in North Africa. The date of the Obama administration's gaining operational permission from Khartoum was never publicized, but clearly—whenever the final terms of the quid pro quo were settled upon—things are humming for the CIA in Khartoum now, and this more than any other factor governs any future decision by the Trump administration concerning reinstating sanctions and Sudan policy generally. And it will be a decision only nominally made by the State Department.

It is hard to be optimistic, with Washington-based pundits lauding Obama's Executive Order, and an incomprehensibly thoughtless Trump administration that gives no sign of heeding Sudan's agony as it pushes for “America First.” This may well be Sudan's darkest hour.

Eric Reeves has written extensively on Sudan for almost two decades; he is a Senior Fellow at Harvard University's François-Xavier Bagnoud Center for Health and Human Rights

Condemning attacks on civilians and non-governmental organizations in a town in Central African Republic (CAR)’s Ouham-Pendé province, a senior United Nations humanitarian official has called for protecting civilians as well as for unhindered relief access to the affected areas.

As Europe Union leaders gather today in Malta to discuss new measures on migration, including increased cooperation with Libya, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and UN rights experts underlined the need to ensure that children are protected and that migrants should not be pushed back to places where their safety is at risk.

The new Gambian president introduces a five-day week, axing an order to keep Fridays for praying.

South African entrepreneur Jabu Stone is aiming for "painless beauty" with his natural hair care range.

The BBC's Matthew Davies looks at the possible effects of President Trump's policies on Africa.

A selection of the best photos from across Africa this week.

Darfur groups welcome new African Union Commission chairperson Moussa Faki

February 3, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Two Sudanese rebel groups from Darfur region Thursday welcomed the election of Moussa Faki as new chairperson of the African Union Commission.

Faki who last week was picked by the African leaders for the position, vowed to place development and security at the top of his agenda. As former Chadian foreign minister he was involved in the regional efforts to end the Darfur crisis since several years.

In separate statements the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and Sudan Liberation Movement - Minni Minnawi (SLM-MM) extended a warm welcome to Faki and wished him success as the new Head of Africa's executive body.

"The SLM expect him, as a new Commissioner, to use his august office and exhibit more earnest steps to judiciously expedite and enhance AU's efforts in resolving Sudan's long standing conflict particularly in Darfur and the two areas," said Trayo Ali, SLM-MM chief negotiator in a statement extended to Sudan Tribune

JEM's leadership "wishes the best of luck and success to Minister Faki and hopes that his choice contributes to the transition of the African Union to new diplomatic spaces and to achieve (regional) security, stability, peace-building, development and democracy," said Ahmed Tugud Lissan JEM top negotiator.

During his campaign, Faki said that he harboured dreams of an Africa where the “sound of guns will be drowned out by cultural songs and rumbling factories”. He pledged to streamline the organisation during the course of his four-year term in office.

In statements to the Radio France Internationale (RFI) on 23 January, Moussa Faki said that AU needed strong leadership from someone who could “refocus on the basics”, adding that the regional body had only implemented less than 15% of the 1,800 resolutions adopted since 2002.

The African Union is brokering peace talks between the Sudanese government and opposition including the armed groups.

(ST)

Hundreds of Congolese gathered in Kinshasa’s Limete neighborhood after news broke last night that the Democratic Republic of Congo’s long-time opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi passed away on Wednesday in Brussels. He had left Congo last week for medical treatment.

Police deployed to control the crowds outside Tshisekedi’s home and the headquarters of his party, the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS). Things grew tense, with protesters throwing rocks and shouting slurs against President Joseph Kabila; police responded with rounds of teargas. But grief and sadness were also palpable. Many of those gathered were in tears, others wrote messages for Tshisekedi’s family in a book of condolences; some wondered aloud what Tshisekedi’s death meant for the ongoing Catholic Church-mediated dialogue and Tshisekedi’s struggle for democracy and the rule of law in Congo. Congolese leaders and citizens of all political stripes, as well as foreign dignitaries paid tribute to Tshisekedi.

Expand

Congolese opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi attends a political rally in the Democratic Republic of Congo's capital Kinshasa, July 31, 2016. 

