Africa

Digitalization is transforming how we learn, work and participate in civic life. UNDP is supporting countries seeking to ensure that digital systems empower people and uphold their rights. Credit: UNDP Trinidad and Tobago

By Daria Asmolova, Arindrajit Basu and Roqaya Dhaif
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 15 2025 (IPS)

Within a generation, digital systems have changed much of how we learn, work and participate in civic life, especially in more connected regions. This shift is unfolding at different speeds in developing countries, but the direction of travel is unmistakable.

The question countries face today isn’t whether digital development should happen, but how to ensure that digital systems empower individuals and communities, upholding everyone’s rights.

As countries deepen their digital transitions, ensuring that rights protections keep pace becomes a shared challenge. UNDP’s Digital Rights Dashboard (DRD) is designed to help clarify that landscape and serves as an essential first step toward deeper inquiry and action on protecting human rights in a digital world.

Why the Digital Rights Dashboard?

UNDP’s Digital Development Compass and Digital Readiness Assessment already help countries understand where they stand in their digital journey. Yet one critical dimension needed sharper focus: how countries are set up to protect human rights in the digital space.

The DRD fills that gap by examining four essential rights online: freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of assembly and association, equality and non-discrimination, and privacy. It also explores cross-cutting factors like connectivity and rule of law, the foundations that make all online rights possible.

The DRD provides a structured framework for assessing the policies, regulations, and enabling environments that shape digital rights across over 140 countries. It does not rank or evaluate countries. Instead, it serves as a catalyst for dialogue among governments, civil society, international organizations, and development partners to identify gaps and work together on solutions.

The DRD follows the methodology of the Digital Development Compass, one requirement of which is data coverage of at least 135 countries, the most challenging constraint. Comprehensive data on digital rights remains limited, making it difficult to fully capture how well environments are structured to protect rights in practice.

To address this fragmentation of data, we developed the Digital Rights Foundations database as an additional data source for the DRD. Another challenge is that legal and policy frameworks do not always reflect realities on the ground.

For example, the existence of a data protection law or hate speech regulation does not guarantee enforcement; laws may be unevenly applied, and important processes such as public consultations and participatory policy design often fall outside what indicators can capture.
For these reasons, we recommend using the DRD as an entry point, a tool that highlights where deeper national analysis and dialogue are needed, rather than a definitive assessment of digital rights protections.

What we learned from five pilot countries

To test its practical application and assess how well it could guide rights-based digital development conversations in diverse contexts, UNDP piloted the DRD in Colombia, Lebanon, Mauritania, North Macedonia, and Samoa. The findings illustrate the importance of country-driven digital rights dialogues.

Colombia—strong frameworks, evolving needs

The DRD reflects that Colombia has ratified key international conventions and established legislation to protect digital rights, including a data protection law. Yet consultations revealed areas where legislation—such as intelligence-related surveillance—could be further aligned with international human rights standards.

A strong multi-stakeholder approach to rights-based digital development emerged as a promising pathway. For example, civil society efforts to counter hate speech and UNDP’s support to digitalize justice services demonstrate how digital tools can strengthen equality and safety, particularly in conflict-affected regions.

Samoa—building rights into digitalization from the start

While still in the early stages of its rights-based digital development journey, Samoa is proactively engaging stakeholders to shape inclusive data governance and cybersecurity policies. Samoa is also integrating technology into its programmes to protect human rights, including the right to equality and non-discrimination.

Partnerships with organizations like the Samoa Victim’s Support Group, supported by UNDP, show how digital platforms (helplines, secure communication channels) can advance the right to equality and non-discrimination by protecting the rights of vulnerable groups, particularly women and survivors of domestic violence.

Lebanon—protecting digital rights amid crisis

Lebanon’s experience highlights the difficulties of upholding digital rights during conflict, where disruptions to connectivity and freedom of expression are impacted. Yet, safeguarding the foundations of digital rights can also bolster resilience to crisis, as it enables individuals and communities to maximize the opportunities of the digital space.

UNDP collaborated with the National Anti-Corruption Committee to implement its recent legislation on access to information by incorporating digital tools. This illustrates how transparency and the right to information, core elements of freedom of expression, can strengthen accountability even in fragile settings.

Moving forward: a starting point for collective action

Across all five pilot countries, one lesson was clear: rights-based digital development strengthens institutions, empowers communities, and builds trust in digital systems. The DRD has limitations, and more robust data will be needed as the field evolves, but it creates a shared understanding of where protections are strong and where gaps persist.

The pilots also show that countries and stakeholders do not need perfect metrics before taking action. By combining the DRD’s insights with national expertise, human rights reporting, and civil society perspectives, governments can begin shaping digital development that respects and protects human rights both online and offline.

