Africa

April 1, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - A visiting French delegation headed by the Deputy Permanent Representative of France to the United Nations Alexis Lamek Saturday has discussed with Foreign Ministry Under-Secretary Abdel-Ghani al-Nai'm the situation in Darfur region.

According to a press release from the foreign ministry, the French delegation also discussed the “work of the hybrid peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID) and its exit strategy in light of the positive developments and improved situation in Darfur which requires downsizing the mission's troops according to the outcome of the joint working group”.

The press release pointed that al-Nai'm has briefed the French delegation on the efforts exerted by the Sudanese government and the peace partners to address issues of IDPs and arms collection and control in Darfur.

He underscored the need for France to play a greater role to support peace efforts in Sudan.

The two sides also pointed to cooperation among the Sudanese government, UNAMID, United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) which was reflected in the visit of the mission's strategic review team last month.

It is noteworthy that the French delegation Wednesday visited North Darfur state where it was briefed by the governor Abdel-Wahid Youssef on the recent developments in the region.

A tripartite working group including the Sudanese government, AU and UN has been set up in February 2015 to develop an exit strategy for the UNAMID from Darfur.

Last June, the UN Security Council (UNSC) extended the mandate of the mission until 30 June 2017, stressing that the situation in the western Sudan region continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security.

The hybrid mission has been deployed in Darfur since December 2007 with a mandate to stem violence against civilians in the western Sudan's region.

It is the world's second largest international peacekeeping force with an annual budget of $1.35 billion and almost 20,000 troops.

On 27 March, Sudan's Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour said Burkina Faso has decided to implement a decision it took earlier to withdraw its troops from the UNAMID, pointing Sudan will bear the financial cost for the transfer of the troops.

UN agencies say there are nearly 2.5 million displaced persons in Darfur, despite the signing of a peace agreement in Doha in July 2011.

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April 1, 2017 (JUBA) - South Sudan's President Salva Kiir has urged all ethnic groups to join his administration and work for peace without discrimination, adding that the dialogue process is open for the armed groups if they renounce violence.

The president, while meeting some of the Jieng (Dinka) Council of elders Saturday said all ethnic groups should come together and work hard for the cessation of mistrust and misunderstanding, citing the use of all kinds of methods for the emergence of a genuine democratic country seeking for genuine and durable peace.

According to the South Sudanese leader, the need for an inclusive dialogue has been at the forefront of the numerous calls got from the different leaders in the region.

“People are calling from countries in the region to appreciate the dialogue which we have declared but they are saying it should be inclusive. I told them that this is a national dialogue and it is opened to the participation of all South Sudanese," said Kiir.

He added, "The groups we don't want are those who have refused to denounce violence and continue to use a pressure tool but if they accept to denounce violence, they are welcome. They are south Sudanese and the issues we are going to discuss are issues which concern all of us as South Sudan. So it will be transparent and inclusive”.

The president called on ethnic groups to take part in the national dialogue to discuss and seek a solution to national reconciliation and peace, noting that the country's development has lagged behind by several decades due to the armed conflicts.

He recalled that the country did not fully enjoy the fruits of independence due to armed conflicts, resulting from mistrust and misunderstanding among ethnic groups.

“In the struggle for independence, people from all walks and background fought together to gain independence. We did not see ourselves as tribes. Where did get this? These are some of the things you need to work together with the government so that we identify them and find a way to resolve them. And this was we intend to do through national dialogue," said the South Sudanese leader.

"It will be an opportunity to discuss issues we as south Sudanese feel we need to find a solution to them”, he added.

Last year, President Kiir appointed more than 30 eminent persons as members to the national dialogue meant to mend communities' ties in the war-ravaged nation. The national dialogue is to be led by “eminent personalities” accepted as credible, genuine and trusted by all rival parties in the young nation. South Sudan rebel leader, Riek Machar, however, rejected President Kiir's call for a national dialogue, describing the move as “bogus”.

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The power to destroy a nation is a lot easier than the power it takes to build a nation.

By Santino Aniek

There is something brewing in South Sudan and for the Frist Vice President Taban Deng Gai to put his interest above the country's interest will create an existential crisis in the nation. However, the majority of South Sudanese including myself believe that the power to destroy a nation is not the lesson of President Kiir Mayardit's Presidency. But the real question in the head of every Ruweng people is, is the First Vice President Taban Deng Gai's lesson here to destroy a nation? However, when the news break out in Juba the majority of Ruweng people were very excited about the appointment of Governor Theji De Adwad Deng and assumed that it would only strengthen our relationship with the FVP Taban. However, having a relationship with the FVP Taban seems to have had the opposite effect on Ruweng people's lives ever since. I know that living with the FVP Taban can be difficult and I anticipated an argument over years we spend together under his leadership in Unity State was hell difficult. But as of yet, we have not had any issues for Mr. Taban being the FVP of South Sudan, but the issue the people of Ruweng are having now Mr. President is the authority you give him to operate freely. As people of Ruweng, our relationship with the FVP just seems to be slowly dissolving away since long time ago when Ruweng became an independent State for only one reason and that reason is the FVP. Mr. President, you have already heard a lot of reaction, both negative and triggered, during the relieve of Governor Adwad last week and it needs your good judgment to see this threat.

In part, what we call relationship in Africa today is really nothing more than the worship of self that is Evilism, but I'm not saying our relationship as Ruweng people with President Kiir's administration has not reached the level of Evilism. But the agenda of the FVP regarding Ruweng State must be erasing from its entire root once and for all or hell to peace in South Sudan. All of the evil, perversion, and degradation in our country always begin like this, with the elevation of the self-interest over the people's interest. This is, in fact, the source of all conflict since the beginning our independence. Indeed, Evilism is not a new phenomenon in Africa, but in the case of the South Sudan, it needs to be abandoning once and for all. Furthermore, Evilism is as old as time, or even older, and adopting it will create more devastation in South Sudan than any other countries who are practising this system of Evilism because our nation is built with blood. Let me assure folks in South Sudan, we cannot lose sight of the fact that our fight in Ruweng State is not merely against some political Party or man-made ideology, but against the Evilism itself. Our political debates are just one manifestation of the deeper struggle, and not even the most important manifestation. I'm certainly not saying we should neglect the political kingdom or ignore it, but we should know that the fight does not start there, and it won't end there until Governor Adwad is restated as governor of Ruweng State. For our struggle is not against President Kiir Mayardit's government, but against the marginalisation, against the bullying, against the powers of this individual Mr. FVP, and against the spiritual forces of evil in South Sudan.