© 2016 Reuters

Known as the “Sphinx of Limete,” Tshisekedi had become a symbol of peaceful resistance and fighter in the struggle for democracy in Congo. He was one of the rare Congolese politicians who had always been on the side of the opposition, leading peaceful resistance for the past three decades – first against the dictator Mobutu Sese Seko before taking on President Laurent Kabila and then his son and the current president, Joseph Kabila. Following the 2011 presidential elections, marred by allegations of widespread fraud and brutal repression, many Congolese believed that Tshisekedi was the real winner even though the official results put him in second place with 32 per cent of the vote. Tshisekedi never officially recognized Kabila’s victory. 

Tshisekedi was also one of the few – if not the only – Congolese political leaders who could mobilize people to the streets. When he returned to Kinshasa last July, following two years abroad for medical treatment, hundreds of thousands gathered to catch a glimpse of him and hear him speak. Despite his age and deteriorating health, it’s largely thanks to Tshisekedi’s leadership and his willingness to ally with others that the opposition remained somewhat, and unusually, united in their 2016 struggle to resist attempts by Joseph Kabila to extend his presidency beyond the constitutionally mandated two-term limit, which ended on December 19, 2016. 

The Catholic Church-mediated dialogue late last year gained its legitimacy in large part due to Tshisekedi’s blessing and the participation of his UDPS political party and the Rassemblement opposition coalition he presided over. This led to the signing of a deal on New Year’s Eve, which defused a potentially explosive situation and ostensibly set the country on the path toward elections in December 2017 and the country’s first democratic transition of power. But implementation of the deal has been painfully slow, raising doubts whether Kabila and those loyal to him are really committed to organizing elections.

Tshisekedi was due to lead a council to oversee implementation of the deal and the organization of elections. It’s now hard to imagine who will fill this void, and it remains to be seen whether the opposition will be able to maintain enough unity and legitimacy to see the deal through and maintain the pressure on Kabila.

Congo’s political leaders would perhaps pay the best homage to Etienne Tshisekedi by putting the interests of the country first and working together to fulfill his long-time dream of a truly peaceful and democratic political transition.

Hundreds of Congolese gathered in Kinshasa’s Limete neighborhood after news broke last night that the Democratic Republic of Congo’s long-time opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi passed away on Wednesday in Brussels. He had left Congo last week for medical treatment.

Police deployed to control the crowds outside Tshisekedi’s home and the headquarters of his party, the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS). Things grew tense, with protesters throwing rocks and shouting slurs against President Joseph Kabila; police responded with rounds of teargas. But grief and sadness were also palpable. Many of those gathered were in tears, others wrote messages for Tshisekedi’s family in a book of condolences; some wondered aloud what Tshisekedi’s death meant for the ongoing Catholic Church-mediated dialogue and Tshisekedi’s struggle for democracy and the rule of law in Congo. Congolese leaders and citizens of all political stripes, as well as foreign dignitaries paid tribute to Tshisekedi.

Expand

Congolese opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi attends a political rally in the Democratic Republic of Congo's capital Kinshasa, July 31, 2016. 

© 2016 Reuters

Known as the “Sphinx of Limete,” Tshisekedi had become a symbol of peaceful resistance and fighter in the struggle for democracy in Congo. He was one of the rare Congolese politicians who had always been on the side of the opposition, leading peaceful resistance for the past three decades – first against the dictator Mobutu Sese Seko before taking on President Laurent Kabila and then his son and the current president, Joseph Kabila. Following the 2011 presidential elections, marred by allegations of widespread fraud and brutal repression, many Congolese believed that Tshisekedi was the real winner even though the official results put him in second place with 32 per cent of the vote. Tshisekedi never officially recognized Kabila’s victory. 

Tshisekedi was also one of the few – if not the only – Congolese political leaders who could mobilize people to the streets. When he returned to Kinshasa last July, following two years abroad for medical treatment, hundreds of thousands gathered to catch a glimpse of him and hear him speak. Despite his age and deteriorating health, it’s largely thanks to Tshisekedi’s leadership and his willingness to ally with others that the opposition remained somewhat, and unusually, united in their 2016 struggle to resist attempts by Joseph Kabila to extend his presidency beyond the constitutionally mandated two-term limit, which ended on December 19, 2016. 

The Catholic Church-mediated dialogue late last year gained its legitimacy in large part due to Tshisekedi’s blessing and the participation of his UDPS political party and the Rassemblement opposition coalition he presided over. This led to the signing of a deal on New Year’s Eve, which defused a potentially explosive situation and ostensibly set the country on the path toward elections in December 2017 and the country’s first democratic transition of power. But implementation of the deal has been painfully slow, raising doubts whether Kabila and those loyal to him are really committed to organizing elections.