Daria Asmolova is Digital Specialist, UNDP; Arindrajit Basu is Digital Rights Researcher, UNDP; &
Roqaya Dhaif is Human Rights Policy Specialist, UNDP

Source: UNDP

IPS UN Bureau

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

A two-decade old legal judgement should mean they are benefitting but they say they remain poor.

A two-decade old legal judgement should mean they are benefitting but they say they remain poor.

As some Somali migrants fear what might happen next, the BBC speaks to one deportee in Mogadishu.

As some Somali migrants fear what might happen next, the BBC speaks to one deportee in Mogadishu.

The recent Washington Accord was hailed as "historic" by the US president but the fighting continues.

Nigeria's biggest city is known for its vibrant arts scene, nightlife and creativity, but street art is relatively unknown.

A Coronelt túlélő angol hajók a csata után azonnal visszaindultak Falkland felé, mivel teljesen nyilvánvaló volt, ha a chilei vizeken maradnak, ők sem kerülhetik el a Good Hope és a Monmouth sorsát. Miután sikerült leráznia üldözőit, a Glasgow nyugat felé egy nagy kanyart megtéve déli irányba fordult, és három napon át húsz csomó feletti sebességgel haladva egyenesen a Magellán-szoroshoz hajózott. A cirkáló itt várta be a Canopust, mely a tőle telhető legnagyobb, kilenccsomós sebességgel kínlódta el magát a szorosig. A Canopus közben kétszer is csak néhány mérfölddel kerülte el a sérült angol hajók után kutató német cirkálókat, akik a rossz időben szerencsére nem vették észre a kivénhedt csatahajót. A Canopus és a Glasgow november hatodikán találkozott a Magellán-szoros bejáratánál, és innen együtt mentek Falklandra. A Canopus hajtóművei útközben kétszer is felmondták a szolgálatot.

Az Otranto, hogy biztosan elkerülje a dél felé haladó német hajókat, a csata után kétszáz mérföldet hajózott nyugat felé, ki a Csendes-óceánra. A segédcirkáló csak ezután fordult délnek, és a Magellán-szorost elkerülve a biztonságosabbnak gondolt Horn-fok körüli utat választva jutott vissza a Falkland-szigetekre.

[...] Bővebben!

Written by Clare Ferguson with Sara Raja.

Members gather on 15 December for the final plenary session of 2025. The agenda reflects ongoing geopolitical tensions, and addresses issues of defence, human rights, trade, energy and the environment. Parliament will also debate the preparation of the European Council meeting of 18‑19 December 2025.

The Sakharov Prize is the EU’s highest tribute to human rights work, recognising those that have made an outstanding contribution to protecting freedom of thought. On Tuesday, President Roberta Metsola is to award the prize to Andrzej Poczobut of Belarus and Mzia Amaglobeli of Georgia, journalists fighting for democracy in their home countries. Both journalists were jailed for defending freedom of expression and democracy.

Amid rising geopolitical pressures, the EU aims to redirect budget resources to defending the EU through the ReArm Europe plan/Readiness 2030 initiative. On Monday, Members are due to consider formal adoption of a provisional agreement amending five regulations on defence funding programmes. The amendments would expand the scope of the Digital Europe Programme (DEP), European Defence Fund (EDF), Connecting Europe Facility (CEF), Strategic Technologies for Europe Platform (STEP) and Horizon Europe. The amendments increase funding for dual-use defence technologies and infrastructure across these programmes, and aim at supporting defence research and development and strengthening European value chains. The agreement extends the EDF to Ukraine, allowing Ukrainian entities to participate in EU collaborative defence research and development.

Military mobility – the ability to quickly and efficiently move troops, weapons and equipment across the EU – is essential for European security and defence and for EU support to Ukraine. On Tuesday, Parliament is scheduled to consider a joint report from the Committee on Security and Defence (SEDE) and Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN) calling for a significantly increased budget for military mobility. The report recognises the urgent need to improve military mobility in the EU, including for fast deployment of troops and military equipment to the EU’s eastern flank.

The rule of law conditionality regulation allows the EU to suspend or reduce funds to Member States that violate the rule of law in a way that directly threatens the Union’s financial interests. Members are concerned that the mechanism has only been triggered once to date, against Hungary in December 2022. On Wednesday, Parliament is due to debate a report assessing the regulation’s implementation. The joint report from the Committees on Budget (BUDG) and Budgetary Control (CONT) calls for improvements to increase transparency through a public portal tracking breaches, a simpler complaint procedure, and a stronger role for parliamentary scrutiny.