In today's diverse and in a troubling nation like South Sudan, misunderstanding and frustration are bound to arise between communities at all background, but FVP Taban cannot single out Ruweng State out of 33 States. In fact, there are a couple of things tend to create conflict in leadership, personality, decision-making, and poor communication to the citizen. The differences in leadership have sometimes caused some individuals to perceive some matters as undermining their positions or refuting their point of views. Most importantly, overwhelmingly responsibility in this environment where there is too many problems in every corner of South Sudan that needs to be solved is more prone to make mistakes and even cause conflict, but the FVP is now putting a fuel on fire. Nevertheless, dissatisfaction and frustration always occur among our communities in South Sudan when there is a limitation on the decision making process. With that in mind, the will of Ruweng people worth reconsideration Mr. President for the sake of peace in our country. As you have seen, the FVP is using the power of the First Vice Presidency to apply the most dramatic marginalisation like what we have seen during Khartoum regime. For example, FVP is trying to make it easier for emotionally troubled people around South Sudan to get guns and start shooting anyone they can find and that need to stop Mr. President. In addition, FVP seems to wage war on the very structure of your government you have put in place all these years.

Looking at what is happening in Ruweng State, he is positioning quite a bit of groundwork. And therefore the full effect of this groundwork will take a long time for the FVP to materialise in Ruweng land. There will be magnitude consequences, which should be a wake-up call for all who are supporting the FVP's agenda, who are appalled at the tone, character and substance of him so far. It is a reminder of how much diligence, hard work and organising it is going to take to stop or even to slow him down, but Ruweng people are always resilience and determine to deal with such a character in a timing manner. All the while the importance of the threat in Ruweng Stat is nobody said it is going to be easy, and nobody is right here either. But if there is anybody out there who will think that the people Ruweng are going to win this game of chicken and egg, it will be Riek Machar because the people of Ruweng did a tremendous job in 1991 when it was difficult to win anything in those dark days. As always the case, marginalisation, colonisation, and now the intentional interference of the FVP in Ruweng State's affair will be considered as a declaration of war on our people. And so, our advice to those who want to lead Ruweng people through the FVP's ticket, the masters of human being will laugh at us if we fight for scraps that he the FVP cast from his gilded table, but most importantly, the consequences will be high than 1991.

In leadership, tough decision-making is the major component and core of managing the nation like South Sudan. For the government to be efficient, a leader must have self-confidence in order to gather and process information and solve problems like the one facing Ruweng State. In addition, the leader must recognise what choices to make and keep the interest of his/her constituency without losing the sight. For example, bad policies and inconsistency in decisions making are among the major challenges in the government and can generate much uncertainty among the citizens. For a complete decision-making, leaders realise that all reasonable decision making processes requires a great deal of time and knowledge of information, but rushing to conclusion always cause harm to citizens. In fact, there are several components and inevitable factors that influence the leadership decision-making process in any government in the world. Poor leadership decision-making is always associated with chaos and conflicts among the communities and what the FVP seem to be doing at the moment is exactly poor leadership. Ultimately, while some choices in the decision-making process may be seen as being simple and easy in thinking, most of the governmental decisions are complex, challenging, time-consuming, and often require a multi-step approach to making the right needed decisions by leaders. And so the success for any nation is determined by decision-making process and that decision is no matter how big or small, it impacts people's lives in a major way. That is why it is very vital for the FVP of South Sudan to evaluate the situation before making a decision like this in Ruweng State.

Now, with the government watching the people of Ruweng begging for help, part of me thinks that this has to do with the fact that we are no longer identify as friends of this government, but President Kiir Mayardit has forgotten his friendship with our son Giel Kur back in the day. Therefore, Ruweng people want to tell President Kiir that they feel like they are losing him, as a friend and as their President, and they are not sure how to go about this. Like you all know, nothing bad has happened between President Kiir and the people of Ruweng ever starting in 1983 until now. Nevertheless, it seems like he the President has forgotten that he was our friend before Giel Kur has passed and he is still a friend to the people of Ruweng. What do you think we should do Mr. President? Sometimes walking away from a friendship seem to be the only course of action that can be taken when things get tough, but the people of Ruweng do not think walking away from you Mr. President is the weapon of choice at this moment in time. Most importantly, Mr. president you may need to fondly remember the good times you had with the people of Ruweng in general and with Giel Kur in particular and move forward. Subsequently, when a problem exists with a cherished friend, it is worth every effort to strive to reconcile the problem, Mr. President.

In sum, I do not know if the FVP Taban set out to destroy or want to disable much of the government policies in South Sudan through Ruweng State, as we have witnessed from some individuals for almost a decade. Finally, the challenges presented within friendship provide opportunities for change and growth when both people face them candidly and honestly. Regardless of the outcome, one thing is certain anguish and hurt will not go away until you Mr. President make an effort to do something about the threat facing the people Ruweng. One common cause of hurt in friendship is a sudden unexplained change in words and actions towards your friend, passive distancing, or feeling ignored and passed over. Other painful situations include outright betrayal or pressure stemming from unrealistic expectations and competitiveness. In the beginning, the 21st Century turned out to be the people of Ruweng's Century because we have become independent from Unity State, but putting the FVP Taban in charge is like a prison without a door. What will happen if the FVP is in charge of Ruweng State? It is important to remember how radical the FVP's policy is toward the people of Ruweng Mr. President. And this says nothing of the very troubling shadow of the FVP on his campaign against the people of Ruweng. Moreover, the people of Ruweng have always lived up to those principles of our nation ever since; we have shown it to the entire nation for the second time during the senseless war. Mr. President the game of chicken and egg is already underway and the people of Ruweng need your action now.

Santino Aniek is a concerned South Sudanese in Upstate New York, U.S.A. He can be reached at santino.aniek5@gmail.com and find me on Facebook, on Skype and on twitter @saniek.

By Luciano Arvin

Pragmatism seems to be the name of the game in Khartoum, as Sudan drastically shifts its allegiance from one regional superpower, the Islamic Republic of Iran, to the other, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

For the balance of his 26-year presidency, Omar al-Bashir has enjoyed warm relations with Tehran, on a number of issues. For the former, it provided access to weaponry and financial aid and infrastructure development, while the latter gained a geopolitical ally, who was willing to grant docking rights and serve as an important gateway for Iran to enter Africa. Following major sanctions placed on Iran, beginning in 2010, it proved unable to sustain the level of aid it was providing to Khartoum, and the relationship slowly began to erode. At this time, Saudi Arabia, and the other Gulf Co-Operation Council (GCC) nations offered ample financial resources to Sudan, with the intent of weakening Iran's position in Northern Africa. Between 2010 and 2014, Saudi Arabia invested heavily in Sudan—by one estimate, $11 billion worth, creating 395 different projects, joint ventures, and companies. In 2015, another $2.2 billion was transferred from Saudi Arabia and Qatar, amidst Khartoum's rapidly deteriorating financial woes

However, as the old saying goes, “there is no such thing as a free lunch.”