Tshisekedi was due to lead a council to oversee implementation of the deal and the organization of elections. It’s now hard to imagine who will fill this void, and it remains to be seen whether the opposition will be able to maintain enough unity and legitimacy to see the deal through and maintain the pressure on Kabila.

Congo’s political leaders would perhaps pay the best homage to Etienne Tshisekedi by putting the interests of the country first and working together to fulfill his long-time dream of a truly peaceful and democratic political transition.

By Leonard O. Akwany

Natural hazards such as floods and drought have become more prevalent in the Nile River Basin - as a result of climate and weather changes - resulting in massive disasters which drain communities economically, physically and environmentally.

Wetlands are naturally productive ecosystems which are capable of managing the risk of disasters to communities. They can contain flood water, which helps cushion communities against floods. When there's drought, they release the water which supports livelihoods. Aside from their buffering effects, wetlands also act as water purifiers.

The Nile river basin has a complex system of wetlands in 11 countries, namely; Burundi, DR Congo, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, The Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda. These wetlands provide not only physical benefits but also ecosystem services, which sustain the local communities directly or indirectly dependent on wetlands. They supply water for both domestic and commercial use and provide food including fish and wild plants. The wetlands are also home to charismatic birds and wild animals and give authentic aesthetic experiences, which are key to the development of tourism.

The Sudd Wetland, which is the largest freshwater wetland in the Nile Basin and is also one of the largest flood plains in the world, extending up to 130,000 square kilometers during rainy seasons, boasts over 100 fish species, 400 bird species and an important stopover site for water birds including a significant number of migratory bird species.

The Sudd wetland has been designated as one of the wetlands of International importance and has a large natural resource base which supports agriculture, livestock, fisheries and wildlife. Additionally, Sudd Wetland is critical for the basal water flow of river Nile benefiting associated biodiversity and livelihoods, especially of downstream communities.

Despite all the benefits offered by these wetlands, they continue to be heavily fragmented, degraded and reclaimed due to human activities such as encroachment for settlement, conversion into agricultural lands owing to population pressure, grey infrastructural development and poor implementation of policies protecting wetlands.

The continued destruction of wetlands only works to compromise their health and integrity and consequently, are unable to execute their functions as natural buffers against natural disasters.

The Nile Basin Initiative is working towards the maintenance of healthy wetlands and restoration of degraded ones as this is imperative to disaster risk reduction. At the 2016 inaugural Nile Basin Wetlands Forum, which was attended by representatives from 10 member states and other key stakeholders, participants identified a number of challenges. These range from inadequate governance instruments, infrastructural and agricultural encroachment, minimal trans-boundary collaborations within the Nile Basin trans-boundary wetlands and inadequate baseline information.

The possible inspiring interventions proposed include building baseline information, restoration of the wetlands, development of a Wetlands Atlas, wetland management and investment plans, economic valuation of wetlands and their associated resources, enactment of national policies and legislations and re-awakening of dry land wetlands. These interventions would boost wetlands' capability in disaster risk reduction and ultimately build resilience. NBI will be working towards scaling and replicating these interventions in trans-boundary wetlands and wetlands of regional significance.

Nile Basin Initiative in collaboration with German Development Agency (GIZ) is implementing a programme under the theme of Biodiversity Conservation and Sustainable Utilization of Ecosystem Services of Wetlands of Trans-boundary Relevance in the Nile Basin. The main goal of this programme is to strengthen the technical and institutional capacities of riparian States and other stakeholders for sustainable management of these wetlands for benefits stated herein.

Strategically NBI Wetlands work is anchored on The Wetlands Management Strategy developed in 2013 and focused on providing direction on sustainable utilization of Nile Basin Wetlands. Additionally, Nile Basin Initiative Wetlands work is geared towards supporting the riparian states meet their obligations under Ramsar Convention, Convention on Biological Diversity, Climate Change Adaptation and Sustainable Development Goals.

Finally, NBI is establishing a NileWet Network Platform as regional forum linked to Ramsar convention to provide a platform for collaboration between governments, technical experts, international NGOs, local communities and private companies working on wetlands in the Nile Basin for desired critical mass in working towards enabling healthy River Nile Basin wetlands for disaster risk reduction and general Nile Basin wetlands sustainability.