Innovation is a top EU priority, and Members are expected to consider a provisional agreement on a compulsory patent licensing scheme on Tuesday. The scheme aims at facilitating rapid use of patents during crises while preserving innovation incentives through patent protection. Parliament’s negotiators have succeeded in excluding crises relating to semiconductors, gas supply security and defence-related products from the scope, as well as maintaining confidentiality of protected knowledge and lowering maximum fines and penalties.

On Monday, Parliament is scheduled to consider a provisional agreement on amendments to the common agricultural policy (CAP). The agreement aims to simplify CAP requirements for farmers, including good agricultural and environmental conditions of land (GAECs), by exempting farms partially certified as organic from certain GAECs and providing farmers with additional support for compliance with some GAECs. It would increase the maximum payment amount for small farmers and include new support for small farm business development. Under the agreement, Member States are advised to avoid conducting more than one on-the-spot check per year on the same farm.

Parliament is due to debate a motion for a resolution from the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) on Tuesday, regarding how the EU intends to follow up on the European Citizens’ Initiative ‘My voice, my choice: for safe and accessible abortion’. The initiative proposes creating an EU-funded, voluntary opt-in system to support EU countries that offer safe and legal abortion services to people from EU countries where access is limited. The FEMM motion for a resolution urges Member States to align their laws with international human rights standards, and highlights the EU’s responsibility to promote sexual and reproductive health and rights more broadly.

Quick links to all our publications for this plenary session:

• Laureates of the 2025 Sakharov Prize: Andrzej Poczobut and Mzia Amaglobeli, journalists fighting for democracy in Belarus and Georgia
• Enhancing EU defence investments
• Implementation of the rule of law conditionality regime
• CAP simplification agreement
• Military mobility
• European Citizens’ Initiative – ‘My voice, my choice: For safe and accessible abortion’
• EU compulsory licensing of patents for crisis management

BBC Sport Africa picks out six players to keep an eye on at the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco from 21 December to 18 January.

A family poses in front of their home rebuilt as part of the Sindh People’s Housing for Flood Affectees (SPHF). At COP30 the project was showcased for its significant successes in empowering women in the rehousing the families of the devastating 2022 floods. Credit: SPHF

By Cecilia Russell
BELÉM, Brazil, Dec 12 2025 (IPS)

By any comparison, the statistics for Sindh People’s Housing for Flood Affectees (SPHF) are phenomenal.

In 2022, photographs from the region showed people treading carefully through waist-deep water with their few belongings grasped firmly above their heads in an attempt to escape the flooding caused by 784 percent more than average monsoon rains.

Tents housed tens of thousands of families as they contemplated an uncertain future, with estimates of 15 million people displaced and more than 1,700 dead.

That’s where the story ends for many international survivors of floods and other climate-related disasters. They need to pick up the pieces themselves. The financing for adaptation and loss and damage is still “running on empty.”

And if there was to be clarity at COP30 in Belém, Brazil, the so-called ‘adaptation COP,’ countries that arrived with clear objectives of leaving the negotiations with a roadmap for adaptation that included grant-based adaptation finance and increased support left disappointed.

The final Mutirão Decision calls for efforts to triple adaptation finance by 2035 (compared to 2025 levels). While this reaffirms the previous Glasgow goal of doubling it by 2025, the new goal was a compromise because the deadline was pushed from 2030 to 2035.

Amy Giliam Thorp, writing for Africa-based think tank Power Shift Africa, summed up the opinion of many analysts who say, although the final decision refers to “efforts to at least triple adaptation finance,” the language is “politically evasive and obscures who is responsible.”

Flashback: A flooded village in Matiari, in the Sindh province of Pakistan. Credit: UNICEF/Asad Zaidi

Yet, COP30 provided an opportunity to showcase the best that adaptation finance, albeit as loans and not grant-based, can achieve.

Let’s get back to those statistics.

Speaking at a swelteringly hot and humid Pakistan hall at COP30 Khalid Mehmood Shaikh, CEO of SPHF, reeled off the achievements of the housing project—it is in the process of constructing 2.1 million multi-hazard-resistant houses, directly benefitting over 15 million people—more than the population of 154 countries.

Currently, the construction of 1.45 million houses is underway, with 650,000 already completed and an additional 50,000 each month.

Photos displayed at the COP side event, Women Leading Climate Action in Sindh through SPHF: The World’s Largest Post-Disaster Housing Reconstruction Program, showed women and their families involved in various stages of building their new homes.

The pictures showcased construction methods that the Asian Development Bank (ADB) calls “multi-hazard resilient” architecture—high plinths to prevent floodwaters from entering homes, as well as windows and ventilation systems that improve air flow and reduce temperatures during heatwaves; the region sometimes experiences temperatures exceeding 45 °C. Additionally, there is a transition from kutcha, which uses natural local materials like mud, straw, and bamboo, to pucca, constructed with modern materials such as brick, cement, steel, and concrete.