Since accepting the GCC's aid, Sudan has taken a number of steps to improve its relationship with select Western nations, in part because it hopes they will help its struggling economy but also because these nations aid the GCC in taking a hard stance against Iran. Similarly, the al-Bashir government has closed Iranian and Shia cultural centres in Khartoum, a move that has been scorned by Shia groups loyal to Iran. Neither will the recent deployment of Sudanese troops to Yemen, to aid in the Saudi-led intervention against the Houthi be taken kindly to by Iran. Now speculation has emerged that Sudan will become embroiled in multifaceted Syrian civil war, although it is speculative which one of the numerous factions Sudanese forces would aid. Sudan was among a number of nations to break off ties with Iran in the aftermath of the burning of the Saudi Arabian embassy in Tehran following the execution of Shia Sheik Nimr al-Nimr in January of 2016.

As pressure from Saudi Arabia increasingly compromises the sovereignty of Sudanese foreign policy, one must ask why it is that a government which receives vast swathes of aid from a host of nations, is unable to create projects that would bring it economic stability, thereby leveraging it away from such sticky diplomatic situations. Moreover, if Khartoum wishes to induce political stability anytime in the future it will need realistic parameters on the impacts of foreign aid on Sudan's foreign policy.

Luciano Arvin is an independent scholar based out of Peterborough, Canada. He primarily covers the foreign relations of Iran, Iraq and the GCC. His work has seen publication in the African Defence Review, the Diplomat, and the International Policy Digest.

March 31, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - The leadership of Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) Friday has reiterated the unity of rebel group and commitment to its political line and strategy towards peace process in Sudan.

"The SPLM/A leadership concluded a wide tour in the liberated areas that lasted for five days. The held successful and fruitful meetings that ended this afternoon with the Movement's civil and military institutions, the province government and the Liberation Council," reads a statement extended to Sudan Tribune on Friday evening.

SPLM-N chairman Malik Agar and its secretary general Yasir Arman arrived in the rebel controlled areas in South Kordofan on Sunday 26 March following the resignation of the movement's vice president Abdul Aziz al-Hilu and a decision by the Liberation Council in the Nuba Mountains supporting his call for self-determination.

The rift within the group seems to be triggered by al-Hilu who accused Arman of ignoring his demand to include the self-determination for the Nuba Mountains in the position paper of the Movement to the African Union-brokered peace talks.

Agar has to ensure the support of military arm (SPLA-N) in the South Kordofan state and to persuade the local political organ, Nuba Mountains Liberation Council, to renounce its decision to dismiss the secretary general from his position.

Two days ago, unconfirmed reports from the area, said the Nuba council stuck to its decision to dissolve the general secretariat and to dismiss Arman from the head of the negotiating team.

However, the statement which Sudan Tribune received from the Nuba Mountains denied these rumours saying "the meetings emphasised its commitment to the unity of the SPLM-N, and reiterated its adherence to its political line and its alliances with the opposition forces and their negotiating positions and institutions, including its negotiating delegation and its vision of the New Sudan".

It went further to stress that "All the SPLM-N institutions have shown their keenness on the unity of the SPLM at all levels, and that the battle is still with the National Congress (régime)" further stressed the statement.

The leadership concluded its short statement by saying a detailed statement dealing with the SPLM-N internal affairs will be released soon.

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March 31, 2017 (JUBA) – Community leaders and intellectuals from Ruweng state in South Sudan have threatened to take up arms against the government's decision to sack a governor who split from his peace partner, the SPLM-IO led by First Vice President Taban Gai.

South Sudanese president Salva Kiir (AFP)

In a statement released on Friday, the community leadership questioned the President's motive behind his decision to give the area to the armed opposition, which they accused of committing war crimes in their area.

The statement follows a protest by Ruweng's native citizens who objected the President Kiir's decision to fire Governor Theji Da Adwad after his recent split from SPLM-IO over land ownership with the First Vice President Taban Deng Gai's Sudan People's Liberation Movement in Opposition (SPLM-IO).

“The Ruweng community is stunned by this uncaring decision, we are surprised by the action of the President. If President Kiir is sincere with the implementation of the peace agreement, why did he decide to sell Ruweng people to the SPLM-IO in order to implement the peace?"

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune, the community claimed that many citizens in the area were mercilessly killed in Bentiu by forces acting on the directive of Taban Deng Gai at the height of the 2013 war.

“Mr. First Vice President, your premature decision to invade Ruweng State is a recipe for conflict. Ruweng people denounce violence and condone peace and development. It is evident in the annals of history that SPLA/M/IO directly massacred thousands of Ruweng men, women, and children, particularly during the periods of 2013 and 2015. These wounds inflicted on Ruweng people are not healed yet,” the statement read.

The communique added that it was too early for SPLA/M/IO officials to rule in Ruweng, reiterating their determination to all SPLA/M/IO politicians whether they are Ruweng or Non-Ruweng natives.

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March 31, 2017 (KHARTOUM/EL-GENEINA) - Darfur Special Criminal Court Tuesday has sentenced two individuals to death by hanging on charges of killing armed robbery in West Darfur state capital, El-Geneina.

A special judge sits in court in Nyala during the trial of six Sudanese men accused of belonging to the Janjaweed, 30 September 2004 (Reuters)

The special prosecutor for Darfur crimes Al-Fatih Tayfor said the court judge Abdel-Rahim Mohamed Youssef on Thursday has sentenced to death by hanging a convict in killing case under articles (130) of the 1990 Penal Code and (5/6) of the 2001 Anti-Terrorism Act and (26/44) of the 1986 Weapons, Ammunition and Explosives Act.

He added the same judge has also sentenced to death by hanging a second convict in a killing and armed robbery case to death by hanging under articles (130) of the 1990 Penal Code and articles (6/5) of the 2001 Anti-Terrorism Act.

Youssef stressed that his office is firm and serious to take all offenders to enforce justice and the rule of law.

On 21 March, the special court in Ed-Daein, East Darfur capital sentenced to death by hanging 9 convicts in violations under the Penal Code, Anti-Terrorism Act and Weapons, Ammunition and Explosives Act.

Also, on 23 March the court sentenced 5 convicts to death in El-Geneina for the violating the above laws.

Sudan's western region of Darfur has been beset by violence since 2003 after rebels began an armed insurgency against Khartoum accusing the central government of supporting land grabbing by Arab tribes and neglecting development.

According to the UN, 200,000 people have been killed in the conflict, and 2, 5 million chased from their homes.

Darfur Special Criminal Court was first set-up by the Sudanese government in 2005 to adjudicate cases of crimes in the western region. However, the court has to date failed to bring charges against any Sudanese official.