The writer is a Regional Wetlands Expert at Nile Basin Initiative Secretariat

February 2, 2017 (KAMPALA) – The Ugandan government has ruled out any move to militarily intervene in the South Sudanese conflict, saying its involvement could worsen the country's security situation.

Ugandan Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Henry Oryem Okello (C) speaks to the press after a meeting with President al-Bashir in Kartoum on 20 June 2016 (ST Photo)

Uganda's deputy foreign affairs minister, Henry Okello Oryem said interference in South Sudan's issues would be opposed by the country's leaders.

"I don't think it's a good idea," Oryem told Reuters on Wednesday.

"That's a colonial mentality. If an attempt was made to have trusteeship in South Sudan, then I think even the [Riek] Machar's side would resist it and fight it," he added.

South Sudan broke away from neighbouring Sudan in July 2011 after a referendum.

The Ugandan army joined the conflict in South Sudan soon after it began in December 2013, fighting on President Salva Kiir's side against rebels led by Riek Machar, the nation's ex-first vice president.

The Ugandan presence helped prevent the capital, Juba from falling into rebel hands. Ugandan troops pulled out late last year.

In August 2015, an internationally brokered peace deal restored some calm, although that broke down in July last year with heavy fighting between the rival forces in Juba, after which an injured Machar managed to flee to the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Minister Oryem, however, said Uganda was misunderstood by the international community when it intervened in South Sudan after violence broke out in December 2013.

"We've told them we are not going to go back," he said, adding "Uganda has no more interest in sending its troops and boys to South Sudan."

South Sudan has experienced violence since December 2013 when political disagreements between President Kiir and Machar saw the nation split along ethnic lines. Tens of thousands of people have since been killed and millions displaced in South Sudan's worst violence since its independence.

(ST)

February 2, 2017 (JUBA) - South Sudan President Salva Kiir said has decided to open a new chapter of cooperation with the United Nations, saying he met and agreed with the new secretary general of the United Nations to work together towards promoting the founding values of the organizations.

“My knowledge of the United Nations is that it is not an independent country and it is not superior to any country. I know it as an organization of the member states which are governed by their own laws and practices as sovereign states. At the United Nations, we are equal members, regardless of whether a country is young, old, big or small”, said President Kiir, according one of his aides who attended a meeting with the new UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres on the sidelines of the recent summit of the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Kiir said his country and himself has been treated as unequal member and a boy to other countries and leaders that the United Nations was acting like a separate government in South Sudan.

"Sometimes when citizens read messages from the United Nations about South Sudan, they begin to wonder why the country and its leadership are treated like that. When they are annoyed, they go out on their own to protest this treatment. We understand their concerns but we say no that is not how to present issues. There is a way to do things but some people within the United Nations took it as our weakness and they continued to behave as if South Sudan a protectorate state of the United Nations so we get orders from them,” said Kiir

The South Sudanese leader said an indirect reference to his bad relations with the former secretary general of the United Nations. As, the relations between UN and South Sudan government have deteriorated after fighting broke out in Juba in December 2013.

In January 2014, the UN's camp in Bor was the scene of a dispute between the government and the UN when South Sudan's Information Minister Michael Makuei Lueth' was refused entry the compound because of his two armed bodyguards.

At the time, the UN chief released a statement condemning the forced entry by government officials. Ban Ki-moon said he was particularly disturbed over threats made to UN staff after they refused to allow armed soldiers to enter the site after they tried to accompany civilians inside.

“Some of them have now gone to contest for elections in their own countries to become president. I don't know now how they would feel if they become president and the United Nations secretariat decided to treat them like the way they conducted them when it comes to the issues related to South Sudan and their leadership. This has to change so that we treat ourselves according to international protocol and norms .As for us; we are ready to open a new chapter of cooperation with the new leadership of the United Nations and we will support you in implementing and promoting the founding values and universal ideals,” said President Kiir.

The former rebel commander turned politician and became president of the young nation made the remarks during his recent meeting at the margin of the African union summit

His remarks appear to have played a role in the manner in which the new secretary general of the United Nations has been making comments indicating a major shift in relations.

After returning to the headquarters of the United Nations in New York, Antonio Guterres expressed readiness of the organization to working to “avoid the worst” for South Sudan. He also praised the international and regional cooperation that prevented large-scale violence. He also described the situation in the country as “dramatic” and could worsen.

Guterres said it was agreed at a meeting involving himself, leaders of the AU and East African bloc IGAD that they would cooperate to make sure that South Sudan's national dialogue be genuinely inclusive and move forward.