Completed homes, colorfully decorated, stand as testimony to a project that creates both shelter and dignity.

Speakers at a COP30 side event, Women Leading Climate Action in Sindh through SPHF: The World’s Largest Post-Disaster Housing Reconstruction Program. Credit: SPHF

The programme, fully managed by the private sector, began with a USD 500 million loan from the World Bank and PKR 50 billion (more than USD 178 million) from the Government of Sindh.

While this wasn’t enough to build the required 2.1 million houses, with a “robust system” of delivery with partners EY, KPMG, and PwC, and utilizing technology for monitoring, the SPHF was able to mobilize a further USD 2 billion from the Asian Development Bank (ADB), Islamic Development Bank (IsDB), and additional support from the World Bank.

Apart from the loans, the project has benefitted women and those considered to be ‘unbanked,’ with 1.5 million bank accounts opened.

One of the achievements they list is the “largest residential asset transfer in the history of Pakistan,” benefitting women.

“About 800,000 women are direct beneficiaries, while the land title for each house is being awarded in women’s names—the largest residential asset transfer in the history of Pakistan,” Shaikh said. “This ensures that those most vulnerable to climate change, including women-headed households, widows, and elderly women, gain long-term security and financial inclusion, embedding justice and resilience into the recovery process.”

The manager of the Climate Change & Environment Division at the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB), Daouda Ben Oumar Ndiaye, said the project reflected the bank’s focus on gender integration, especially for women, widows, and the elderly.

“The scale and transparency of SPHF set a new benchmark for climate adaptation projects worldwide. We are creating synergies in Pakistan, particularly in Sindh, with integrated health and women empowerment projects,” he said.

The director of Climate Change at the Asian Development Bank (ADB), Noelle O’Brien, was impressed by SPHF’s transformative approach—especially as it linked financial inclusion and resilient infrastructure.

“SPHF demonstrates what true resilience in action looks like—placing women at the center of adaptation, finance, and governance. This is the kind of scalable, gender-responsive model the world needs.”
IPS UN Bureau Report

This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

Excerpt:

Sindh People’s Housing for Flood Affectees ensures that those most vulnerable to climate change, including women-headed households, widows, and elderly women, gain long-term security and financial inclusion, embedding justice and resilience into the recovery process. — Khalid Mehmood Shaikh, CEO of SPHF

Health workers attend to pregnant and breastfeeding mothers at an outreach visit supported by UNFPA in Loima sub-county. Credit: UNFPA/Luis Tato

By James Nyikal, Margaret Lubaale and Anne-Beatrice Kihara
NAIROBI, Kenya, Dec 12 2025 (IPS)

For women in labour across Kenya, reaching a health facility, finding skilled health workers, and affording care can be a matter of life and death. These challenges are not rare, but daily realities for many families.

Every year on 12 December, the world observes Universal Health Coverage Day, a chance to renew the promise of health for all. But for this promise to be meaningful, it must reach every woman and child, everywhere in Kenya.

Slow Progress in Maternal, Newborn, and Child Health

While Kenya has made gradual gains in maternal, newborn and child health with improved vaccination and increased antenatal care, progress in maternal survival has been painfully slow.

Between 2014 and 2019, the maternal mortality rate dropped by less than two percent, even as investment increased. United Nations data shows that Kenya’s maternal mortality ratio remains one of the highest in East Africa, exceeding those of Ethiopia, Uganda, and Tanzania.

Newborn and child deaths have also declined slightly and are severely constrained by inequities. For example, children born to mothers with only primary education face far higher mortality than those whose mothers have secondary education and beyond.

Persistent inequalities continue to deny children a healthy start in life.

The Urgency of the Maternal, Newborn and Child Health Bill

Kenya’s MNCH services have suffered from fragmented policies, inconsistent county financing, and short-term funding. Devolution has blurred responsibilities between national and county governments, leading to gaps in planning, poor reporting, and weak accountability.

The Maternal, Newborn and Child Health (MNCH) Bill, 2023, proposed by Sen. Beatrice Akinyi Ogolla, presents a vital opportunity to change this trajectory.

The MNCH Bill seeks to establish a clear legal framework guaranteeing the right to maternal, newborn, and child health services. It obliges both national and county governments to respect, protect, and fulfil these rights through enforceable mechanisms.

At its core, the Bill affirms that every woman and child in Kenya, regardless of location or economic status, deserves timely, affordable, respectful, and high-quality care.

It embeds service delivery in the principles of universal access, equity, dignity, availability of essential services, and continuous quality improvement.

How the MNCH Bill Delivers on the Promise of UHC.