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March 31, 2017 (JUBA) - Stanbic bank branch in South Sudan has donated an unannounced amount of money to the famine- hit the country, the humanitarian gesture was announced after the bank chief executive met President Salva Kiir in Juba on Friday.

In this file photo of 1 September 2013, South Sudan's Salva Kiir greets a CfC Stanbic staff as the bank's country head Victoria Otieno (C) looks on (Photo: Larco Lomayat)

The "token" is a signal of what would be a good working relation between Stanbic bank and the East African country, said the Minister of Finance, Stephen Dhieu Dau, who announced the donation.

"We will support Stanbic bank and provide a good working environment to service our citizens," said Dhieu, who attended the meeting at the south Sudanese presidency.

Minister Dhieu did not say how much the bank donated, however, South Sudan Broadcasting Corporation (SSBC) TV quoted South Sudanese Pound 500, 000, an equivalent to USD 3,500 at the current exchange rate.

Philip Odera, the Chief Executive Officer of the Kenyan Stanbic Bank, said his visit to Juba and subsequent meeting with the President is a show of solidarity with South Sudanese.

The United Nations and the government declared famine in two counties in February, facing at least 100,000 people in Leer and Mayendit in Unity State.

South Sudanese Pound lost up to 80% of its value against the United States dollars since a floating exchange rate was declared in December 2015.

Oil production, which is the main source of hard currency, has dropped to only 130,000 bpd and some government employees have not being paid since January 2017.

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March 31, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) on Friday has prevented the spokesperson of the opposition Arab Ba'ath Party (ABP) Mohamed Diaa al-Din from travelling to United Arab Emirates (UAE).

Mohamed Diaa al-Din (ST Photo)

Diaa al-Din, who is also the secretary-general of the Sudanese Basketball Association, was travelling to the UAE upon an official invitation from the Arab Basketball Federation.

On Friday, Diaa al-Din told Sudan Tribune that the NISS agents at the Khartoum airport confiscated his passport under the pretext that his name is on the travel ban list.

“I was informed that I'm not allowed to travel despite the fact that I have both exit and entry visa on my passport, as well as the correspondence, exchanged between the national and Arab basketball association regarding my as representative of the Sudanese association in the meetings of the Arab basketball federation,” he said.

The opposition figure said the NISS move comes within the framework of denying him the right to carry out his duties in the sports field, pointing he was recently summoned to the NISS office and later detained during the election day at the Sudanese Olympic Committee to prevent him from running for the executive office.

“The NISS aims to prevent my work in the sports field beside targeting me politically,” he said.

He described the NISS move as a violation of his right to freedom of movement and travel.

It is noteworthy that Diaa al-Din was among three members of the opposition umbrella National Consensus Forces (NCF) who were released by the NISS on 11 January after they spent two months in detention.

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March 31, 2017 (JUBA) – South Sudanese rebels have accused the government of killing the six aid workers in an ambush last Saturday, saying it is a designed policy to obstruct humanitarian assistance to locations inhabited by non-Dinka population.

Col. William Gatjiath Deng, the rebel SPLM-IO spokesperson said that even though the government has denied the killings, the blaming of other armed groups indicates their responsibility for the deadly attacks on the humanitarian convoy in the area.

“However much the Juba regime tries to dodge, deny and blame others, including the SPLA-IO, both its atrocities against the innocent and defenceless civilians since December 2013 and direct involvement in the brutal and merciless killing of six humanitarian aid workers belonging to the national Grassroots Empowerment and Development Organization,” he said.

The victims including Elisa Yani, Joseph Wanjau, David Wanaina, Samson Mbuga, John Rita and Kil Chop were murdered in an ambush along Juba- Bor road while they were heading to Pibor for humanitarian operations.

“The ruthless Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) regime in Juba have so far bluntly placed and imposed on humanitarian aid movements, services, distribution and access in non-Dinka areas of South Sudan. The killings not only constitutes a war crime; it once again proves beyond reasonable doubt to the world that the JCE regime in Juba, unlike the SPLM-IO, has been, still is and will always be a monstrous terrorist in its purest form,” added the spokesman.

The armed rebels claim it was the governments' political tactics to target humanitarian movements and kill the GREDO humanitarian aid workers.

“Jieng Council of Elders regime in Juba is sending one more very clear message to non-Dinka South Sudanese, none South Sudanese, the region, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan and indeed the national and international humanitarian organizations' and agencies that it is, as a matter of policy in act, deed and by design,” said the spokesman.

Deng accused the government of hindering the humanitarian response to the famine in part of South Sudan declared on 20 February.

The spokesman said the SPLM-IO have condemned the killing of aid workers in South Sudan, urging the international community, the United Nation, the African Union and the region to pressure Juba to identify the killers.

According to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) update released last February 4.9 million people are in need of urgent food, agriculture and nutrition assistance.

The total number of food insecure people is expected to rise to 5.5 million at the height of the lean season in July if nothing is done to curb the severity and spread of the food crisis.

(ST)

March 31, 2017 (JUBA) – The guarantors of South Sudan's peace have issued a statement urging President Salva Kiir to honour acceptance and commitment to declare a unilateral ceasefire.

South Sudan President Salva Kiir waits for the arrival of his Kenyan counterpart Uhuru Kenyatta, in Juba on May 23, 2013. (Photo Reuters)

Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States, all members of Troika, have affirmed in a statement their strong support for the combined efforts of the African Union (AU), Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and United Nations to end the conflict in South Sudan.

Troika countries have also called on all armed parties, including the Government of South Sudan, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in Opposition (SPLM-IO), and other armed groups, to commit to a ceasefire.

Troika welcomed the recent commitment made by President Salva Kiir to IGAD leaders to announce a unilateral ceasefire by governmental forces, and it called upon the President to ensure that his order is carried out immediately and in full effect, the statement dated March 30, 2017, obtained by Sudan Tribune reads in part.

The peace sponsors underlined that the dire humanitarian crisis in South Sudan was a direct result of the conflict and demanded that all parties cease violence against humanitarian workers and the obstruction of humanitarian assistance. The statement further stressed that military offensives and the obstruction of lifesaving assistance would be stopped immediately in order to end the suffering and severe food shortages inflicted upon the millions across South Sudan.

“The Troika reiterates that there is no military solution to the conflict and that a durable end to the conflict will require a political process involving all the principal parties. An inclusive national dialogue, deemed credible by the South Sudanese people, could provide a means to redress the root causes of conflict and build a true national consensus. As President Kiir committed in announcing the planned national dialogue, it should supplement, and not replace, the core elements of the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan,” the statement notes.

The guarantors went on to say they endorse the ongoing efforts of AU High Representative Alpha Konare and UN Special Envoy Nicholas Haysom to encourage all parties to end the fighting and engage in a peaceful dialogue. It also fully supports Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (JMEC) Chairperson Festus Mogae's work towards a truly inclusive and effective process in implementing the Agreement.