“In a meeting with Salva Kiir, it was agreed that we will have better cooperation both for the U.N. mission to operate more freely inside South Sudan and for the Regional Protection Force to be put in place," said Guterres.

African nations have proposed deploying 4,000 troops into South Sudan to help stabilize the country, where three years of conflict have displaced more than two million people.

The United Nations has noted "historical deep-rooted rivalries" between ethnic groups in the region. President Salva Kiir recently created more states in the Malakal area by dividing its political borders.

(ST)

February 2, 2017 (JUBA) – South Sudan security agents on Wednesday arrested a state minister of finance as he attempted to flee the nation while possessing $70,000, officials told Sudan Tribune.

U.S. dollar notes (Reuters/Athit Perawongmetha Photo)

The finance minister of Boma, one of South Sudan's newly created states, Joseph Lolimoi was arrested at Juba Airport while boarding a plane headed for Sudan's capital, Khartoum.

“I heard that he [Lolimoi] was arrested and he not released or charged (in court) by the security and I don't know the reason for his arrest,” remarked the Boma state coordinator in Juba, Peter Lebelek.

John Achuan, the Boma state information minister also confirmed Lolimoi's detention, but he declined to further discuss the matter.

Lolimoi, a member of the defunct South Sudan Democratic Movement, Cobra-faction formed by current deputy minister of defense David Yau Yau in 2010 and fought for a separate of Boma state from Jonglei, served in Greater Pibor Administrative Area before creation of 28 states in 2015. He was appointed minister of finance by ex-Boma governor, Baba Maden Konyi.

The new Boma governor, Sultan Ismail Konyi has not reshuffled the state cabinet and Lolimoi, according to aides, will not retain his post.

“I think this information (of being ousted) reached him and he wanted to reward himself with that huge money,” a Boma state official who preferred anonymity as investigation continue, revealed.

"I think he was fleeing to Khartoum. That is where he grew up and hatched his political ambition there," he official added.

The $70,000 (SSP 7 million) is enough to pay state workers for two months.

(ST)

February 2, 2017 (JUBA) - South Sudan has signed a new construction deal for its new capital city with Morocco.

Ramciel by Google Maps

The newly completed deal was witnessed by President Salva Kiir and the visiting King of Morocco, Mohammed VI, on Wednesday evening at the presidential palace in Juba.

The Moroccans leader arrived the country on Wednesday afternoon after postponing the visit in late January due to lack of completion of preparations for his reception, including finding a standard mosque where he would pray as he was expected to arrive in the young nation on Friday.

The visit is reportedly aimed at consolidating bilateral relations and economic ties between the two countries.

Officials said the two countries signed nine agreements and Memorandum of Understandings (MoUs) in various fields.

One of these agreements and MoUs the two sides signed concerned the construction of South Sudan's proposed capital city of Ramciel, general cooperation, and promotion, protection of investment and avoidance of double taxation.

The MoUs also covered areas of agriculture and food security, industrial cooperation, cooperation in the field of mining, cooperation in the field of vocational training and open business opportunities between the two countries.

The South Sudanese foreign affairs minister, Deng Alor Kuol told reporters that the visit of the king of Morocco, which culminated into the signing of several cooperation agreements and memorandum of understating between the two countries, would greatly benefit the young nation.

He cited the use of expertise in different areas agreed upon by the two nations as some of the benefits the young nation would get if the cooperation agreement and memorandum of understanding are properly utilized by the two countries.

“Between us and Morocco, there are very important issues, issues of bilateral relations where we are going to cooperate at the regional level and international, we are going to cooperate in the area of agriculture. Morocco has advanced in many areas, better expertise, and we are going to benefit from those areas,” stressed the minister.

Morocco's foreign affairs minister, on the other hand, said their King's visit would open a new chapter in bilateral relations with Africa and South Sudan in particular.

“It is very important visit, it is a very historical visit that will open a new chance in bilateral relations through these new agreements and full discussions between His Majesty and His Excellency President of South Sudan,” said Nasser Bourita.

(ST)

February 2, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese French joint political consultation committee held a series of meetings on Thursday n in Paris to discuss ways to promote bilateral ties in the various fields.

The 3rd session of the joint body is the first of its kind since 2014 the committee stopped its annual meetings after Paris's hosting of a meeting for the rebel groups and the National Umma Party and the signing of Paris Declaration in August 2014.