1. Guarantees the right to the highest attainable health for all mothers and children.
2. Ensures access to the full continuum of care, including before pregnancy and through childhood
3. Protects marginalised and hard-to-reach communities, such as people living with disabilities or those unable to pay for health services
4. Guarantees respectful, dignified and non-discriminatory care, irrespective of identity, such as age, marital status or social background
5. Strengthens health financing at the county level through mandated country budget allocation for MNCH
6. Improves service availability through infrastructure and supplies such as ambulances, essential medicine and skilled health workers.
7. Institutionalizes accountability and reporting, with both the Cabinet Secretary and County Executives mandated to submit annual reports to Parliament and County Assemblies on services, financing, and gaps
8. Strengthens monitoring, data, and quality assurance through mandated continuous monitoring, maternal and child death surveillance, with enforcement of quality standards.

The MNCH Bill is more than a piece of legislation; it is a lifeline and a turning point for millions of Kenyan families.

By making essential services enforceable rights, strengthening accountability, and securing sustainable domestic financing, the Bill lays the foundation for people-centred Universal Health Coverage.

Political Will and National Commitment

Political leadership is aligning behind reforms for women and children. President Ruto’s involvement with the Global Leaders Network for Women’s, Children’s and Adolescents’ Health and his directive for real-time reporting of maternal and child deaths signal a strong executive commitment.

Cabinet Secretary Hon. Aden Duale’s focus on realizing the Social Health Authority and robust county leadership further demonstrates that Kenya is mobilizing on all fronts.

With government officials, communities, civil society, and health workers rallying together, Kenya stands ready to turn these commitments into action.

Call to Action

As the MNCH Bill reaches its final committee stages, now is a critical moment for public involvement. Citizens are encouraged to contact their Members of Parliament to express support for the Bill.

Advocates, experts, donors, and community members must unite and implement strategies to accelerate the reduction of maternal, newborn, and child mortality.

The passage of the MNCH Bill will show that “health for all” is no longer just a slogan, but a binding national pledge.

Hon. Dr James Nyikal is the Chairperson of National Assembly Health Committee; Dr. Margaret Lubaale is the Executive Director of Health NGO Network (HENNET); and Prof Anne-Beatrice Kihara is the immediate former President of International Federation of Gynaecology and Obstetrics.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

Under Taliban restrictions, women’s movement and work have become increasingly constrained across Afghanistan. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, Dec 11 2025 (IPS)

Shabnam, a 26-year-old law graduate, manages her life and work by disguising herself as a boy.  In the middle of a crowded market with the clatter of street sellers and the smell of nearby restaurants, a small, nondescript shop blends into the chaos. Inside, rusty shelves line the walls, empty soda cans hanging on the wall add a touch of color, and an old table covered with a worn-out cloth sits in the corner. To most passersby, the shopkeeper looks like a young man.

Few realize that behind this disguise, a young woman is breathing between fear and hope.

“I never had a childhood,” says the 26-year-old Shabnam. “While other children played in the streets, I was opening the shop.”

“From the age of ten,” Shabnam continues, “I worked part-time alongside my father and continued working part-time as I pursued my studies with his guidance.”

Her father, though, is now elderly and partially paralyzed, and she is the family’s only source of income. Her greatest wish, she says, is for her younger brother to grow and succeed.

 

A shopkeeper who presents as a boy tends to customers, one of the few ways she can safely earn a living under current restrictions. Credit: Learning Together.

A secret held by only a few

Residents from the surrounding neighborhoods know her only as a polite young boy.

Every day, municipal officers collect taxes from shopkeepers, demanding payment whether they have made sales or not. This time, they even handed her a formal warning after the visit.

“Hey boy, pay your taxes!” the tax collector shouted. “Grow your business. Get a small cart and sell in the street”.

Whose shop is this, by the way?” he demands. Scared stiff, the frightened young “man” timidly replies, “It’s my father’s. He’s paralyzed and stays at home.”

“Rent out your shop and pay your taxes from the rent,” thunders the tax collector one more time. “Every shop pays taxes. How much have you sold so far?”

“I’ve earned 75 Afghanis (0.93 Euros),” says Shabnam.

“Come on, that’s not enough. Go get a small cart and work harder; sell vegetables and fruits! Do you understand?”

Two neighboring shopkeepers, close friends of the young woman’s father, are very impressed by the girl’s resilience and determination.

“If this girl didn’t exist, her family would starve,” one says. “But if the Taliban discover that she is a woman disguised as a man, it would put her in danger. Unfortunately, her youngest brother is too small to run a shop.”