In addition, Troika endorses the work of the UN Mission in the Republic of South Sudan and the deployment of its Regional Protection Force. It notes the importance of breaking the cycle of impunity and encourages further progress by the AU toward the rapid establishment of the Hybrid Court for South Sudan.

(ST)

March 31, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan on Friday rejected a new U.S. travel advisory warning against Americans visiting the country describing it as “contradictory and non-objective”.

Sudan's foreign ministry building in Khartoum (SUNA)

On Thursday, the Department of State issued a new warning to U.S. citizens not to travel to Sudan “due to the risks of terrorism, armed conflict and violent crime”.

“Terrorist groups are active in Sudan and have stated their intent to harm Westerners and Western interests through suicide operations, bombings, shootings and kidnappings,” it said.

“Violent crimes targeting Westerners, including kidnappings, armed robberies, home invasions, and carjacking occur everywhere in Sudan but are particularly prevalent in the Darfur region,” it added.

“U.S. citizens should also “avoid all travel" to Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan states, two other hotspots in Sudan,” it further said.

In a press release on Friday, Sudan's Foreign Ministry spokesperson Gharib Allah Khidir denounced the U.S. warning saying it did not take into consideration the important developments and the great transformations witnessed by his country.

He said the warning ignores “the reality of the situation in Sudan, which has seen several recent visits by the former U.S. envoy to Darfur, Blue Nile and South Kordofan”, pointing to the visit of the United Kingdom and European Union envoys to Darfur.

“Also, an American delegation has recently visited Abyei as well as visits by a number of other delegations from various countries of the world” read the press release
The Sudanese army has been fighting Sudan People's Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) rebels in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, also known as the Two Areas since 2011 and a group of armed movements in Darfur since 2003.

Khidir added that the warning has no “objective justification”, saying it “contradicts with the reports of the United Nations, African Union and Arab League which confirmed the establishment of security and stability in Darfur and the Two Areas”.

“Claims that there are terrorist groups in Sudan are contradictory to all praise and appreciation offered by the head of the CIA and other senior U.S. officials to Sudan's government estimated efforts and great cooperation on counter-terrorism and counter-violent extremism and its clear role in maintaining regional peace and security,” further read the press release.

The foreign ministry urged the Department of State “to conduct a substantive review of the inaccurate information on which the “negative warnings” were based, pointing to the ongoing positive dialogue which aims to normalise ties and serve the higher interests of the two countries.

It stressed that Sudanese security apparatus is ready and vigilant to protect the security and stability of the country and provide full protection to visitors from all over the globe.

The foreign ministry underlined that the Sudanese government would continue to establish security and peace throughout the country, pointing to unilateral ceasefire declared by President Omer al-Bashir and the national dialogue.

Sudan was placed on the U.S. terrorism list in 1993 over allegations it was harbouring Islamist militants working against regional and international targets.

Last January, former President Barack Obama eased the 19-year economic and trade sanctions on Sudan. The decision came as a response to the collaboration of the Sudanese government on various issues including the fight against terrorism.

Nonetheless, the East African remains in the U.S terror list since August 12, 1993.

Khartoum at the time was accused of harbouring al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden.
Earlier in March, U.S. President Donald Trump included the Sudan in a new travel ban on six Muslim-majority countries, saying the east African country still harbours elements linked to terrorist groups.

However, a U.S. judge has halted Trump's travel ban.

The Security Council today extended the mandate of the United Nations mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) for another year but reduced the number of troops.

Welcoming the Somali Federal Parliament’s approval of a new cabinet, the United Nations envoy for the country expressed hope that the new Government will be able to address the challenges confronting the Horn of Africa nation.

President Zuma's midnight sacking of his finance minister will have long repercussions, writes the BBC's Milton Nkosi.

March 30, 2017 (WAU) – Dr Samson Samuel Wassara, the Vice Chancellor of the University of Bahr el Ghazal has distanced himself from the strike currently taking place.

Bahr el Ghazal students protesting at the UN main Gate in Wau, March 12, 2014 (ST)

In an interview with the Vice Chancellor on Thursday, Wassara told Sudan Tribune that the order of remittance of the casual labour transport allowance was a directive from the undersecretary from the Ministry of Higher Education directing the University's Deputy Vice Chancellor of administration to stop paying the workers.

According to the Vice Chancellor, the letter directed to the University said there was nothing like transport allowances allocated to any University in the country, despite the University of Bahr el Ghazal which had it as on a payroll system.

Wassara said if the strike continued, the Ministry of Higher Education would be responsible in addressing the matter and the workers at the University has the right to claim for their needs.

The Vice Chancellor explained that he was not aware of any abnormality in the budget. He went on to say that the University's pay sheet he received was not written by the undersecretary address to the Vice Chancellor for the administration of the University of Bahr el Ghazal indicating that the column of transport allowances did not exist in any of the University's in the country.

Wassara responded to the workers' demands on transportation allowances including promotion since last year 2016.

“When these things reached us, I asked the Deputy Vice Chancellor for the administration to address the matter in which the trade union at the University was highlighted over the matter earlier on 28 December 2016,” said Wassara.

“For sure, the obliteration of this transport allowance from the workers has affected them because it was the money they were receiving but it is not our own made, it was a directives from the undersecretary for higher education from Juba,” added the Vice Chancellor.

Wassara said if the Ministry of Higher Education failed to response, it would be on the workers at the University of Bahr el Ghazal to either continue with their strike or form a committee that would visit the office of the undersecretary at the Ministry of Higher Education.

Wassara added that his administration did not have the money to negotiate about the transport allowance.

The strike which started on 27 March 2017 has now paralyzed the academic situation of the University as classes including stationeries remain closed. This has left students without a study venues during the approaching examination period.

Peter Mario, the University Trade Union Secretary said the strike would continue until the University's administration settles the staff's grievances.

“We are striking because the administration's decision to deduct our transportation allowance but if the money if paid back to us today, we will stop the strike,” said Mario.

Mario further said they were getting allowances but only required transport allowances.

(ST)

March 30, 2017 (JUBA) – Deng Kuac Aduol, the governor of Gogrial state in South Sudan has issued several orders appointing new officials.

The move is seen as an effort on the governors' part to complete the formation of his administration since his appointment.

Governor Aduol, who is also known as Gen. Gregory Vasilli issued two separate orders appointing cabinet ministers. Magir Aru Luach has been appointed the Minister of Social Welfare and Jong Anthony Deng Jong was appointed the Minister of Animal Resources and Fisheries.

Other officials, including a representative of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in Opposition (SPLM-IO) under the leadership of the First Vice President Taban Deng Gai, and other parties were also appointed.