In a press release extended to Sudan Tribune, Sudan's Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Gharib Allah Khidir said the 3rd session would continue for two days.

The 2nd session was held in Khartoum in on 17 February 2014.

According to the press release, the Sudanese side is chaired by director of bilateral relations department at the foreign ministry Mahmoud Hassan al-Amin besides the director of the European department Youssef al-Kordofani and Sudan's ambassador to Paris Dafallah al-Hag Ali as members.

Khidir pointed that the meetings would discuss ways to enhance bilateral relations and promote the proper understanding toward a number of issues of common concern.

In their meetings, the parties "exchange ideas to promote a correct understanding of many issues of common concern, and discuss ways of strengthening bilateral relations between the two countries in various fields and how to push it toward new horizons," said the Sudanese diplomat.

Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour criticized France for hosting frequent meetings of the opposition groups and accused Paris of interfering in the Sudanese internal affairs. He also rejected explanations by the French foreign ministry that Paris is seeking to contribute to the achievement of peace in Sudan.

In a statement on May 9, 2015, Ghandour said that the armed movements reject the African peace initiative and speak "about overthrowing the government through the use of violence. So the official participation of the French government (in these meetings) at the level of the Director for Africa at the French Foreign Ministry. This implies tacit support for such initiatives"

During the 2nd session in 2014, the Sudanese side requested from the French to play a role in resolving Sudan's foreign debt issue in its capacity as the chairman of the Paris Club.

Sudan also renewed its request to join the International Francophone Organization as an observer.

The French side called for renewing the framework agreement between the two countries in the field of humanitarian organizations that will allow the financing of small projects in the health and humanitarian fields.

(ST)

February 2, 2017 (JUBA) – South Sudanese President Salva Kiir and visiting King Mohammed VI of Morocco Thursday witnessed the signing ceremony of nine agreements and memoranda including construction of multi-million new city for the East African country.

South Sudan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs named other documents inked on Thursday as agreement on general cooperation, promotion of investment, agreement on the avoidance of double taxation, agreement in the field of vocational training and understanding in agriculture.

Four memoranda were signed on industrial cooperation, mining and commerce between the two countries.

In accordance with the signed deals, a five million dollar feasibility study and assessment will be billed by Morocco.

“The Kingdom of Morocco has taken upon itself the commitment to finance the project (assessment fees) worth five million dollars,” said Morocco's interior minister, Mohammed Hassan.

Environmental and social effect of the projects, particularly the new city, Ramciel, will be carried out. There is no date set for the projects to commence or exact cost estimates.

South Sudan government proposed relocating the capital to Ramciel, a pastoralist area located in Eastern Lakes State and assumed to be neutral and central in the country, in 2011.

Despite numerous government's sponsored studies, the project failed to kick-off, partly due to the cost involved.

King Mohammed VI was received by South Sudan President Salva Kiir at Juba international airport on Wednesday for a two-day state visit.

(ST)

February 2, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Sudanese President Omer al-Bashir on Thursday renewed his welcome to the Washington's decision to ease sanctions imposed on Sudan saying the move “came after the U.S. Administration was convinced of its futility”.

On 13 January 2017, pleased with the Sudanese government's efforts on the fight of terror groups, President Barak Obama eased the trade and economic sanctions imposed on Sudan since 1997.

On Thursday, Al-Bashir addressed a public rally on the occasion of the inauguration of the power production plant from Upper Atbara and Setait Dam in eastern Sudan.

He said the U.S. Administration sought to press Sudan by all means but to no avail, describing the Americans as “pragmatic” people.

Al-Bashir pointed that a number of countries and organizations have participated to the lift of sanctions and on top of them Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and China.

The Sudanese President also thanked Algeria and Sultanate of Oman for supporting his country, saying the latter didn't respond to all attempts to prevent it from offering support to Sudan.

It is noteworthy that the lifting of sanctions would be delayed by 180 days, however. The delay is seen as a way of further encouraging the Sudanese government to continue its anti-terror fight -and to improve its record on human rights.

The six month delay means that by July 12, U.S. government agencies will confirm to the White House that Sudan has continued to be cooperative on both fronts.

(ST)

A senior United Nations humanitarian official in Somalia today warned that without a massive and urgent scale up of humanitarian assistance in the coming weeks, famine could soon be a reality in some of the worst drought-affected areas in the African country.

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