This secret is part of the daily life of this poor young woman. Since she dresses in boys’ clothing, fortunately, no one in our neighborhood, who are mostly tenants, recognizes her in the streets. Even her relatives do not come to propose marriage suitors for her, in accordance with Afghan custom, if they knew her real identity. Neighbours gossip around, proclaiming that, “May God never make our family like theirs, a young woman running a shop? No one in our tribe has ever been that shameless.”

 

A constant cloud of fear

Every morning, when she opens the shop door, a heavy fear sits on her chest.

“I have never started a day without dread. When the Taliban pass by the shop, my heart races. I wonder if this will be my last day in the shop,” she says.

Still, she has no choice. If she does not work, her family will not eat. They wait at home every evening for dinner until the shop closes.

“When my mother sees me, her eyes fill with tears. She kisses me and says: ‘You are a brave, strong girl—and a lawyer’! ’Shabnam says.

“My mother wanted to work; she wanted to wash clothes for others, but I didn’t let her. Recently, when I came home, I saw her sewing quilts and mattresses for people. I realized it was my turn to proclaim her a brave and strong woman.”

The little income her mother earns helps cover the costs of her father’s blood pressure medication. The family of five includes two sisters and one brother.

“We often go to bed hungry if we earn less than 100 Afghanis a day. My brother cries himself to sleep, but I try to put on a smiling face even though I cry inside.”

Her words reflect the reality of thousands of Afghan women across Afghanistan.

 

A small dream that feels out of reach

Despite the risks, Shabnam holds onto a modest dream. “One day, I want enough capital to run a women’s business in this shop,” she says with a faint smile.  Instead of burnt chips and fizzy drinks that upset the stomachs of all the shopkeepers, I would sell fresh bolani—a traditional Afghan flatbread, usually stuffed with potatoes, spinach, pumpkin or leeks.

But she has neither the capital nor the security needed to request a loan to purchase the equipment.

The neighbors closely follow Shabnam’s life. They have seen her cry behind the shop shelves; they understand the fatigue that is wearing her down and know that there is no option. “This girl is like my own daughter,” says one of the neighbors. “I always admire her courage. She would not even accept any free offer from me.”

 

Daily life in Kabul, where commerce and routine persist despite mounting pressures on the population. Credit: Learning Together.

A society of silenced women

According to the United Nations, more than 80% of Afghan women have lost their jobs since the Taliban returned to power. Women who once supported their families are now confined to their homes. In this context, a young woman who still dares to keep her shop open is a symbol of quiet defiance. Yet this resistance could end at any moment with a single threat.

Her worst fear is the arrival of the tax collectors. She quietly pays whatever she can afford. There is no way out.

Economic experts warn that removing women from the workforce has pushed countless families into extreme poverty. Shabnam’s story is one small example of a much larger social crisis.

 

The shop is a shelter of hope

For Shabnam, the shop is more than a workplace. It is a refuge where she feels alive. Every soda can she hangs for decoration is a sign of hope. She tries to bring color to the shop even in the midst of poverty and threats.

“A secret of my success is the little disguise that makes everyone think I am a sixteen-year-old boy,” she says. “But these days, I wake up mostly in fear because of taxes. Will I be able to open the shop today? What if the municipal officers come, take everything from me in one moment, and dump it in the street? What if I am unable to buy a small tray or give up my shop for rent? What will they do to me?”

“My story could be the story of thousands of other women, who still fight for bread, for life, and for their dignity,” she reflects

Despite the enormous challenges, Shabnam still harbors the ambition of completing her law studies and becoming the lawyer that she once set out to be.

 

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

By CIVICUS
Dec 11 2025 (IPS)

CIVICUS discusses restrictions on civic space in Thailand and the detention of activist and human rights lawyer Arnon Nampa with Akarachai Chaimaneekarakate, Advocacy Lead at Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR).

Akarachai Chaimaneekarakate

Thai authorities are using the country’s draconian lèse-majesté law, which bans criticism of the monarchy, to criminalise dissent and shut down debates about the role of the king and royal family. Arnon Nampa, featured in CIVICUS’s Stand As My Witness campaign, is currently imprisoned simply for giving public speeches questioning the monarchy’s role in a democratic system. His case is one example of a wider crackdown on freedom of expression. Yet despite this pressure, a new generation of activists continues to push for accountability, democracy and equality, mobilising creativity and solidarity to challenge longstanding power structures.

Why was TLHR founded, and what’s its role?

TLHR was established in 2014, just two days after a military coup overthrew Thailand’s elected government. A group of activists and human rights lawyers came together because they knew people would soon be detained, harassed or prosecuted simply for speaking out or criticising the coup, the government or the monarchy. Sadly, they were right. And although the founders expected the organisation to be temporary, assuming elections would soon restore normality, 11 years later TLHR is still working every day to defend people targeted for exercising their fundamental rights.