(ST)

March 30, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Ethiopia and Sudan have successfully secured the release of three oil workers abducted recently by the rebel SPLM-In-Opposition in the neighbouring South Sudan.

"The vigorous efforts that have been made by Sudanese government in full coordination with the Ethiopian security services and all relevant parties, resulted in the release of the captured (oil workers), " said Ahmed Abdel Bagui, Director of the Department of Consulates in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in statements he made at the Khartoum airport Thursday.

The SPLM-IO issued two separate statements earlier this month to claim the capture of Pakistani and Indian oil workers in Guelguok north, of Adar in the Northern Upper Niles.

The armed group which seeks to stop oil production had warned foreigners and national oil workers to stop risking their lives in oil production areas.

The foreign ministry in a written statement given to reporters at Khartoum airport after the arrival of the three released hostages said Sudan had requested by Indian and Pakistani governments to mediate the release of its kidnapped workers.

The released hostages are "Ambross Edward and Muggy Vijaya Boopathy from India and Elias Hussain Gamal of Pakistan" further said the statement.

The three oil workers arrived in Khartoum through Addis Ababa and have been handed over to their respective embassies in Khartoum, said the statement without further details.

(ST)

(Nairobi) – Military and civilian authorities in western Rwanda have arrested, beaten, or threatened people who challenged recent government decisions to force residents off their land, Human Rights Watch said today.

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The arrest of Oscar Hakundimana in Nyamyumba, on December 7, 2016, after he voiced objection to a government decision to force 30 families off their lands. 

© 2016 Private

One case involves a long-standing land dispute in Nyamyumba, Rubavu district, where local authorities have begun forcing residents off their agricultural land in favor of another family with a disputed claim to the land. The other involves the construction of a new so-called “model village” in Kivumu, Rutsiro district, where some residents who will be forced to leave their land raised concerns about what they see as insufficient compensation.

“Threats, arrests or beatings are no way to handle a situation in which people are losing their land and livelihoods,” said Ida Sawyer, Central Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government’s goals to settle land disputes and modernize villages are legitimate, but trampling on the rights of those most affected who express their fears for their land and their livelihood is not.”

Between January and March 2017, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 20 residents of Kivumu and Nyamyumba and others knowledgeable about the cases, and observed and analyzed court proceedings relating to the cases.

The government intimidated, threatened, or, on some occasions, beat the few residents who criticized the government, even moderately. Officials arrested prominent community members and charged them with inciting insurrection, warning other residents not to speak out and generating a chilling effect throughout the community.

Many people who work their land for a living fear that the government-imposed solution would threaten their livelihoods. In the two cases in Nyamyumba and Kivumu, the local government imposed a solution without the full informed consent or participation of residents, and without the involvement of any judicial or otherwise independent authority to provide a fair process for adjudicating disputes, Human Rights Watch found.

In Nyamyumba, although a powerful family had longtime claims to the land, residents who farmed the land had in recent years been given land titles. One of them won a court case against the family. But in November 2016, the mayor of the district of Rubavu ordered 30 families to leave their land. Several meetings were held in the area, in which residents were threatened and prevented from speaking out. Local civilian and military authorities accused farmers who fled their villages in fear of arrest of being rebels.

When a community leader, Oscar Hakundimana, objected to the mayor’s decision, he was arrested on December 7 and charged with rebellion and inciting insurrection. Residents who protested his arrest were beaten. His trial started on March 28, 2017.

In Kivumu, preparations have begun to construct a “model village,” a centralized settlement in which four families will share a modern home that is provided with basic amenities, such as water and electricity. Residents in the area will be forced to leave their homes and farms to make way for the model village, with varying amounts of compensation. The government plans to create a model village in each of the country’s 30 districts.

While Kivumu residents have welcomed some aspects of the plan to build a modern village, many say that their rights have not been respected during the expropriations process, including the right to free expression, fair compensation, and public participation, and that they fear serious negative consequences for their food security and income when they have to leave their land. Others are not comfortable with the idea of sharing a home with other families, in a grouped settlement. Several residents who attempted to ask questions or raise concerns about the process told Human Rights Watch that local authorities intimidated or threatened them and told them to keep quiet.

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Léonille Gasengayire, native of Kivumu, arrested in 2016 for voicing opposition to land expropriations, prosecuted for inciting insurrection but acquitted by a court on March 23, 2017. 

© 2016 Private

A student and political activist from the region suspected of opposing the plan, Léonille Gasengayire, was arrested in August 2016, and charged with inciting insurrection. Residents who tried to testify on her behalf at her trial were intimidated. A court acquitted and released her on March 23, 2017.

The Rutsiro district mayor told Human Rights Watch that she was not aware of any criticism of the expropriations. The Justice Ministry and other local officials did not respond to repeated requests from Human Rights Watch to discuss its research findings on these two cases.

Rwanda is the most densely populated country in continental sub-Saharan Africa. Land is a scarce resource and has been a cause of tension throughout the country’s history. In 2001, Human Rights Watch published a report on a government policy to regroup Rwandans in government-created villages, employing coercion against those who resisted, resulting in many human rights abuses. Land was often expropriated without due compensation or consultation with the residents, and many Rwandans who spoke openly against the policy or refused to obey were punished by fines or arrest.

“The Rwandan government’s intolerance for dissent goes beyond political opposition leaders, journalists, or human rights activists who dare to report on government abuses,” Sawyer said. “The government can demonstrate its genuine commitment to the basic rights of its people, rights such as freedom of opinion and expression and fair process, by releasing Oscar Hakundimana immediately. It should stop harassing others who have spoken out against the government’s land decisions.”

Land Dispute in Nyamyumba
The land dispute in Rubona cell, Nyamyumba sector, Rubavu district, is intertwined with Rwanda’s history. Following violence and large migrations into and out of Rwanda since the so-called “revolution” in 1959, when ethnic Hutu took over leadership positions after waves of ethnic violence, ownership of the land in the area has been disputed and alternated between the Munyegomba family, whose claim originates prior to 1959 and is currently supported by local authorities, and a group of 140 families who have occupied and farmed the land for many years.

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The disputed land in Nyamyumba sector, Rubavu district.

© 2017 Private

Members of the Munyegomba family fled Rwanda after 1959, and other residents occupied their land. The family returned after the genocide in 1994, when those who had occupied the land in their absence fled to the Democratic Republic of Congo. The residents who had fled returned in 1996 and 1997, to find that the land had been reoccupied.

The Munyegomba family left the land again a few years later, when armed groups with a base in Congo, commonly referred to as “infiltrators,” carried out deadly attacks in Rwanda in the late nineties. The residents who had returned from Congo successfully petitioned the national authorities to get their land back. They again started farming the land, and continued to do so until recent months.

Between 1998 and 2011, the Munyegomba family attempted to reclaim the land through judicial proceedings against a community leader – the father of Oscar Hakundimana – but failed: In appeal, a court ruled that the land belonged to Hakundimana’s father. During the national land registration process, the land of Hakundimana and other residents was registered, and the farmers were given land certificates, despite the Munyegomba family’s opposition.

At the end of 2015, however, local authorities announced during a community meeting that agricultural land belonging to 30 households – an earlier claim concerned 140 households – should be handed over to the Munyegomba family. Three people who voiced their opposition to this announcement, including Oscar Hakundimana, were arrested and released the next day.  

Several other community meetings followed in 2016, at which local authorities continued to press residents to give up their land claims. In August 2016, the police called in 30 people for questioning and briefly detained Hakundimana, who had again publicly refused in a meeting to abandon his land. A local official threatened other residents with arrest.

On November 24, the mayor of Rubavu, Jeremie Sinamenye, came to the village and announced at a community meeting that the 30 households had to leave their land before January 20, 2017. He said they had acquired the land fraudulently, that residents had agreed earlier to leave their land, and that they would have to pay rent if they refused to leave.

During the community meeting, Hakundimana criticized the mayor’s decision. A participant in the meeting later told Human Rights Watch:

Oscar said that the government should respect the law, but that there seemed to be other things going on. He said, “We have legal documents. But now you come to take them. Is it not the same government [who gave us the land titles]?” The mayor responded: “Don’t you know who I am? You have become a rebel against us. I don’t know how I can respond to you.”

The day after the meeting, residents wrote a letter to the provincial and national authorities, asking the governor of the Western province to suspend the mayor’s decision, given that the mayor had ignored their legal land titles.

In an apparent response, soldiers arrested Hakundimana on December 7, 2016. During his arrest, Hakundimana and several others were beaten. One of them later told Human Rights Watch:

The military arrested Oscar and brought him to a military camp. […] When they arrived in our village, those of us who live nearby asked the soldiers: “We’ve heard that you kill people. Did you arrest Oscar just to kill him? We know he is innocent. Why did you arrest him?” The soldiers told us that we are all rebels against the government, and that they cannot tolerate our mistakes. Then they beat us severely with wooden sticks.

Hakundimana has been in pretrial detention ever since. Human Rights Watch research indicates that he was beaten and threatened in prison, in an apparent effort to force him to leave his land.

The prosecutor’s office accused him of asking during the meeting with the mayor which branch of government the mayor represented, and of saying that the Rwandan government detests its population, so the population should also detest the government. During a hearing on March 28, the prosecution also accused him of speaking to the media. Hakundimana denies the accusations and told the judges during a pretrial hearing that he was arrested because of the land dispute and his insistence that his father won a court case about this land, so he could not now surrender his claims to the land.

After Hakundimana’s arrest, several residents fled their homes for several days, fearing arrest. “Police and military are looking for us,” one resident told Human Rights Watch while in hiding. “We feel targeted. We cannot access our fields because the police and military are there. If they find us, they won’t take us to the police; they’ll kill us.”

Residents told Human Rights Watch that they were concerned about the independence of the authorities and afraid of being arrested. One said:

Our opponents come to our farm land and destroy our crops. When we ask questions about this to the authorities, they don’t respond. These other people [who also claim the land] have more power than us. They are supported by the government and can take our crops. We are afraid that, even today, we can be arrested. They accuse us of being members of political parties that are outside of the government.

After some had gone into hiding, the local military commander accused them in a community meeting of joining the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a largely Rwandan Hutu armed group, based in eastern Congo.

The wife of one of the residents who was targeted said:

It is a problem of money. Our opponents are rich people who have a lot of money, and they are backed by the military and the authorities. They persecute us to get our land. […] They registered my husband on a list of a political party, the PS-Imberakuri [an unregistered opposition party]. But he doesn’t know how this happened. They do this to find evidence to persecute people, to say that they are against the government.

Several residents spoke to the media about their situation and they now fear that the fact they spoke to the media was part of the reason for the repression against them. One was quoted in Kigali Today, a news outlet sympathetic to the government, saying: “We can leave if they compensate us with other land. But how can we give them these lands, as it is those lands that allow us to live?”

Another resident spoke to Voice of America about Hakundimana’s arrest:

These charges that they accused him of are lies. How can he provoke insurrection of
the population against the state when he participates in a meeting by the authorities? They just want to accuse him of false accusations to frighten the other residents.

Hakundimana has been charged with “rebellion” and “inciting insurrection or trouble among the population.” His trial began on March 28, 2017. The judgment is expected on April 26.

In response to a letter from residents, the governor of the Western province visited the area on December 21. Regarding Hakundimana’s arrest, he said, “such a thing does not happen in this country” and that residents cannot be imprisoned for expressing an opinion. He instructed the mayor of Rubavu to find a solution to the dispute. Yet, nearly three months later, the situation has not changed and Hakundimana is still in detention, while his trial is ongoing.

The Rubavu mayor visited the locality after the governor’s visit, but he has not announced how the dispute will be addressed. He did not comment on Human Rights Watch’s findings. 

‘Model Village’ in Kivumu
An area of Buyonyo cell in Rutsiro district’s Kivumu sector is designated for the construction of a new “model village.” According to the district’s performance contract, a contract signed each year between the Rwandan president and the district mayor to set the district’s objectives, the model village will be used to relocate households from zones that are deemed to be high risk for floods or landslides and from scattered settlements. Fifty-seven households were told in August 2016 that they were going to have to leave their land, which would be used to construct the new village.

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Government repression in land cases.

© 2016 John Emerson for Human Rights Watch

Many residents said the compensation they were offered was insufficient. Several told Human Rights Watch that only people with larger plots received compensation, or that the compensation for their houses, land, and crops did not equal the actual value. Some were told that they would be partly compensated with a place in the model village.

Others said that the legal procedures under Rwanda’s 2015 law on expropriations were not followed. The law establishes the procedure for approving expropriations in the public interest and for determining compensation for land, activities carried out on that land, and for the disruption caused by the expropriation. Those affected must be duly informed about a decision to expropriate and must be present during the valuation procedure. The owner of the land can approve or challenge the decision reached by the assessor. The law states that “fair compensation must be paid to the expropriated person before he or she relocates.”

Some residents said that the expropriation of their property without equivalent replacement land creates serious risks for their food security and livelihood. One farmer said: “We really admire the development of our country. But the development of this country should also consider our food security. We cannot live in houses without land to provide for our food.”

Several residents said that living with four families in one house, in a centralized settlement, as will be the case for the model village, is contrary to their traditional and preferred way of living. One farmer said:

These houses in a model village are like a camp. I prefer to be alone in my house, instead of living with others. I won’t be free as before. The community prefers having one house per family, but the government refused. We can’t be against the government, so we accepted, but it’s not by our own will.