Arnon Nampa is one of its founders. He is a well-known activist and human rights lawyer who has spent more than a decade defending victims of rights violations, including environmental defenders and activists charged with lèse-majesté. Under Thai law, each count carries a sentence of three to 15 years, so people can end up serving decades in prison.

In August 2020, amid nationwide pro-democracy protests, Arnon delivered a Harry Potter-themed speech that invoked ‘He Who Must Not Be Named’ to pose previously taboo political questions about the monarchy and constitutional reform. His speech opened a national conversation about the monarchy’s role in Thai democracy, but it also led to his imprisonment on the same lèse-majesté charges he had previously defended others against.

How widespread are lèse-majesté prosecutions?

Unfortunately, they are very common. The lèse-majesté law is used to silence dissent and punish even the mildest criticism. People have been prosecuted simply for sharing a BBC article about the Thai king, questioning constitutional amendments or raising concerns about public spending linked to the monarchy.

Since the 2020 protests, over 280 people have been charged with lèse-majesté, and the sentences have been extremely harsh. One activist was sentenced to 50 years in prison just for sharing online clips about the monarchy on Facebook, including a segment from John Oliver’s ‘Last Week Tonight’ comedy show.

People have been prosecuted for absurd reasons: one child was convicted for wearing a crop top to a protest after being accused of mocking the king. Another protester was sentenced for wearing a traditional Thai dress said to mock the queen. A further activist was convicted for conducting a peaceful public opinion poll on the king’s royal prerogatives.

How do Thai activists manage to stay hopeful despite such intense repression?

Thai activists keep finding creative ways to make their voices heard. Humour and symbolism have become powerful tools for raising sensitive issues without crossing legal red lines. Arnon’s Harry Potter speech was only one example.

What’s truly inspiring is the solidarity that has emerged among diverse groups. Children, labour activists, LGBTQI+ advocates, rural communities and students are standing together, fighting for free expression but also broader social justice causes including environmental protections, labour rights and the struggle against torture and enforced disappearances.

Society is shifting too. Not long ago, openly discussing the monarchy was unthinkable. Now those conversations are happening everywhere. People are finding new ways to resist in everyday spaces, even in cinemas where many no longer stand for the royal anthem. While the government is still trying to shut down dissent, as shown by the dissolution of the largest opposition party for proposing changes to the lèse-majesté law, it has become clear that once conversations about democracy and equality begin, they are very hard to silence.

What role are young people playing in driving and shaping the democracy movement?

Many older people still hold deep reverence for the monarchy because they grew up under its strong influence. But younger generations are asking direct, fundamental questions that strike at the heart of Thailand’s political order: shouldn’t everyone be equal, and shouldn’t rights stem from our shared humanity rather than bloodlines? For many young activists, the struggle doesn’t end on the streets. It continues at home, around the dinner table, when they discuss politics with their parents who may not support their views.

The 2020 protests showed how powerful young people can be. Middle school, high school and university students led the movement. They were fearless, tech-savvy and well organised, and their creativity, courage and solidarity reshaped activism in Thailand.

This push for change isn’t happening in isolation. Young Thais are drawing inspiration from the global wave of Gen Z-led movements in places like Hong Kong, Myanmar and Taiwan, and the online political movement the ‘Milk Tea Alliance’, where young activists are calling for equality, transparency and real democracy. This way, Thai activists are linking their local fight for democracy to a broader global movement for freedom and justice.

How can real change happen in Thailand?

Change is already underway, but there’s still a lot of work to do. The 2023 election made it clear that people want democracy, and even though the establishment blocked the winning party forming a government, the democratic spirit remains strong.

A recent campaign for a new, people-drafted constitution gathered over 200,000 handwritten signatures in just three days. Small business owners, students and vendors took part across the country, showing they want change and a say in shaping their future.

Civil society is also pushing for an amnesty bill to free people prosecuted for political reasons. It would be a key step towards reconciliation and a more inclusive democracy, because a country can’t claim unity while jailing people for thinking differently.

Arnon once said something that has stayed with me: we’ll definitely reach the finish line. But there’s no rule saying everyone in the movement must reach the finish line together. Some may leave the path, some may pass away. If anyone doesn’t make it that far, we can tell the people standing at that finish line that in this struggle there was a friend who once fought side by side with us. Arnon said, ‘In this movement, there is no hopelessness. If you reach the finish line and don’t see me, then just think of me. And if I reach the finish line and don’t see you, I’ll be thinking of you too’.

His words are a reminder that even in difficult times, this is a shared journey, and people will keep walking it together.

This interview was conducted during International Civil Society Week 2025, a five-day gathering in Bangkok that brought together activists, movements and organisations defending civic freedoms and democracy around the world. International Civil Society Week was co-hosted by CIVICUS and the Asia Democracy Network.

GET IN TOUCH
Website
Facebook
Twitter
Akarachai Chaimaneekarakate/LinkedIn

SEE ALSO
Thailand: ‘The right-to-work initiative is a big relief for refugees and a step forward for human rights’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Mic Chawaratt 31.Oct.2025
Thailand: ‘The popular will expressed in elections shouldn’t be overturned by judicial intervention’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Sunai Phasuk 30.Sep.2025
Thailand: new prime minister, same old problems CIVICUS Lens 21.Aug.2024

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

Former UFC heavyweight champion Francis Ngannou suggests he could fight UFC legend Jon Jones or ex-boxing world champion Deontay Wilder in 2026.

Written by Gregor Erbach and Liselotte Jensen.

In the 10 years since the adoption of the Paris Agreement, the Parties to the agreement have achieved a lot of progress in response to climate change. A Loss and Damage Fund was established in 2022. Rules for international carbon trading have been established under Article 6 of the agreement. A new goal for climate finance was agreed in 2024. The COP30 climate conference in November 2025 adopted indicators for climate adaptation and agreed to triple adaptation finance.

The first global stocktake under the Paris Agreement in 2023 called for accelerating climate action, tripling renewable energy capacity, doubling the rate of energy efficiency improvements and transitioning away from fossil fuels. Building on the global stocktake, Parties submitted their third round of climate pledges in 2025, ahead of COP30. Full implementation of the pledges would lead to a global temperature increase of around 2.4°C, a large improvement compared to the 3.5°C increase projected before the Paris Agreement but still falling short of the agreement’s target to keep global warming well below 2°C and ideally 1.5°C. With global carbon emissions still rising, the 1.5°C target will only be achievable after a temporary overshoot. As every fraction of a degree of global warming will result in increasing damages, additional efforts will be needed to keep the overshoot as short and as close to 1.5°C as possible.

The current geopolitical situation hinders swift progress on collective climate action. The United States has decided to leave the Paris Agreement, a third of the Paris Agreement Parties failed to update their climate pledge, and a roadmap for phasing out fossil fuels was blocked at COP30. The EU, traditionally a leader in international climate policy, struggled to build strong coalitions to drive an ambitious outcome at COP30.

Read the complete briefing on ‘The Paris Agreement 10 years on‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Györgyi Mácsai and Nadejda Kresnichka-Nikolchova, Members’ Research Service (EPRS) with Raffaele Ventura, GlobalStat, EUI.

This infographic offers insight into the economic performance of nine countries from the Southern African Development Community (SADC-9) and the European Union (EU), examining the trade dynamics among them. Among the nine countries, DR Congo had the highest GDP growth in 2024 at 6.5%, followed by Angola at 4.4%. Since 2020, trade in services have recorded a steady increase, whereas the imports and exports of goods experienced rapid growth after the COVID-19 pandemic disruptions to revert to pre-2020 levels. The SADC-9 region’s main trading partner is China, accounting for 22.2% of total trade. The EU-27 is the second-largest partner, with a 16.3% share.

Read this ‘infographic’ on ‘Selected countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC): Economic indicators and trade with EU‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

EU imports of goods to SADC-9 countries EU exports of goods to SADC-9 countries Trade in goods (exports plus imports) Trade in goods, 2024, exports plus imports Top EU Member States trading with SADC-9 countries EU trade with SADC-9 countries Remittances received (% of GDP) FDI net inflows (% of GDP) Exchange rate (=€1) Inflation Budget surplus/deficit (% of GDP) Public gross debt (% of GDP) Female labour force participation rate
% of female population aged 15+ Total unemployment rate
Total, % of labour force GDP per capita (purchasing power parity1, international dollars, 1000s) Gross domestic product (GDP) annual growth (%)

Former England striker Michael Owen has tipped Antoine Semenyo as an ideal long-term replacement for Mohamed Salah at Liverpool, should the Egyptian forward decide to leave Anfield. Salah rsquo;s future remains uncertain following his public criticism of both the club and manager Arne Slot after being left on the bench for a third straigh .

The Chief Safety and Security Officer for the 2026 FIFA World Cup, G. B. Jones, has called on supporters to familiarise themselves with stadium safety guidelines ahead of next year rsquo;s tournament.

Liverpool forward Mohamed Salah is a target for clubs in the Saudi Pro League, confirmed its chief executive Omar Mugharbel. The 33-year-old was left out of the squad that travelled to Inter Milan for Tuesday 39;s 1-0 Champions League win after publicly falling out with manager Arne Slot and the club.