Residents told Human Rights Watch that the expropriation procedure took place in a context of insufficient information and intimidation. Several complained that they could not voice their criticism. One farmer said:

Nobody can ask questions about the compensation or the problems about the model village. Members of parliament visited our village. Nobody tried to ask questions because everybody knows that they will be chased away from the village if they ask questions. The whole population is severely intimidated.

Another resident complained about the official in charge of registering properties:

When we ask him something, he responds very angrily. He intimidates us and doesn’t understand. He does the registration by himself and gives the impression that it doesn’t concern us. […] When I asked him about something that was said during a community meeting, he responded: “I didn’t tell you to ask me questions. You shouldn’t listen to other people. I will tell you what will happen.”

When Léonille Gasengayire, a young student activist native of the area, was suspected of speaking out against the expropriation of the land and of demanding fair compensation during a private meeting in August 2016, authorities arrested her and later put her on trial for “inciting insurrection or trouble among the population,” charges she denied.

Several residents told Human Rights Watch that they were forced to testify against Gasengayire. The also said that local government officials tried to prevent defense witnesses from attending her trial.

One resident said that a local government official told them in January 2017: “Nobody has the right to go to court to be a witness for Léonille [Gasengayire]. If there are people who go, they can be killed or have other problems.” Another resident said the same government official had said that residents would not be allowed to return to their village if they had testified on her behalf.

Defense witnesses at first failed to show up during the trial, observed by Human Rights Watch, but later did testify.

Gasengayire’s name was regularly cited in community meetings in an effort to warn other residents not to speak out. One resident who attended such meetings said:

When the authorities come to the village, they say: “You saw the example of Léonille [Gasengayire]. If you refuse to do as we want, you will become like her. We are giving Léonille 18 years in prison.” Léonille has become a song that the local administration sings in front of the community.

During the pretrial hearings, Gasengayire was also accused of promoting the opposition FDU-Inkingi political party. Gasengayire is a member of the party and was briefly arrested in March 2016. Like all but one opposition party in Rwanda, the FDU-Inkingi has been unable to register as a party. While Rwandan law criminalizes the “illegal formation or leadership of a political organization,” Gasengayire was not charged with this offense and her political activities do not appear to have violated Rwandan law.

On March 23, 2017, the judge of the High Court chamber of Rusizi rejected the testimony of the prosecution witnesses and local officials, acquitted Léonille, and ordered her release after seven months in pretrial detention. Human Rights Watch observed the proceedings.

The Rutsiro district mayor told Human Rights Watch that she was not aware of any criticism about the expropriations. “We organized several meetings there and nobody complained,” she said. “Maybe these people are not happy with the value [of the compensation], but they accepted it. There were no threats.” She declined to comment on the arrest and prosecution of Gasengayire.

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President Faustin Archange Touadera of the Central African Republic addresses the 71st United Nations General Assembly in New York, U.S., September 23, 2016.

© 2016 Reuters

One year ago, a rare feeling of hope took hold in the Central African Republic as the new president, Faustin-Archange Touadéra, was sworn in. His administration replaced a transition government that struggled to establish security and stop violence over the previous two years, and his election was a peaceful and legitimate transfer of power, something uncommon in the region.

But a year on the president is trying to quell fighting in the eastern Ouaka province and by some measures the situation is worse than in March 2016. Violence has spread to the northwest, where a new rebel group, called Return, Reclamation, Rehabilitation, or 3R, has killed civilians, raped, and caused large scale displacement. In the central and eastern parts of the country, human rights abuses against civilians are on the rise as fighting between various Seleka groups has increased. In October, Seleka fighters killed at least 37 civilians, wounded 57, and forced thousands to flee when they razed a camp for displaced people in Kaga-Bandoro. Thousands of students throughout Seleka controlled regions cannot study due to the presence of armed groups near their schools.

Touadéra has said repeatedly over the last year that security and justice for serious human rights abuses are priorities for his government. On both scores however, progress has been too slow.

The president took on one of the hardest jobs in the world. The Central African Republic has been in crisis since late 2012, when the mostly Muslim Seleka rebels ousted the government in a coup and committed widespread abuses. In mid-2013 anti-balaka militia formed to oppose the Seleka carried out large scale reprisal attacks against Muslim civilians in Bangui and western parts of the country. The violence killed thousands of people and displaced almost a million, and Seleks factions still control half the country.

As fighting increases, especially in the Ouaka province, the link between violence and justice cannot be overstated. Almost none of those responsible for the widespread human rights abuses have been held accountable. The cycles of impunity have fueled ongoing abuses and emboldened those who seek to take power by force.

The new government took over an overburdened and barely functioning judicial system, already weak before the 2013 outbreak of violence, which needs significant and sustained investment to rebuild. Trials for recent crimes were held under Touadéra’s watch, as well as in 2015, but they exposed serious flaws and weaknesses of the system, including in protecting victims and witnesses.

Since September 2014, the office of the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been investigating the situation in the Central African Republic, focusing on alleged crimes in the country since August 2012, the second investigation by the ICC into crimes committed in the country. The government’s cooperation with the ICC is critical, but the ICC’s investigation, which is ongoing, will most likely only target a handful of suspects.

Another system was needed to address serious crimes and in June 2015, the Central African Republic’s then transitional president promulgated a law to establish a Special Criminal Court, consisting of national and international staff, to investigate and prosecute the gravest crimes committed in the country since 2003, including war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Special Criminal Court has the potential to help address more than a decade of serious crimes and help strengthen the justice system overall. More important, after years of impunity, the court offers a real chance to hold abusive commanders to account inside the country and send a warning to would-be abusive leaders that they are being watched.

At a donor conference on the Central African Republic in November, I listened as president Touadéra said, “reconciliation cannot be achieved at the cost of impunity.” The government has indicated its support for the court, but ultimately will need to do more to put this idea into practice. More than 18 months after the law was passed to create the court, investigations have yet to begin, let alone trials.

On February 15, the president appointed Toussaint Muntazini Mukimapa of the Democratic Republic of Congo as special prosecutor of the new court, an important step. However, there are still questions as to the national ownership of the court and the extent to which this tribunal is a priority.

As Touadéra’s reflects on his first year he will undoubtedly be concerned with the plight of civilians in the central and eastern parts of the country as they bear the brunt of continued fighting. But getting the Special Criminal Court up and running is the country’s best chance to break the impunity that drives this violence. The president should show international supporters, including the United Nations, that accountability is a priority in his second year. With a fully operational court by this time next year, abusive leaders may think twice about targeting civilians.  

Lewis Mudge is an Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch.